A group of prominent elders had done exactly what some of you are advocating in Juun, 1990, some six months before dagaalada Xamar ka bilowdeen. In 1990 a group of traditional leaders, former politicians of Somalia's post-independence, civilian government, civil servants and intellectuals signed a Manifesto calling for the late Somali dictator, Mohamed Siyad Barre, to admit that his regime had put Somalia on the road to self-destruction, and support a Conference of a National Reconciliation and Salvation. The number of Manifesto signatories was 110. Written in a language that showed candour, the Manifesto made it clear that Siyad Barre's days as Somali president were numbered. The Manifesto sought to bring to the attention of Siyad Barre the civil war raging in many parts of Somalia; the bankruptcy of the former Commercial and Savings Bank - people used to line up in front of the Bank's branches early in the morning to withdraw their savings after the Somali government turned blind eye to irresponsible loan giving spree and the deteriorating security situation in capital - armed robbery and assassinations were on the increase. A thirteen member committee, headed by the late president of Somalia's first democratically elected government, Adan Abdulle Osman, was appointed. The committee was tasked to prepare the reconciliation conference that would put in place a caretaker government. The Manifesto signatories suggested the venue of the conference to be neutral country, preferably Djibouti. Djibouti recognised the United Somali Congress-installed interim government in 1991; in 2000 it sponsored a reconciliation conference that brought to the scene Transitional National Government of Somalia and the flawed 4.5 power-sharing formula only to be replaced by Transitional Federal Government of Somalia after Ethiopia and Kenya put their weight behind a new conference held in Kenya in 2004 as the mandate of the TNG was coming to an end. The military government detained some members of Manifesto signatories but released after it realised the public sentiment was on the side of the Manfiesto group. The detained men –no woman was member of the manifesto signatories refused to be intimidated because they knew parts of Mogadishu were already a no-go-area for the government; parts of the Somali regions were under armed opposition groups. Judging by the urgency and the timelines of the Manifesto, the signatories made a patriotic attempt to save Somalia from a civil war and gave the leaders of the Somali revolution a chance to salvage their accomplishments and allow a return to a parliamentary democracy, a chance the military regime did not the give the civilian government the junta ousted in bloodless coup on 21 October1969. Eight months after the publication of Manifesto, Somalia's military dictatorship was defeated by armed, clan based opposition groups. Key members of the signatories joined the United Somali Congress ( USC) government whereas some signatories were brutally murdered in Mogadishu controlled by victorious opposition group, USC. The optimism of the signatories and their faith in their abilities to solve Somalia's political problems evaporated; Hashi Weheliye and Haji Muse Boqor two of the signatories were killed at the height of war between the government forces and the USC militias in 1991, Ibrahim Mohamud Abyan a signatory and former president of now-defunct Somali National University, was murdered along with Abdi Tuhe, a chemist and Muse Yusuf, educationalist in Mogadishu controlled by a government set up the USC. It was the beginning of the betrayal with which many people associate the Somali Manifesto movement. In January 1991 Mogadishu fell into hands of the USC forces after the Somali government forces were defeated in a four week battle, forcing Siyad Barre to flee to his home region, Gedo. The USC had two wings, a Rome based group led by Hussein Ali Shiddo who was arrested in Ethiopia over leadership struggle with General Mohamed Farah Aideed who was in charge of the military wing of the USC. The Manifesto group was oblivious to the impact the wording of the document would have had on the power struggle brewing among armed opposition groups. Implicit message in the Manifesto was that military regime did not honour it promise to return to barracks but clung onto to power longer to a point where Somalia was falling apart. This message did not sit well with the supporters of the military wings of armed opposition groups especially the United Somali Congress whose Rome based wing elected Ali Mahdi Mohamed Mohamed , manifesto signatory, the Interim president of Somalia after USC captured Mogadishu in January 1991. Although the Manifesto signatories gave the armed opposition groups a role in the proposed national reconciliation conference they did not see the groups as the sole representatives of Somalis who wanted to see an end to the military dictatorship. Were the capabilities of armed, clan-based opposition groups ignored in the efforts to avert major clan warfare? Did the multi-clan make-up of the manifesto signatories make the tone of Manifesto too patronising for the armed opposition groups to respond to calls for national reconciliation conference favorably? Somalia's armed opposition groups either felt Siyad Barre was too weak to go into negotiation or they thought he would not be serious about reconciliation given his initial response to the Manifesto or they looked on the clan based nature of the armed opposition as a handicap Siyad Barre would exploit to his advantage. Not all signatories of the Manifesto had the interests of Somalis at heart; some were secretly members of clan based opposition groups; it is this group who made Somalia’s 1990 Manifesto more controversial than the very military dictatorship the signatories wanted to persuade to leave the political scene peacefully. Another important lesson from the Somalia 1990 Manifesto is the impact carelessly planned, internationally driven reconciliation conferences held outside Somalia have on the Somalis trust in shared political institutions that could help Somalia emerge from the abyss of lawlessness. Just as the leaders of Somalia's failed revolution thought the future of Somalia lay in one man, one party rule because of the failure of parliamentary democracy, the armed opposition groups thought the future of Somalia was in the in hands of clan based political organisations. The writers of Somalia's 1990 Manifesto were aware of the fact that the Somali revolution's leaders did not learn from the mistakes of civilian leaders they had deposed in 1969 nor had the opposition leaders learned from the mistakes of the revolutionary leaders they were plotting to depose. The lessons of the Somalia's 1990 Manifesto are as relevant today as they were twenty years ago. Xigasho

Maadeey, shaambadaas inaa Galmart ka heleysid jeclahay. Galoofeska lagu qabeysto koley Islii inaa ka heleysid ma moodi. Aabaheena ugu qabeen jirnay kuwa sidaas camal ah laakiin Yurub laga soo dhiibay. Nakumattka ku yaalo magaalada hoose, gaar ahaan kan weyn u dhow masaajidka magaalada ku yaalo waa ka heleysaa galoofiska iyo shaambadaba. Haddaa galoofiska ka weysid kuwa kale lagu qabeysto ka helee. Laakiin waayeel maa tahay maxaa galoofiska ku falee, shower sponges iyo shower loofahs lagu qabeystaa. Mise qof waayeel u rabtaa miyaa?

...wuxuuna soo labistay macawis & shaal qurux badan, tusbaxna gacantuu ku soo qabsaday, Salaaddii cishaha ayay wada tukadeen, markii Macallinkii dantuu u socday sheegay ayuu Siyaad Barre yiri: 'Wiilkaaga inaan daayo waxba kama qabo, lakin ka warran ninkaygaan salaadda cishaha hadda kula tukaday, hadduu Gaal ii yaqaanno' Odaygii wuxuu yiri: 'ma dhici karto', Sheekh Xasan baa loo yeeray, 'maxaad iga aaminsantahay?', 'Gaal Alle ka furtay' Waagaas ku fiicneyd si fiican in loo siibo, dhibkii ka dambeeye uu keenay maba dhici lahayn. Nin madax adag waaye ninkaan.

Maaddeey;797306 wrote: MMA , sarta soke aa Al shabaab la dhahaa oo dukaamada hoos ku leh, waxaana loogu bixiyey dhallinyaro aa loud music waqti dambe ku shidi jireen kabacdi waa la evict-gareeyey, meeshaan Shabaab aa degan camaley dheheen. Sarta aa ka hadleysid tan ee ahayd miyaa. Maxaa hoosteeda agmaray waligeyna kor kor uma fiirinin runtii. Waxaaba moodaaye sar yar oo laba dabaq camal sida loojka camal inay ku taalo dukaamada ka dambeyso ileen waa mid dheerba oo tan burcadbadeedda midig ka muuqato la siman. Saraha kale soo arag. Sida sarta Tifqaaye, sarta Muuse Suudi (7thka ku taalaa, kasoo horjeedka masaajidka and no Muuse Suudi malaha), sarta Jinniboqor oo 4th ku taalo iyadana. Saraha Mataanaha wey jiraan iyagana oo waxee ku yaalaan jidka yar ka baxaayo kasoo horjeedka Day to Day centre oo Jiifka aadaayo.

Waaba soo sheegi rabay sawirka labaad markaa arkay oo aa tiri meeshee waaye meeshaan. Farta meesha ku dhagan ayaaba ka gartay. Tabeelahaas 1st Ave. ku qorantahay oo isgoyska ku dhex yaalo waa iga dambeeye. Burkaas iyo sambuuskaas soonkii cuni jiray. Balaayo baas maxee caloosha iga qabteen, mana iska deen jirin. In the last few days of soonka ogaaday meel fiican lagu gado, not kuwa jidadka taag taagan in laga gado. Maqaayad lagu gado fiican la ii sheegay.

Maxaa ka quseeyo, ka galay dad aan Eebbaheena aaminsaneen qofka indhashareer gishto or not. Edebdaranaa oo anshaxxumaa.

I can go as far as saying Soomaalida badan ayuu badbaadiye, Rabi ka sakoow. Dadaalkiisa ku yimaadeen gargaarkii bini'aadenimo, inkastoo soo daaheen. Also waa joogay waagaas Xamar oo suu ugu dadaali jiray inuu dagaalada Xamar ka socday u joojiyo. Maxee Cali Mahdi iyo Caydiid wareeriyeen, aad iyo aad ugu dulqaatay qabqabliyaashaas.

Meeshaan aad. Populated by Dutch-speaking folks too.

Goormaa Mahiigahaan la badali doonaa horta. Kuwii ka fiicnaa, behind the scenes ka shaqeynaaye dhaqso lagu badalee. Asaga kibir sanka ka saaran ismoodo boqorka Soomaalida. Ergeyga Qaramada Midoobe ee Soomaaliya mid Maxamed Saxnuun ka fiican wali Soomaali sooma marin. Early '90s ayuu haaye jagadaas.

Maadeey, waala heshay, ereyga ku haboon oo aqoonyahano u sameeyeen keentayba. Adeegto. Waa kaas, dal markuu jiray, afkeena hormarintiisa aqoonyahano iyo waxgarad waa weyn ku shaqo lahaa. Ereyga 'aqoonyahan' erey ahaantiisaba iyagaa abuuray saa jeclahay, sidee u abuureen farsamoyaqaan camal.

Wax uu xado muu waaye. Then again Kenyaatiga wax walba oo la qaadi karo waa xadayaan haddaa kasii jeesatid. waligey dad ka tuugo badan ma arkin, taajirkooda iyo danyarkoodaba waa isku wada mid when it comes wax xadida, be it the high profile corruption cases that is reported daily on the media to these petty ones.

Lacagta inay mid qaaf tahay see ku ogaadaan horta. Mashiin ayee heystaan la yiri kala sheegeyso mida beenta ah iyo tan runta ah. Lacagtaas kurjun kurjunta u xiran kuwa qoriga heysto wax yar ayee ka helayaan, kuwa badankooda la kacaayo Dubeey iyo Nayroobi kuu fadhiyaan.

Ganacsigooda yar yar ayee ku iimaan qabaan. Nolol maalmeedkoodana kasoo saartaan. Corporate structure and its ever expanding, ever confusing sub-lingo average jaamac kuuma fahmi karo, umana fiicno. Derivatives, third quarter, fourth quarter, shareholders, stakeholders, dividends, results-driven, equity, commodities, liquidation, capital, initial public offering, hedge funds, investment bank, revenue, net income, capital income, capital gain, capital asset, stocks... and on and on. Waxaan yaa kuu fahmaayo.

This is why one should never abuse dad bini'aaden ah, siiba qof adiga kuu shaqeeyo. Dadka Nayroobi ku soo arkay qaarkood see ula dhaqmi jireen booyaasyada qaarkood u sheegi jiray inay u naxariistaan. Haddii kalena waxaan camal dhaceyso. According to cajalkaan short ah, kas ayee u sameysay leeyihiin. Waa laga yaabaa inay musqul ka gaari weysay oo jikada ku kaadisay, then daadisay. Who knows. But they are suggesting otherwise.

Shariifka iyo dadka meesha isku wada yimid si fiican u hadleen.

shirkan wax sidaa badan ismaanaan odhan aan ahayn kaftan aanu kaftanay. Haye, kaftankaas muxuu ahaa taloow? Boos hala ii sii diyaariyo, hala ii baneeyo? Teeda kale laba koox hadleyso oo hal dal ka tirsan waaye. It said so in that warmurtiyeed aad mar walba soo xigsaneysid. Sida Barbaarta koox u yihiin, dowladda kumeelgaarkana waa koox, so is kuwa ka taliyo Waqooyi Galbeed. Haddee Barbaarta iyo dowladda kumeelgaarka beri wadahal galaan, it doesn't mean laba dal wada hadleyso. No. Marka waa saas.

Indhashareer iyo eviction maxaa isku keenay? Fix your link.

War Reer Ayslaan yeenan deg degin. Tan ha aqristaan. Alberta-Ontario cold war to linger amid strong Canadian dollar The strength of the Canadian dollar threatens to prolong inter-provincial tensions as its effects are felt differently across the country. Strong commodities prices have helped buoy the loonie combination that boosts Alberta's fortunes but hurts Ontario as it hammers manufacturing. Indeed, BMO Nesbitt Burns noted today, some 500,000 factory jobs have been lost in Canada over the 10 years since the currency began climbing back from its 62-cent lows. In a separate study today, senior currency strategists David Watt and Stewart Hall of RBC Dominion Securities pointed out that "wrenching adjustments are imposed on a relative few" by the high currency. And they noted the spat between Alberta's Premier Alison Redford and her Ontario counterpart Dalton McGuinty. "With future oil sands production, global oil demand and oil exports seen keeping [the Canadian dollar] persistently strong, regional tensions are likely to linger, particularly if the benefits remain highly concentrated." They cited "a (cold) war of words" between Alberta, home to Canada's oil industry, and Ontario, a manufacturing hub. Ms. Redford had wanted Ontario to help in the fight for pipelines, while Mr. McGuinty responded by saying he'd take a weaker currency over a "rapidly growing" energy sector in Alberta. "Reasonable projections for oil sands production, global oil demand and oil exports, with almost all of the increased oil production destined for foreign shores ... suggest persistent tailwinds to [the Candian dollar] over time," said the RBC strategists. "McGuinty’s statement hints at the potential for lingering regional tensions during the next commodity super cycle." Ontario's factories have been hit hard, though the province has still created hundreds of thousands of jobs in other sectors over the past several years. Mr. Watt and Mr. Hall believe most of the hit to manufacturing jobs is now done, though they don't see that work returning in the near future. Their comments came as BMO's deputy chief economist, Douglas Porter, published a study showing the impact of the dollar's return to grace over the past 10 years. Sii aqriso ___________________ The premier of Ontario now wants the Canadian dollar in uu ku noqdo suu ahaa in early 2000s when halkii doolar was worth 62 cents US camal. War kac dheh, waa gartiis doolar xawilaad kuma diree. I remember it used to cost $165 Canadian per US $100 sent.

Qoftaan magaceeda waa maqli jiray, laakiin xusuus uma heynin muuqaalkeeda. Waa laga yaabaa anooo yar inaa ka fiirsaday telafashinkii qaranka. Qofta bilaash looma amaani jirin ileen wey taqaanaa sida loo daadahiyo barnaamijkaan camal. Dadka ku amaani jiray quruxdeeda laakiin qof taqaano shaqadeeda kasoo baxday u egtahay. Ereyada kaftankeeda ayaaba ka helay, sida 'walaalkiisa/walaashiisa.' Midka ugu wacayna 'Maamada' waxaa loogu jawaabay 'abaaba.' True ciyaal xaafad.

" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen> Waligaa jir Axmed Naaji Sacad. Faan faanka qabiilka Faarax anaa kaa sareeye Ka fogaado foolxumadiisa Foor boonti faaykaan Dadka kala fogeynaayo Banaadiriga dad ugu dalka jecel ku jiraan Soomaalida. How I wish we had more of them than maryooleey iyo faradheertaan qabyaaladda dishay.

Hebel Fantastik hadda wuxuuba u shaqeyaa Yunifersal. Waa kan asagoo Buuloxaawo kasoo waramaayo maalmo kahor. Xiliga 23:35 ayuu soo muuqanaa. " frameborder="0" allowfullscreen>

Fiqi iyo Farmaajo. Ileen ciyaalka xaafadda isla ahaan jireen oo waligood waa isdaba socon jireen.

Iisi with caayda. Wareysigaas kaftan ayuu ahaa, I don't know why some folks are all heated up. Granted he could have used other words than kuwa uu isticmaalay. However, waa runtiis, dad badan ayaa ku mashquul ah qoftaas, siiba kuwa joogo Afrika. I don't personally know waxee ku arkeen ka ahayn islux luxideeda. But that is their dooq.

The brother might have been to another airport u maleynaa. At least it is 10 times better than Heathrow, Gatwick and that one in Baaris. Sawirkaan 2009 ka qaaday mar aan dhex joogay garoonkaas.

Mintid, baliis stop calling a fellow male member a sister as an insult. Dad waa weyn la yahay ee hala isixtiraamo.