Mario B;801353 wrote: You came out as a clown too going all defensive without knowing the gist of the story. Meeshaanba waxee ka dhigeen little kindergarten playgrounds. Everyone tolka ahayn that questions the ridiculousness of this and others is a 'hater.' Waa sheeko afar iyo shan jiriyaasha. Such a...

Makuuloow waala heshay. Watarbaroof ayaa dhihi jirnay. Micnaha loola jeedo waagaas aan yareen ma garan jirin gadaal ka gartay erey Ingiriis in uu yahay.

I didn't say light skinned. I said dadka Banaadiriga, Banaadiriga dad madoow iyo kuwa cad u kala baxaan oo ay iska kala dhaleen. Maki Xaaji Banaadir is Banaadiri, dhiig ahaan Carabta wax u gashaa, so is Axmed Naaji Sacad. Soomaali midabkooda cad oo isirkooda dadka dhulkaas waligooda degi jiray wey jiraan, so are kuwa dhuxusha u eg.

Maxaa waaye magacyada qabiilka aad meesha keenteen. Fadlan tirtira magacyada qabiilada. Jacfar, kabahaas magac ayee lahaan jireen ma sheegi kartaa. Ciyaalkeena Xamar magacaas u kasi jirnay.

What is there exactly to comprehend? Whose sphere right and law is it to order and print Soomaali shilin? Ma gobol's finance minister ayaa ku shaqo leh. In the history of 'federalism' (and I don't believe this is even suitable in Soomaaliya still), no regional part of a 'federal' state had ever ordered its own money, sidestepping the 'federal' authority. How can a mere gobol's finance minister order lacag lasoo daabacdo. What kind of gobol you isku camirayaal don't understand? It doesn't have to come to Muqdisho. It has to go from Xamar to other gobolo as long as Muqdisho magaalo madaxda tahay. That is how u shaqeyso, mise Xamar magaalo madaxdii ayaa laga qaaday aanan anaga ogeyn, so now a gobol's finance minister is dictating for the rest of the country. What is this, still warlordism era maala joogaa ninka lacagtiisa iska soo daabacan jiray, though they still respected and only printed the 1,000 denomination. What was central bank in Xamar was for again? Dad ayaaba wali micnaha 'federalism' fahmin. Another reason we reject it, maba fahmaan. Ciidama badda ayee ku leeyihiin, how can a gobol have ciidamo badeed and military? And now this.

Ciidamo milatari gooni ayaa leeyahay, ciidamo bad ayaa sameysanayaa, lacag gooni ayaa daabacanayaa, qeyraadka dalka maamul goboleedka bas saxiixi karo iyagaana leh. Calan maamuleedka gobolka iyo calanka dalka la isla simay maalin dhawaydna. What was this again? Waa goosanay maala dhaho maxaa been la iskugu sheegaa, Soomaalida kalena been loogu sheegaa. Mise sharcigaa la kala garaneynin.

Xuddur, Bakool in 1969 according to the website the picture was posted on. This is my Aabo's birthplace and I had never been to it. It looks very interesting. Afrohaas ka helay. Darn qurbahaan bidaar nagu dishay. Shuud.

Carafaad, what is your point exactly? Waala ogyahay inay jiraan Banaadiriga oo isir ahaantooda kasoo jeedaan Carabaha iyo Iiraan. Ee taas yaa dood ka keenay. Reer Xamar, Reer Marko, Reer Baraawe, Camuudi iyo kuwa kale isirnimadooda inay dhulal kale kasoo jeedaan waal ogyahay, taas qof diidana ma jirto. Maantana Soomaali ayee yihiin, oo dalkeena gobannimadiisa ayee kasoo qaateen, boqolkiiba boqolna dad u dhashay Soomaaliya. Dad waxee diidanyihiin markee maryooleey iyo lamagoodlaha faradheerta ah dhahaan isirkooda Carab waaye. Taas waa maya. Kuwaasaana dalka loogu yimid, iyagaana dalka ku badan marka isirkooda waa Soomaalinimo. Haddaa isleedahay Bantu iyo Carab ayaa iska dhalay Soomaalida, Soomaalida maanta jirto waxee u ekaan lahaayeen Baajuunta iyo Sawaaxiliga degan Kismaayo, Bambaaso ilaa iyo Sansibaar. Baajuun iyo Soomaalina iskuma eka. Kala saar dadka. Marka wareerka badan aad iswareerineysid yaree.

USC qabiilnimo camal u isticmaaloyaa saas moodaa. Maxaa darbiyada Xamar in 1991 USC, USC lagu qori jiray siiba ciyaalka waagaas jiray without even knowing waxee sadexdaan xaraf u taagantahay.

at tundheer, boosaneero.

Aniga iyo xaajiyadeyda in 1992. Rabi mahadiis, wali waa isagfadhinaa.

but if the south becomes peaceful and builds a clean government i will get my blue flag.... Bas, bas, xaaji, intaan ayaa lagaa rabay. Xaajiyadana nagu salaan if she was Reer Koronto. Reer Kanada waa isbishaalee, you know it.

Aaheey, marna Burtuqiiska, marna Ruushka iyo Reer Kuuba. Iskiifiyaashaas haddeenan ahayn... Laakiin qof Soomaali isku sheegaayo haddana Xabashi isku dhiibay, dhaqankooda iyo dhalashadooda qaatay, taageersana waa lowest of the low in the eyes of Soomaalida damiirka ku jiro.

Stoic, when did you become this hardened goosashadoon folk? I hadn't seen sujuu sidaan camal u rabo in Soomaaliya loo kala gooyo. At worst, they are ambivalent. Ma xaajiyadaa guursatay ayaa this hardcore kaa dhigtay?

Amiin Caamir sababta loo eedeynaayo ma garan kari. Mise Banaadiriga dhan hal qowmiyada laga wada dhigay miyaa. Amiin Caamir Reer Marko waaye, kaas kanaalkaas lehna Camuudi in uu yahay jeclahay oo Xamar ku dhashay. Yes, wali ma arkin Amiin Caamir oo sawirgacmeed ka sawiray kanaalkaas, still... Waa run, kanaalkaas qofkii lacag bixiyo lagama hadlo, inkastoo mar mar dadka ka soo qeybgalo dacaayadeyaan laakiin official ahaan wax kama sheego meelaha qaarkood, waxaana ka mid ah deegaanka Soomaali Galbeed iyo dulmiga ka dhaco lagama soo waramo. Kaliya officially sanctioned reports kasoo tabiyaan deegaankaas. Jabuuti likewise wax lagama sheegi karo. Qaarkood kalena waa maamul gobolleedyo laakiin kuwaas inay lacag bixiyaan igulama eko, cabsi darteeda waaye oo wariyaasha kasoo waramaayo ka cabsanaayo dadka maamulo deegaanadaas Soomaaliyeed.

Maaddeey;795140 wrote: ^Ushriko uu ku yaallaa,wax yar ayuuMasjidka Al-Hidaaya u jiraa. Alaabtaan adaankuugu talagay! Hoteelkaan quraacdaan ayee bixiyaan haddaa one of their suites seexatid. They provide free WiFi as well.

not all ethnic Somalis are Somali citizens (eg reer djibouti). They are. Si automatic ayee mudaadin Soomaali u yihiin as guaranteed by axdigii la qoray 1960. Every Soomaali oo labadiisa waalid Soomaali yihiin xaq ayuu u leeyahay baasaboorka Soomaaliyeed, whether ku dhashaan dhulalka la heysto ee Gaarisa ama Jigjiga ama kuwa xoreysan, regardless. Dad badan ayaa NFD iyo Soomaali Galbeed ka imaan jiray in '60s, '70, '80, arriving in Xamar to get their baasabooro -- su'aal la'aana baasaboorkooda Soomaaliyeed la siin jiray without any question. Maxamuud Xarbi oo Reer Jabuuti ahaa baasaboor Soomaaliyeed wadan jiray. Now kuwa u adeego shisheeyaha Soomaalida dhulkooda heysto want to change or take away this right given in the old constitution. Waxee rabaan inay Soomaalida kala saaraan, same way as you are already implying.

'Nakumatt downtown' that MMA is referring to is no longer there ( it burned down years ago) but go to Lifestyle Nakumat, just across Koinange street (not far from Jamia mosque). I was there when that supermarket burned exactly three years ago in 2009. Marka I wasn't referring to that one, I was referring the Nakumatt supermarket masaajidka ka dambeeyo, which you just mentioned as well. Maadeey, biibatada sambuuska xarqaamada 7th Street ayee u dhaxeysaa. Meesha xarqaamada soo ma taqaanid, isku wada dhagan oo 7ka ku yaalo, dhanka masaajidka ma'aha ee dhanka kale ee Galmart markii loo socdo waaye oo sarta Olympic ku taalo. It is just biibato yar. Sambuuska kasoo gatay a few times soonkii.

Aroos ka dhacay Tansaaniya.

Kun jeer ayee mahadsanyihiin Reer Turkiga

Che -Guevara;799580 wrote: Libin, Suuban iyo Caban. Che, magacaa u jeclaa ayaaba iga qarxisee. Libin waa magac aan aad ugu helo. I hope qofta magacyada soo codsatay inay magac Carbeed laga daalay sii wadin, oo kuwa Soomaalida lasoo cusbooneysiiyo. Siiba magacyadaan qurxoon, micno wanaagsana leh. Waxaa ugu wacan inay magacyada Carbeed la ordaan micnaha kuwa Soomaalida dadka badanaa ma yaqaanaan, kuwa Carbeed xoogahoo laga yaqaano la moodaa inay ka micno wanaagsan yihiin kuwa Soomaalida. Waa in magacyada Soomaaliyeed lasoo celiyo. Micno wanaagsan ayee leeyihiin. Here with simplified definitions: Libin = blessed Sagal = can be seen from furthest side of the sky to the furthest visible side (aka rainbow) Siman = complete, equal Abyan = complete Idil = complete, almost perfect Dhool = complete Filsan = completely satisfied with Ladan = abundant Warsan = good news Ubax = blossoming Kaaho = one of the biggest stars of the sky Deeqo = generous Degan = earthy beautiful (?) Bilan = first of day, month, year (literally born in the first day of the month) Beydan = ? Ilsan = beautiful Ilwaad = beautiful Aragsan = beautiful Indhadeeq = beautiful Qalanjo = beautiful Hodan = blessed Haboon = appropriate (always fitting where she is needed) Istaahil = chosen one, deserved one Isir = the original Maandeeq = desired

Baidoa emerges from shadow of al-Shabaab Asli Hassen Gonni’s crime was serving government-backed soldiers their supper. Her former customers, Islamist extremists ousted from their stronghold in Somalia, forced the ageing woman to shut her business. “They terrorised me by telephone,” she says, three days after fleeing from the town of Luuq by night to nearby Baidoa. “They said: ‘Are you not a Muslim, why don’t you run away, why don’t you go to a refugee camp?’.” African armies have chalked up sizeable military successes in jihadi-controlled south-central Somalia in recent months. In response, the Islamist militant group al-Shabaab has deployed death threats, guerrilla attacks and reasserted an alliance with al-Qaeda. International leaders, keen to root out global terrorist networks and end piracy bred in Somalia, hope local representation and a more inclusive government in the capital Mogadishu will deliver stability. But the country, a failed state for more than 20 years, is preyed on by clan divisions, warlords and corrupt politicians as well as terrorists. Ms Gonni fled to Baidoa, a regional capital, which is the latest and most important al-Shabaab stronghold to fall to Ethiopian troops who have led operations 250km deep into Somalia’s territory, along with government-backed militias. “Al-Shabaab is very weak, it is split and in different places,” says Ethiopian commander Brigadier-General Johannes Woldegiorgis. Even so, his troops were ambushed as they passed ten towns along the way, mortar attacks are regular and heavy artillery and tanks protect the airstrip. Ethiopian commanders now bed down in a ramshackle palace, with crumbling Italianate arches and pink bougainvillea, that has been occupied by successive regimes. Al-Shabaab, which fled 12 days ago, forced the last government out in 2009. Graffiti reveal jihadi preoccupations: scrawled Kalashnikovs do battle on the walls; crayon sprays of bullets attack helicopters above dirty mattresses. Foreign incursions have previously resulted in disaster, as when Ethiopia beat a hasty retreat in 2009. Ethiopia has a history of war with Somalia and ethnic Somalis at home, and rights groups say its forces murdered, raped and looted civilians in Somalia, prompting a backlash that spawned al-Shabaab. “Somalis were picking up their cheque books and guns in support of al-Shabaab not because they embraced the vision but because they were rallying against the Ethiopians,” says academic Ken Menkhaus. Some accuse Ethiopia of wanting to balkanise Somalia to prevent ethnic nationalism spilling across its borders. Ethiopia, which offered journalists escorted visits to Baidoa nine days after taking control of the town, insists the country has “learnt lessons” and can overcome “propaganda”. Officials say they are set on securing regional stability and will hand over to UN-backed African troops once lasting institutions and a new local government are in place. That could take years. Ethiopia’s latest incursion avoids Mogadishu and operates through Somali proxies, training flip-flop-wearing militias in the arid Ethiopian scrub and offering civil service courses in the Ethiopian capital, hopeful that fighters will one day turn administrators. In Baidoa, women in billowing pink headscarves wander the streets sucking on ice lollies, crossing paths with armed troops stationed at corners of the pretty town, but most of the brightly painted shops advertising everything from spare parts to mattresses remain shut. “Nowadays people don’t like al-Shabaab, they are supporting us,” said Mahamud Yissak, an Ethiopian captain mindful of the previous botched invasion. He says people have given troops food, water and exposed al-Shabaab members in hiding. Amina Ali is among those delighted al-Shabaab has gone. She says the group killed 25 family members, including her sister. Others say the group taxed them into poverty, brought famine by banning most foreign aid and oppressed women. “They preached to us that we must cover the face, not even the eyes were allowed to be shown,” says Ms Ali. A diplomatic source said al-Shabaab offered a “light footprint” in the region, however. Despite pressure to halt female education, a girls’ school stayed open throughout, and Ms Ali did not cover her face. Al-Shabaab has repeatedly sought allegiances with disgruntled, underdog clans. It offered stability and, through Islamism, a unifying nationalism, both of which have long evaded the UN-backed government holed up in Mogadishu. Its fighters in the Baidoa region were also recruited from the main local clan, the *****. “Baidoa is the city with the most al-Shabaab supporters; most people left with al-Shabaab,” says Mohamed Mubarak, a Somalia analyst, who warns that the group will take over once more when Ethiopia retreats. Mana Houdow Osman, 40, sent her teenage son to Mogadishu to avoid recruitment, but like Baidoa’s elders she believes in a strict Islamic state. “Since we are true Muslims we need Sharia law,” she says. “We like the al-Shabaab fighters. We are Somalis, let them come back,” says Maalim Ali Barre, an elder, his beard hennaed orange in keeping with tradition. “But the foreign [jihadi] fighters – we don’t want them to come back.” Accentuating splits between Islamist leaders loyal to home populations and foreigners pursuing global jihad may be key to a peaceful outcome. Recent international efforts have focused on setting up a defectors’ fund and pouring money into local stability initiatives. Mohamed Habsade, a local parliamentarian, says he would welcome the peaceful return of Mukhtar Robow, a fellow ********* clansman and al-Shabaab leader who previously saved his life thanks to clan ties. Cutting resources from the Islamist group is also important. Everything from bananas and charcoal to aid and taxes have kept warlords and al-Shabaab in cash and power. A new ban on charcoal exports could deprive them of $15m a year. Ports and market taxes generated up to $100m a year, much of which was lost when peacekeeping troops recovered Mogadishu last year. Experts hope an emergent state of federal regions can prise away al-Shabaab support one clan at a time, starting, perhaps, with Mr Robow. “Politics [in Somalia] is like selling peanuts,” says an Ethiopian diplomat. “They sell to the better buyer.” Financial Times

Somalia City a 'Disaster Zone' After Extremists Flee Flying to Baidoa in a vintage Ethiopian Airlines plane is an adventure in itself. The pilot negotiates a corkscrew landing to avoid possible mortar fire. The airport is heavily guarded. Much of colonial-era Baidoa is in ruins left from the war that toppled Somalia's last functioning government in 1991. A two-minute drive from the airport lies the bullet-scarred shell of Baidoa's colonial-era palace. The graffiti-covered walls, adorned with a black al-Shabab flag, testify to the extremists' recent presence, and their links to al-Qaida. Now, this once-splendid mansion is Ethiopia's command post. General Yohannes Woldegiorigis says the compound was captured without a shot. "There was no resistance. They were displaced and ran away from the bases,” the general said. A statement from al-Shabab said the departure from Baidoa was a “tactical retreat” and it promised to return. As if to remind Baidoans of their power, the extremists left behind a few surprises. Army Captain Mahamoud Yssak displays crude bombs and remote detonators found by advancing troops. "They use these things for mortars to shell. This is a shelling point. This is also a switch. So this thing is improvised explosive device," Mahamoud said. Ethiopia's last military push in Somalia ended badly in early 2009. Al-Shabab successfully portrayed the Ethiopians as Christian invaders out to destroy Somalia's Islamic culture. But now, Captain Mahamoud Yssak says after three years of harsh rule in which al-Shabab refused to allow food aid to reach Somali famine victims, Ethiopians are being welcomed back. "Al-Shabab, they did many wrong things to people. They [didn't] allow NGOs [aid groups] to come here. There is drought, there are no [aid groups] here. So this is why people hate al-Shabab," he said At a briefing for reporters, clan elders likened the damage inflicted by al-Shabab's rule to an earthquake. Elder Maalim Ali Badheere said no aid organizations had arrived since al-Shabab's departure, and he appealed to the international community for urgent disaster relief. “A lot of people are dying. They are hungry and thirsty and in desperate need of international assistance," he said. Regional governor Abdifatah Mohammed Ibrahim says long-term military aid will also be needed to prevent al-Qaida-linked forces from making a comeback. As the governor showed reporters truck-mounted machine guns captured from fleeing Shabab fighters, he said the extremist threat could only be eliminated when their fighting force is destroyed. "You know the character of al-Shabab. They like to fight, hit-and-run. So I think they will be back. They are [just] hiding here, under trees," the governor said. Ethiopian officials remember the unpleasant end to their last stay in Somalia. They have promised to leave Baidoa as soon as conditions are stable. But the extremists have not been defeated, they have only melted into the countryside. Stability appears to be a long way off. VOA There is another video on this site as well.

Somalia conflict: Visiting al-Shabab fallen stronghold The Ethiopian army - along with Somali pro-government troops - has recently captured the key al-Shabab stronghold of Baidoa. The BBC's East Africa correspondent Will Ross was one of the first journalists to visit the town since its seizure from the Islamist militants. The dark red berets of the Ethiopian army are back in Baidoa. At the airstrip, there was plenty of military might on display: hulking tanks, heavy artillery and dozens of alert troops. We are told Somali pro-government soldiers were backed by the Ethiopians as they seized the town from al-Shabab but it is clear who is the dominant partner in this relationship. Inside Baidoa's presidential palace there are signs of the just departed Islamist militants. The walls of this battered, squalid building are covered in jihadist graffiti - mostly images of guns apparently drawn by very young al-Shabab recruits. "They preach to them, so these kids think only about jihad," says Ethiopian army Capt Mahammud Yissak. "We saw very small guys between eight and 12. They had been in the al-Shabab training camps. They ran away and we welcomed them. Some of them were used as couriers to plant explosives." 'Colonised' On display in the compound were the ingredients of the brand of terror preferred by al-Shabab these days: detonators, batteries and switches for bombs or mines that can be set off by remote control. Nearby were several technicals (the four-wheel drive vehicles with machine guns mounted on the back) that had been captured from or abandoned by al-Shabab. The militants put up little resistance when the tanks and troops closed in on the town but since then al-Shabab has promised blood in Baidoa. It is extraordinary to think that just over three years ago Somalis were cheering on the streets as the Ethiopian army made its very public withdrawal from the country. That incursion ousted the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), which controlled much of the country. But the Ethiopian presence became so unpopular - partly as a result of the shelling of civilian areas of the capital, Mogadishu - that it then helped trigger the rise of the more radical al-Shabab. "Never again" was Ethiopia's view on another major military incursion in Somalia, but - with al-Shabab threatening the stability of the entire region - it felt forced to act. On an embedded visit with the Ethiopian army, it was always going to be hard to gauge the sentiments of Baidoa's residents. In front of Ethiopian soldiers a group of elders stroked their henna dyed beards as they spoke to the media. "We welcome our brothers from Ethiopia. We work with them. We've had many meetings with Ethiopian commanders to help stabilise this place," says Moalimu Ali. "Al-Shabab colonised us for three years and 12 days. So many of us were killed or displaced. They forced our youth to join them. We are telling them to leave al-Shabab." Hearts and minds battle Al-Shabab's extremist views and its appalling handling of the recent famine make it widely unpopular amongst Somalia's population. This certainly dilutes any hostility there might be to Ethiopia's current intervention. It was a very different situation in 2006 when the ICU had brought a degree of peace to this troubled nation and had considerable support. Ethiopia's military action back then was strongly backed by the US that feared the rise of the Islamists - a position Washington might regret now in view of what has happened since. But is there a danger of Ethiopia getting bogged down in this complicated conflict and once again being portrayed as an unwanted foreign force? "I don't think so - we don't want to stay long," says Capt Yissak. "We want to stabilise Somalia. After the country has settled we'll leave. People are asking us to stay for a long time. Our government says stay until peace comes, then we go back. "We are training the government police and military, and after they've become strong we will leave." But there are signs that Ethiopia may find it hard to win over all the hearts and minds. Al-Shabab has warned businesses not to co-operate with the new men in charge, and many shops have remained closed. This is partly because people feel the battle for Baidoa may not be over. It is not clear how long the Ethiopians will stay, so there is a fear that al-Shabab could return and carry out retribution. Fighting, not talking In February 2006, Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG) set up home in Baidoa as Mogadishu was too dangerous. The country's third-largest city then fell into the hands of al-Shabab in January 2009 - straight after the Ethiopians had withdrawn. One man who is glad to be back home is Muhammad Ibrahim Habsade, a former minister in the TFG and a local MP. "I was the last out of Baidoa when the government left and I was the first one to return. I am happy to be back… but many things are destroyed," he says. "It's like Baidoa was hit by an earthquake - al-Qaeda is like an earthquake. "People are requesting the Ethiopian troops to stay for a long time. People have become free in the last 10 days. Now they need a lot of humanitarian support," Mr Habsade adds. He is amongst the politicians of the Bay and Bakol region hoping to establish a self-governing state under a federal government. But would al-Shabab fighters, like the senior commander Sheikh Mukhtar Robow who is from Baidoa, be welcome to join that administration? "Not only Robow. All of them would be welcome if they leave the terrorists, changed their way of thinking and came to live peacefully." Before dismissing the idea of an al-Shabab commander rising to help run a legitimate administration, it is worth remembering what became of the head of the UIC after the group was swept from power by Ethiopian troops. Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed is now Somalia's president. For now though al-Shabab appears to be more focused on fighting than talking. Just hours before I flew into Somalia, al-Shabab fought for hours in an effort to capture Garbaharey, 150km (95 miles) to the west of Baidoa. Then hours after I had left Somalia there was an explosion in Baidoa, and the authorities rounded up dozens of men on suspicion of al-Shabab links. The militants are weakened but they are not finished. BBC How sad. Xabashii ayaa maanta 'liberators' Soomaali u ah. Xataa see u kibirsanyihiin hadalkooda laga dhadhansan karaa. Watch the video on the BBC website with this article.

Waxaa yaab weyn ah Maxamed Sh. Cismaan oo Kacaankii maalintuu bilowday ilaa dhamaadkiisa ku jiray, jagooyin waa weyna ka qabtay Xamar ayuu ku socon jiray, free, in 1991, while kuwii Siyaad Barre mucaaradka weyn ku ahaa, oo Manifesto ku jiray qaarkood la dilay, sida aqoonyahankii weynaa Prof. Abyan (Rabi ha u raxmadee). All because in the name of qabiil. Qabyaalad qurunkeeda. Dagaaladaan waxee la degi la yihiin nabsigaas, xaqdaraas, caddaaladdaradaas dalkeena iyo dadkeena heysto.