Che, waagaan Abtigiis isma garaneynin ayaa filaa? Taloow Abtigiisa aragtida uu inta ku soo bandhigay wax ma iska badaleen toban sano ka dib?

Not even ink-based qalin. It is isqor bilaa qalinlaabis for kindergartens.

It is not solely about Rooboow. Ergeyga raised some other valid questions, though. Toban iyo shanta qof lagu dilay, many of them young boys, waa in la daba galaa cidii amartay iyo dadkii ka dambeeye. He is raising this issue because ciidamadaas xabbadda ridaaye Qaramada Midoobay ayaa biisho.

Guul ayaan leenahay walaasheena. Waana ku faraxsanahay inay xirato alindi markii la dhaarinaaye.

Markaan camal ayee dhaaftay isqornimada. All in the name of ever elusive, never arriving marqaan-dreamed aqoonsi. I just saw this pathetic, poorly written imploring letter on Facebook. This is beyond begging, begging ergeyga gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobay in Muqdisho to move his office to headquaters of Muuse Muqayil. What do they think that UN's office for Soomaaliya is tabakaayo yar meesha la rabo loo rari karo, lagana furi karo? Well, wax walba waa laga filan karaa minds that were influenced by decades of sessions of non-stop marqaamid. Also what in their marqaan-induced mind haven't realized is that they finally admit to themselves and submit to the reality that ergeyga gaar ee Qaramada Midoobay represents all of Soomaaliya, including Waqooyiga. The poorly written letter:

The Tigrey SOL guest caadi ma'aha in the past six months or so when his folks lost all those powers his kin wielded since 1991. Iskaga dulqaado, xoogahoo wuu isku dar darsamay.

Che, I had asked you before that I still don't know how you hold your breath and engage, still can stand the revolting, repugnant that is coming from these failed secessionist sewage-dwelling creatures in boosaneero. I can't even imagine myself standing of the top the boosaneero, even under my feet, to engage these creatures. All kudos to you.

Ciidamada Puntland ee ay DF la wareegtay oo keeni kara saddex waxyaabood Wararka laga helayo Garoowe ayaa sheegaya in dowladda Dhexe ee ay ugu dambeyn qarameysay ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta maamulka Puntland. Tallaabadan ee ay dowladda qaaday ayaa ah mid aad loo soo dhaweeyey maadama ay bud dhig u noqon doonto dowlad dhisidda Soomaaliya oo si buuxda loo hanto. Ciidamada kala madaxa bannaan ee aan hoos tagin dowladda dhexe waxa ay caqabad ku ahaayeen dowladniada dalka iyada oo horseed ka ahayd awood yarida dowladda dhexe. Dowladda Soomaaliya ee gacanta ku dhigtay ciidamada kala duwan ee Puntland waxa ay horseed u noqon doontaa saddexdan qodob ee hoos ku xusan. 1 – Maamulada oo toos u hoos yimaada dowladda dhexe sida dastuurku qabo Mar haddii ay dowladda la wareegtay labadii ciidan ee ugu awoodda badnaa ee Puntland waxaa xigi doona in ay wada shaqeyn buuxda dhex-marto maamulka iyo dowladda dhexe. Markii hore, Puntland oo ugu fac weyn maamulada dalka ka jira waxa ay tusaale u ahayd kuwa kale, haddii ay hadda ugu dambeyn ku wareejiyeen ciidamadoodii dowladda dhexe waxaa xigi doona oo aan dhib laga mari doonin kuwa kale. Waxa ugu weyn ee Puntland qasbay, sida aan rumeysanahay, ayaa ah dhaqaale la’aan maadaama Gaas bixin waayey mushaarkii ciidankiisa marar badanna ay ka gadoodeen. Waana taas waxa sidoo kale qasbi doonna maamullada kale. 2 – Waxaa hagaagi doona amniga dalka guud ahaan Kala qeybsanaantii awoodda ciidan ee dalka waxa ay keeni jirtay in amniga dalka la’isku halleeyo oo uusan xiriir dhexmarin laamaha amniga ee guud ahaan dalka. Booliska dalka oo hal gacan hoos taga waxa ay keeni doontaa in iska warqabka iyo xogta si sahlan la’isugu gudubno oo ay ciidamo ku sugaan amniga hal qaab (Uniform). 3 – Canshuuraha dalka oo la mideeyo Dowladda waxa ay culeys weyn ku haysay magaalada Muqdisho oo ay si xad ka bax ah ugu tiirsaneyd dhaqaalaha ka soo baxo. Dhaqaalaha Muqdisho ma ahayn mid ku filan dhaqdhaaqa dowladda, hase ahaatee, haddii laga heshiiyey oo ay dowladda maamulada kala wareegto ciidamada, waxaa fududaan doonta in sidoo kale la mideeyo dhaqaalaha dalka sida canshuuraha. Taas, waxa ay sahli doontaa in dowladda maamul gobolleed walba canshuurta ka soo xeroota lagu dabaro ciidamadiisa gaarka ah ee sugaya amniga. Xigasho

Saalax, is this recruiting or nationalizing an already existing army as the news below reports: Dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya oo la wareegtay Maamulka Ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta ee Puntland War si hoose uu uhelay Wargayska Tusmotimes xafiiska Muqdisho ayaa sheegaya in Dowladda federaalka ee Soomaaliya ay la Wareegtay Maamulka Ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta ee Deegaanada Maamulka Puntland xili ay fooda nagu soo hayso Doorashada Madxtanimada Maamulkaasi. la wareegtaan ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta Maamulka Puntland ayaa yimid kaddib markii todobaadkan ay gaareen deegaanada Maamulka Puntland Wafdi kasocda Dowladda faderaalka Soomaaliya ka dibna tirakoob lagu sameeyey ciidamada Booliska iyo kuwa Daraawiishta ee Maamulkaasi. Wararkan ku saabsan la wareegitaanka Ciidamadaas ee Dowladda dhexe ay la wareegtay ayaa waxaa la sheegayaa in la xareeyey dhammaan ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta ee Maamulka Puntland ee ku sugan gobolada, kuwaasi oo magacyadooda iyo Taleefanadooda la diiwaangeliyay, loona sameyey kaarar ay ku qaataan mushaaraadka,qorshaha ayaa ah ciidamada in ay mushaaraadka ku qaataan Akoono sida aan xogtan ku helnay. Saraakiil kasocda dowladda faderaalka ee wada Tirokoobka ayaa horay umaray magaalooyinka Gaalkacyo, Garoowe,Carmo iyo Ciidamada ku sugan jiidda hore Tukaraq waxaana hadda Howlaha diiwaangalinta Ciidamada ay ka socotaa Magaalada Bosaso. Arrintan ayaa waxay imaanaysaa iyadoo loo diyaar garoobayo Doorashada Madaxweynaha Maamulka Puntland 8-da bisha kowaad sanadka cusub ee 2019ka. Lama,oga Cabdiwali Gaas in howshan Dowladda dhexe ka bilowday Deegaanada uu Madacweynaha ka yahay in uu la,ogyahay iyo in kale,Dhinaca kale Madaxweynaha Maamulka Puntland Cabdiwali Gaas iyo Madaxda Dowladda dhexe ayaa waxaa ka dhexeeya Khilaaf. Howsha shaqo ee Dowladda dhexe hadda ay ka bilowday Deegaanada Puntland ayaa waxaa la noo sheegayay in ay tahay mid aan qarsooneyn oo Saraakiisha wada howsha Diiwaangalinta ah xataa ay la kulmeen qaar ka mid ah Madaxda Maamulka Puntland. Xigasho

Here is a video that accompanied the lengthy news report. Rabi u raxmado inta naftooda u hurtay xoreynta Soomaali Galbeed oo ay ka mid yihiin halyeeydaan cajalka ka muuqdo.

This is the news report - published in mid 2007 - the young halyeey is talking about by the New York Times reporter Jeffrey Gettleman: In Ethiopia, Fear and Cries of Army Brutality IN THE OGADEN DESERT — The rebels march 300 strong across the crunchy earth, young men with dreadlocks and AK-47s slung over their shoulders. Often when they pass through a village, the entire village lines up, one sunken cheekbone to the next, to squint at them. “May God bring you victory,” one woman whispered. This is the Ogaden, a spindle-legged corner of Ethiopia that the urbane officials in Addis Ababa, the capital, would rather outsiders never see. It is the epicenter of a separatist war pitting impoverished nomads against one of the biggest armies in Africa. What goes on here seems to be starkly different from the carefully constructed up-and-coming image that Ethiopia — a country that the United States increasingly relies on to fight militant Islam in the Horn of Africa — tries to project. In village after village, people said they had been brutalized by government troops. They described a widespread and longstanding reign of terror, with Ethiopian soldiers gang-raping women, burning down huts and killing civilians at will. It is the same military that the American government helps train and equip — and provides with prized intelligence. The two nations have been allies for years, but recently they have grown especially close, teaming up last winter to oust an Islamic movement that controlled much of Somalia and rid the region of a potential terrorist threat. The Bush administration, particularly the military, considers Ethiopia its best bet in the volatile Horn — which, with Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea, is fast becoming intensely violent, virulently anti-American and an incubator for terrorism. But an emerging concern for American officials is the way that the Ethiopian military operates inside its own borders, especially in war zones like the Ogaden. Anab, a 40-year-old camel herder who was too frightened, like many others, to give her last name, said soldiers took her to a police station, put her in a cell and twisted her nipples with pliers. She said government security forces routinely rounded up young women under the pretext that they were rebel supporters so they could bring them to jail and rape them. “Me, I am old,” she said, “but they raped me, too.” Moualin, a rheumy-eyed elder, said Ethiopian troops stormed his village, Sasabene, in January looking for rebels and burned much of it down. “They hit us in the face with the hardest part of their guns,” he said. The villagers said the abuses had intensified since April, when the rebels attacked a Chinese-run oil field, killing nine Chinese workers and more than 60 Ethiopian soldiers and employees. The Ethiopian government has vowed to crush the rebels but rejects all claims that it abuses civilians. “Our soldiers are not allowed to do these kinds of things,” said Nur Abdi Mohammed, a government spokesman. “This is only propaganda and cannot be justified. If a government soldier did this type of thing they would be brought before the courts.” Even so, the State Department, the European Parliament and many human rights groups, mostly outside Ethiopia, have cited thousands of cases of torture, arbitrary detention and extrajudicial killings — enough to raise questions in Congress about American support of the Ethiopian government. “This is a country that is abusing its own people and has no respect for democracy,” said Representative Donald M. Payne, Democrat of New Jersey and chairman of the House Foreign Affairs subcommittee on Africa and global health. “We’ve not only looked the other way but we’ve pushed them to intrude in other sovereign nations,” he added, referring to the satellite images and other strategic help the American military gave Ethiopia in December, when thousands of Ethiopian troops poured into Somalia and overthrew the Islamist leadership. According to Georgette Gagnon, deputy director for the Africa division of Human Rights Watch, Ethiopia is one of the most repressive countries in Africa. “What the Ethiopian security forces are doing,” she said, “may amount to crimes against humanity.” Human Rights Watch issued a report in 2005 that documented a rampage by government troops against members of the Anuak, a minority tribe in western Ethiopia, in which soldiers ransacked homes, beat villagers to death with iron bars and in one case, according to a witness, tied up a prisoner and ran over him with a military truck. After the report came out, the researcher who wrote it was banned by the Ethiopian government from returning to the country. Similarly, three New York Times journalists who visited the Ogaden to cover this story were imprisoned for five days and had all their equipment confiscated before being released without charges. Ethiopia’s Tiananmen Square In many ways, Ethiopia has a lot going for it these days: new buildings, new roads, low crime and a booming trade in cut flowers and coffee. It is the second most populous country in sub-Saharan Africa, behind Nigeria, with 77 million people. Its leaders, many whom were once rebels themselves, from a neglected patch of northern Ethiopia, are widely known as some of the savviest officials on the continent. They had promised to let some air into a very stultified political system during the national elections of 2005, which were billed as a milestone on the road to democracy. Instead, they turned into Ethiopia’s version of Tiananmen Square. With the opposition poised to win a record number of seats in Parliament, the government cracked down brutally, opening fire on demonstrators, rounding up tens of thousands of opposition supporters and students and leveling charges of treason and even attempted to kill top opposition leaders, including the man elected mayor of Addis Ababa. Many opposition members are now in jail or in exile. The rest seem demoralized. “There are no real steps toward democracy,” said Merera Gudina, vice president of the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces, a leading opposition party. “No real steps toward opening up space, no real steps toward ending repression.” Ethiopian officials have routinely dismissed such complaints, accusing political protesters of stoking civil unrest and poking their finger into a well-known sore spot. Ethiopia has always had an authoritarian streak. This is a country, after all, where until the 1970s rulers claimed to be direct descendants of King Solomon. It is big, poor, famine-stricken, about half-Christian and half-Muslim, surrounded by hostile enemies and full of heavily armed separatist factions. As one high-ranking Ethiopian official put it, “This country has never been easy to rule.” That has certainly been true for the Ogaden desert, a huge, dagger-shaped chunk of territory between the highlands of Ethiopia and the border of Somalia. The people here are mostly ethnic Somalis, and they have been chafing against Ethiopian rule since 1897, when the British ceded their claims to the area. The colonial officials did not think the Ogaden was worth much. They saw thorny hills and thirsty people. Even today, it is still like that. What passes for a town is a huddle of bubble-shaped huts, the movable homes of camel-thwacking nomads who somehow survive out here. For roads, picture Tonka truck tracks running through a sandbox. The primary elements in this world are skin and bone and sun and rock. And guns. Loads of them. Camel herders carry rifles to protect their animals. Young women carry pistols to protect their bodies. And then there is the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the machine-gun-toting rebels fighting for control of this desiccated wasteland. Rebels Live Off the Land Lion. Radio. Fearless. Peacock. Most of the men have nicknames that conceal their real identities. Peacock, who spoke some English, served as a guide. He shared the bitter little plums the soldiers pick from thorn bushes — “Ogaden chocolate,” he called them. He showed the way to gently skim water from the top of a mud puddle to minimize the amount of dirt that ends up in your stomach — even in the rainy season this is all there is to drink. He pointed out the anthills, the coming storm clouds, the especially ruthless thorn trees and even a graveyard that stood incongruously in the middle of the desert. The graves — crude pyramids of stones — were from the war in 1977-78, when Somalia tried, disastrously, to pry the Ogaden out of Ethiopia’s hands and lost thousands of men. “It’s up to us now,” Peacock said. Peacock was typical of the rebels. He was driven by anger. He said Ethiopian soldiers hanged his mother, raped his sister and beat his father. “I know, it’s hard to believe,” he said. “But it’s true.” He had the hunch of a broken man and a voice that seemed far too tired for his 28 years. “It’s not that I like living in the bush,” he said. “But I have nowhere else to go.” The armed resistance began in 1994, after the Ogaden National Liberation Front, then a political organization, broached the idea of splitting off from Ethiopia. The central government responded by imprisoning Ogadeni leaders, and according to academics and human rights groups, assassinating others. The Ogaden is part of the Somali National Regional State, one of nine ethnic-based states within Ethiopia’s unusual ethnic-based federal system. On paper, all states have the right to secede, if they follow the proper procedures. But it seemed that the government feared that if the Somalis broke away, so too would the Oromos, the Afar and many other ethnic groups pining for a country of their own. The Ethiopian government calls the Ogaden rebels terrorists and says they are armed and trained by Eritrea, Ethiopia’s neighbor and bitter enemy. One of the reasons Ethiopia decided to invade Somalia was to prevent the rebels from using it as a base. The government blames them for a string of recent bombings and assassinations and says they often single out rival clan members. Ethiopian officials have been pressuring the State Department to add the Ogaden National Liberation Front to its list of designated foreign terrorist organizations. Until recently, American officials refused, saying the rebels had not threatened civilians or American interests. “But after the oil field attack in April,” said one American official who spoke on the condition of anonymity, “we are reassessing that.” American policy toward Ethiopia seems to be in flux. Administration officials are trying to increase the amount of nonhumanitarian aid to Ethiopia to $481 million next year, from $284 million this year. But key Democrats in Congress, including Mr. Payne, are questioning this, saying that because of Ethiopia’s human rights record, it is time to stop writing the country a blank check. In April, European Commission officials began investigating Ethiopia for war crimes in connection to hundreds of Somali civilians killed by Ethiopian troops during heavy fighting in Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital. Women Are Suffering the Most In the Ogaden, it is not clear how many people are dying. The vast area is essentially a no-go zone for most human rights workers and journalists and where the Ethiopian military, by its own admission, is waging an intense counterinsurgency campaign. The violence has been particularly acute against women, villagers said, and many have recently fled. Asma, 19, who now lives in neighboring Somaliland, said she was stuck in an underground cell for more than six months last year, raped and tortured. “They beat me on the feet and breasts,” she said. She was freed only after her father paid the soldiers ransom, she said, though she did not know how much. Ambaro, 25, now living in Addis Ababa, said she was gang-raped by five Ethiopian soldiers in January near the town of Fik. She said troops came to her village every night to pluck another young woman. “I’m in pain now, all over my body,” she said. “ I’m worried that I’ll become crazy because of what happened.” Many Ogaden villagers said that when they tried to bring up abuses with clan chiefs or local authorities, they were told it was better to keep quiet. The rebels said thats was precisely why they attacked the Chinese oil field: to get publicity for their cause and the plight of their region (and to discourage foreign companies from exploiting local resources). According to them, they strike freely in the Ogaden all the time, ambushing military convoys and raiding police stations. Mr. Mohammed, the government spokesman, denied that, saying the rebels “will not confront Ethiopian military forces because they are not well trained.” Expert or not, they are determined. They march for hours powered by a few handfuls of rice. They travel extremely light, carrying only their guns, two clips of bullets, a grenade and a tarp. They brag about how many Ethiopians they have killed, and every piece of their camouflage, they say, is pulled off dead soldiers. They joke about slaughtering Ethiopian troops the same way they slaughter goats. Their morale seems high, especially for men who sleep in the dirt every night. Their throats are constantly dry, but they like to sing. “A camel is delivering a baby today and the milk of the camel is coming,” goes one campfire song. “Who is the owner of this land?”

This is one sad tragic episode among of many thousands of Soomaali citizens being kidnapped, sent and handed to Xabashis, all in order to please their Xabashi masters. In this case, it was facilitated by not one, but two subservient and lackey maamuls of Xabashada in Soomaaliya.

Maakhiri, war xildhibaankaaga raadi. I think Caasho Axmed Cabdalle used to be one. Whatever happened to her horta?

It is a start, saaxiib. I am even surprised a page like this exists and doesn't look dated.

I see Xuseen Carab is your xildhibaan, Saalax. He has an influential position in baarlamaanka, too. He is guddoomiyaha guddiga gaashaandhigga (chairman of national defense committee, one of the most sought along with the finance and foreign committees). Also one can get much more information on that website. One can see the laws that were passed since 1950s, old constitutions since 1960, the dated motions, the archived resolutions, et cetera.

If you are not satisfied for any reason what the corrupted xildhibaanno in dowladda dhexe are up to any time, you can email them now, via their official email addresses. Here is the link, click the thumbnail image in order to get each xildhibaan's email info. I don't think any of them would read the emails or even know they have those emails, but it is a start.

Widaay, daljaceylnimo waa la igu soo koriyey. Aabahey - Rabi ha u raxmadee - asagoo arkaayo ururkii qabiilka ku dhisnaa ee HDM oo xataa ilma adeeradiisa iyo qaraabadii kalena ku jiraan ayuu ku biiray, kana doortay ururkii gobonnimodoonka ahaa ee SYL in mid 1940s. He could have easily joined HDM. Xataa, now remembering, our villa in Xamar always had Soomaaliya's coat of arms on the top of the wall. So it was firmly ingrained in all of us kids in our family, unconsciously one might say. This was what hung on our wall on our home before I was even born into the civil war and beyond:

At worse, it could be another Xasan Daahir Aweys scenario - a minimally supervised house arrest, with all the amenities, including internet access. I think waala sii deynaa in the next few weeks, with under the table compensation. Will he accept that and keep mum? I don't think so. Si xun ayaa loola dhaqmay, especially using Xabashi mercenary army to kidnap him. Also keep in mind he has a militia that is based in Bakool. Those heavily armed restless militia could easily rejoin Barbaarta once again. In the other days, warar suuqeedka in this week are reporting: Dadaallo lagu sii daynayo Roobow oo ka socda Muqdisho Xildhibaano iyo siyaasiyiin kasoo jeedda degaanada maamulka Koonfur Galbeed ayaa Magaalada Muqdisho ka bilaabay dadaallo kala duwan oo la doonaayo in lagu sii daayo wadaadka Sheekh Mukhtaar Roobow Cali Abuu Mansuur, sida ay sheegtay idaacadda Risaala ee Muqdisho. Roobow ayaa ku xiran Magaalada Muqdisho, waxaana soo xiray dowladda dhexe ee Soomaaliya ka dib markii uu Baydhabo ka bilaabay Olole ku aadan Musharaxnimadiisa xilka Madaxtinimada Koonfur Galbeed. Roobow ayaa hadda ku xiran Muqdisho, waxaana soo xiristiisa ka dhashay banaanbaxyo ay ku dhinten dad badan, kuwaasoo ka dhacay Magaalada Baydhabo ee Caasimadda KMG ah ee maamulka Koonfur Galbeed. Wararka ayaa sheegaya in wada-hadallo ay u socdaan madaxda sare ee dowladda iyo siyaasiyiinta dowladda ugu jira beesha **** iyo **** ee uu kasoo jeedo Roobow. Mas’uuliyiin ka tirsan dowladda oo ay Caasimada Online la xiriirtay ayaa sheegay inaysan ka war-hayn qorshe lagu sii daynayo Roobow oo go’aan laga gaaray, balse waxa qireen inuu jiro dadaalka ay wadaan siyaasiyiinta ku beesha ah. Xigasho

Waa war lagu farxo, inkastoo this mercenary researcher's base is in Nayroobi and doesn't visit Soomaaliya, especdially Xamar, it is still good news. There is also another mercenary 'researcher' by the name of Rashiid Cabdi, this one a Soomaali that is also based in Nayroobi. There was one honest non-Soomaali true researcher - the late professor Michael A. Weinstein of Purdue University. His analysis were timely and partial.

Such a desperation. Cagjar jaraanjartii lagu arki lahaa Axmed mee u maleyaan. Endless marqaamid and all those months of doing nothing produces hopelessness and despairing like this, plus caruurtii la marin habaabin jiray, the restless youths who are awaking, ayaa filinkaan laga gado la rabaa. Markii Abiy Axmed diiday, Cagjar laga hunguri raadiyey. And Cagjar humiliated them, didn't even allow Muuse Muqayil to host the local dude in Jigjiga.

Cadnaan, widaay waa i kan. Howshii ayaa iga badatay. About afduubkii iyo subsequent xulashadii ka dhacday Baydhabo, qof walba maankiisa shaqeynaayo wuu arkay meesha inay xataa xulasho ka dhicin laakiin loogu shubay qof gaar ah. Unlike other maamul goboleed, Koonfur Galbeed under the leadership of Shariif Xasan did not have a sufficient army of their own. Shariifka did not create one, never intended to create one. His sub-clan are traditionally non-armed and he didn't trust other clans in Koonfur Galbeed, the few guards and militias keeping in check were his reer abti, Rooboow's clan. However, Koonfur Galbeed had ciidamo booliis ah, controlled by Laftagareen's adeer and father-in-law, Gaashaanle Mahad C/raxmaan Aaden. These police forces waxaa biilo Qaramada Midoobay, loona soo mariyo dowladda dhexe. There were also ciidamo militari based in Koonfur Galbeed, for Gedo, Bakool and Baay. But those soldiers wages were paid by again dowladda dhexe, for dowladda dhexe's military actions. Shariifka wuxuu isku haleyn jiray Xabashada and used them against his political opponents. Alas, he never thought the same Xabashi would be used against him, which happened. This same Xabashi forces were used against Rooboow for their kidnapping and subsequent rendition of him to dowladda dhexe. Rooboow's little militia were no match for them. Even if they were no match, still wey shirqooleen, calling him a meeting for all the candidates and then Xabashi soldiers arresting him secretly when he arrived, while his militia were outside. I had never seen Reer Koonfur Galbeed being this mad politically about what happened in Baydhabo - they were unanimously united against the actions by dowladda dhexe. Even those who were usually apolitical were furious. Reer Koonfur Galbeed qabiil xadaaradiisa ama qabyaalad been been kuma qaadaan because usually waa dad nabad jecel, wax walbana nabadda ayee ka hormarsiinayaan. So ninkaan Laftagareen meesha la keenay hadduu sidii Shariifka ku socdo, for not creating a regionally self-sufficient army (which I believe he won't), then the same fate that befallen to Shariifka awaits him, while he has zero credibility, too. This is second major political blunder dowladda dhexe committed after Qalbidhagax's disastrous rendition fiasco. However, having said all that, Soomaaliya iyo dowladeeda horumarkeeda waa Koonfur Galbeed horumarkeeda. Marka horaa loo soconayaa, regardless the little disagreements with dowladda dhexe. Guul ayaa leenahay Soomaaliya iyo dowladeeda. Soomaaliya does not need useless isqabqabsi now.

Labadaan dal hoggaamiyahooda qamiiska weyn waxa kaliya loo soo diray caburinta iyo shirqoolka dalalka Muslimiinta. Dharkii ayee dhigteen markaan, their actions against anything Islaam iyo Muslimiinta is blatantly obvious. The leadership of those two countries have been hijacked by the Zionists, saan si kale ma'ahee. Imagine boqor Feysal of Sacuudiga and Sheekh Sayid of Imaaraadka witnessing what their nephews and co are up to nowadays.

Rabi ha u raxmado, ehelkiisa iyo reerkii uu ka tagayna samir iyo iimaan Eebbe haka siiyo. Wariye dhameystiran ayuu ahaa.

Sax, waa runtaa.

Sacuudiga muxuu afartii sano u dambeysay fashilmay. Salmaan iyo wiilkiisa see awooda u heleen waxee u gacan galeen Zionists. Soomaali badan ayaa Sacuudiga u dabanaageyn jiray in the last 30 years, many of them kuwa sheegto inay wadaado yihiin. Aan aragno inay wali daba taaganyihiin Sacuudiga.