Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar

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Everything posted by Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar

  1. As long as wretched secessionists are forced to type, click a word they hate - SOOMAALIYA-online - when they come to this site, taas ayaa nagu filan. Otherwise ha iskaga jiraan boosaneeradooda hoose.
  2. Not really. Gobolka Baay has had five official districts, namely Baydhabo, Buurhakaba, Diinsoor, Qansaxdheere and Bardaale. If the 29 xildhibaanno are divided equally for each degmo, it is almost six xildhibaan per degmo. However, that is not the way it is going to be held. The bigger the degmo, the more xildhibaanno will be elected from. Baydhabo probably will have ten xildhibaanno. Buurhakaba probably 6/7 xildhibaanno. And so on.
  3. Che, waxaa i soo xasuusisay wareysi my old man, Rabi ha u raxmadee, laga qaaday bartamihii sanadkii 2000. Wargeyska Kasmo oo London ka soo bixi jiray ayaa ka qaaday, goobtana Xamar ayee ahayd. Wareysiga wuu dheeraa laakiin qeyb ka mid ah wareysiga waxaa ku jiray su'aalahaan iyo jawaabahaan: Kasmo: Ma jiraan wax xil ah oo aad ka qabatay maamulkii ciidamada? Sh. Mukhtaar: Waxba kama qabanin. Markaan xabsi-gurigii ka baxayba beer aan dhoobey ku lahaa ayaan iska aaday. Kasmo: Wax talo iyo tusaale oo uu maamulkaas kuu soo raadsan jiray ma jiraan, maadaama aad waayo-arag ahayd? Sh. Mukhtaar: Inuu ii soo raadsado ma jirin, anigaaba raadiyay, waraaqa u qoray oo aan u tegay markii dadka ciriiri la geliyay, suus galley ah aan laga soo qaadi karin Afgooye, la keeni karin Xamar. Wax beled laga qaado aan beled kale la geyn karin. Iyadoo sidaas jirto, ayaan Maxamed Siyaad xaanshida u qoray oo u tegay. Waxaan iri, "Sicirka badeecadaha u goyneysaan ee waddanka gudihiisa ah ka dhaafa. Alaabta beled laga qaadaayo oo beled kale la geynayo, aad u diideysaanna dhaafa, sicir-gooye Ilaahay waaye, laakiin wixii badda ka yimaada sicir u gooya, sidii rabtaan yeela." Waxaan iri maaddo cilmi ah oo caqiido Islaamka ku saabsan waxaan ka rajeynayaa inaad sikoollada ku dartaa. Maxaa yeelay ayan iri askartii gurigeyga waardiyaha ka haysay nin ka mid ah labo alifle ahaa ayaa sidaan u sheekeysaneynay wuxuu yiri, "Ruushka anagoo joogno ayaa nin gaal ah Ruush ah wuxuu na yiri, 'Idinka Ilaahay adduunkaan dhan suubiyay; dhulka, cirka iyo waxaan dhan suubiyay ayaad leedihiine, Ilaahayga naftiisa yaa soo suubiyay?' Wax jawaabo waa la waayay ayuu yiri. Marka Soomaalida dhan ayaa sidaas ah ee maaddo cilmi ah oo caqiiddo ah iskoollaha ku dar adaa diktator (kali-taliye) ahee waxa dhan suubin kartid. Kasmo: Markaad intaas tiri, muxu kaaga jawaabay? Sh. Mukhtaar: Shib ayuu iga yiri, waraaqddiina waa u dhiibay, wax uu ka qabtayna ma jirin. Mar dambe juuq uma dhihin, maadaama xaalkaas aan ula tegay uu wax ka soo qaadi waayay. Habeenkii uu xabiska iga bixinaayay dad buu ii soo diray. Ninkii askarta aniga ila joogtay xukumay iyo aniga ayaa fatuuro nalagu qaaday. Asagaa noo yeeray, waana u tagnay. Markaasuu i yiri; ‘Raalli ahow, dambi maad lahayn, laakiin siyaasad ayaa nagu kalliftay, adduunka dhaba saas waaye. Ninkii madaxweynaha jamhuuriyadd ah xabis lama geeyo, laakiin waa layska xareeyaa. Hadda ka horna inaan ku sii deynaan rabnay, Salaad Gabeyre sababtiisaa waqtigan ku soo gaartay. Mar Alle markii Sheekh Mukhtaar aan iska deyno aan niraahaba, wuxuu dhahaa ‘Aadan Cabdillena ha la daayo. Aadan Cabdiilena markii horaa naga xumaataye oo siyaasaddii ayaan ku darnay soddonkaas Afgooye ku xiran, si kaligiis aan u soo saarnana waa weynay. Mudadaan Salaad Gabeyre sabatiisa ayaad ku soo gaartay, haddana raali ahow, dambi ma lihid, meeshii rabtana mar. Kasmo: Maxay ahayd sababta uu Salaad Gabeyre soo-deyntaada iyo tan Aadan Cadde isugu xirayay?. Sh. Mukhtaar: Soddogiis soo ma ahayn? Gabadhiisuu qabay. In anigana lay daayo, asigana la daayo ayuu rabay. Markaan saas leenahay waa xiran yahay Salaad Gabeyre, dambigii inqilaab uu suubinayaa ayuu u xirnaa. Markaasaan iri, "Salaad Gabeyre ninkii inqilaabka suubiyay, gacantaada midig waaye lagu sheegayay, waa sidee?" Markaasuu (Maxamed Siyaad Barre) yiri, ‘Gacanta Alla ha ka gooyo, gacantay midig ma'aha.'
  4. It has been almost a year since her untimely murder. Rabi ha u raxmado. Warkaan hoose ayaa ku soo xasuustay: Friend completes podcast with slain Somali-Canadian journalist Hodan Nalayeh When Somali-Canadian journalist Hodan Nalayeh died in a July 2019 bomb attack in Somalia, recordings for a project she was working on with a friend back home in Canada were left behind. Nalayeh and Fartumo Kusow, a writer from Windsor, Ont., were in the early days of producing a series about being single mothers, and the challenges it poses within the Somali-Canadian community. The two friends would talk often on the phone, which Nalayeh would sometimes record, laying the groundwork for the podcast they wanted to create together. Their plan was to get together in a studio at some point, and record the final version of their series. When Nalayeh was killed, the podcast was incomplete. But now, with the help of CBC Windsor journalist Amy Dodge, Kusow has completed her friend's final work. Using a combination of recordings made by Nalayeh herself in the months before her death, and new recordings done by Kusow in a Windsor studio, the podcast was created. To listen the podcast episodes.
  5. Impact of COVID-19 On Somalia’s Economy: Will the virus be a springboard to severe crisis? The COVID-19 pandemic imposed unprecedented challenges to global health systems and economies and transferred to Somalia one of the poorest and susceptible to crisis economies of the world. The economy of Somalia was already severing due to structural deficiencies and lack of unity. The federal-level economic institution such as the ministry of finance, ministry of trade, and central bank are mainly residing in Moqdisho and have no capacity to extend their services to other regions. The central bank is not yet ready to function properly. It does not have the capacity to innovate suitable economic policies to stabilize the country’s currency value, prevent hyperinflation, and keep unemployment lower. In addition, the nation’s taxation procedures and revenue collection policies are not unitary. The regional states have autonomous economic and political institutions with different taxation and revenue maximation policies. In terms of employment, the state employs to a small fraction of the nation’s labor force compared to the private sector. Therefore, considering all these facts one may conclude state plays a negligible role in the economic activities of the country. The nation’s economy has been massively relying on foreign aid, remittance revenues, and import. The budget of the federal government and running costs are mainly financed through budget supports and other forms of assistance from donors. Almost every Somali household receives income from her overseas family member, especially Europe and the USA. Hence, remittance revenue is the lifeblood of the Somali household’s economy. On the other hand, Somalia is one of the countries with the largest trade deficit in the world, imports extremely surpass over exports. Since the livestock industry, the nation’s export backbone has been blemished by continual export bans from Saudi Arabia, the nation ended up an entirely import-dependent economy. The foreign aid, remittance revenues, and import are not reliable sectors because they are prone to global shocks such as political clashes, trade wars, and pandemics. For instance, COVID-19 pandemic adversely affected Somali remittance firms. The Somali remittance firms source funds from western countries where COVID-19 is massively damaged both human and economic. These countries have been executing a complete lockdown to fight against and attenuate the spread of the virus among the community. The business, schools, universities, and public transportations were completely closed. So, this instigated Somali immigrants in Canada, the USA, and EU countries to lose their jobs and not able to send money back home. Remarkably, Somali immigrants in Europe and the USA are one of the highest deadly effected diasporas by COVID-19. The World Bank estimates show that Somalia receives nearly US$1.4 billion remittance annually which contribute 23% of the nation’s GDP. Although Somali remittance firms in western countries have been victimized by money laundering and terrorism involvement allegations, however, still remain dominant in the nation’s basic financial service and recently annexed to banking and real estate. The lockdowns in western countries due to COVID-19 have reduced the smooth follow of remittance funds and this may have a deleterious effect on household’s livelihood, families may not able to pay utility expenses. The reduction of remittance funds means people will have no cash to buy things and small business which employ a significant share of the nation’s formal and informal workers will face critical financial crisis. Most affected areas It is very difficult to capture the impact of COVID-19 on economy like Somalia where financial data is hardly available in public. However, the World Bank expressed concern that the pandemic may reverse decades of economic progress and poverty alleviation in the world’s poorest regions like Sub-Saharan African countries. World Bank recently estimates projects that the Sub-Sahara region could lose around $79 billion in output in 2020. In fact, Somalia will be one of the highly affected states in the region. Somalia could not impose a complete lockdown strategy, but schools, universities, local and international flights have been closed. The Khat or Qat (stimulant and flowering plant native to East African and Arabian Peninsula) import was temporarily banned. The education sector of Somalia which is 95% private has been extremely devastated by Corona Virus (Covid-19). The primary, intermediate, and secondary school teachers have lost their salaries since tuition fees are paid monthly. The Madarasa (Koranic School) teachers also have lost their jobs and the lives of their families are endangered to die for hunger and underfeeding. There are no safety packages, food, and cash distribution to ameliorate the deteriorating economic situation of Somali teachers. The Federal government of Somalia has banned the import of Khat in a bid to reduce the spread of Corona Virus across borders with neighboring countries, this sends a paroxysm of anger and frustration to thousands Khat traders, and street based Khat small business. The Khat is a paradoxical business, on one hand, it employs a significant share of the nation’s informal workers, and it is the only source of income for many destitute and vulnerable families like internally displaced families, and widowed women with children. It is also the mainstay of the government’s source of tax revenue. On the other hand, anti-Khat campaigners argue that Khat drains the economy and destroys the family. In fact, the ban of Khat import policy immediately impoverished thousands of families whose livelihood depends on directly or indirectly to Khat business. The government has not yet come up with any initiative to refurbish the lives of these hopeless families and workers. The health impact of COVID-19 on Somalia is not as nasty as predicted and expected. Somalia has confirmed only 2944 cases and 90 death cases so far, although the testing rate is very limited and some of the fatuous test result cases were reported in the media. However, a country like Somalia where social protection programs, unemployment insurance benefits, and other welfare schemes are not even in the dictionary of the society deep economic downtown is imminent and unavoidable amid COVID-19 pandemic. As long as the 23% of the GDP of the country is remittance revenues from the west so any possibility of second wave pandemic that can outburst and prolong lockdown in western countries will have a catastrophic short- and long-term impact on Somali Economy. China is the Africa’s main trade partner, especially Somalia’s business community extremely depend on Chinese markets. The full lockdown on Chinese economy and ban of international flights significantly reduced imports from china to Somalia. This skyrocketed the most of food and basic stuff prices. Somalia cansimply face food insecurity, if second wave of COVID-19 hits China again and Chinese officials prolong lockdown period. By the time I’m writing this opinion essay, china is struggling a new swine flu virus. This is not only bad news to Chinese economy but also to Somali economy. Possible options for economy refurbishment COVID-19 pandemic presenting aberrant challenge to the Somali Economy amid Somalia is expecting full debt relief from the international creditors. The debt relief program will enable the country to get developmental aid, and non-concessional loans. The government should speed up the debt relief program to get loans and developmental aid to improve the lives of citizens impoverished by the COVID-19 pandemic. The government should consult with individual donors and international financial institutions to design the kind of foreign assistance Somalia needs for economic recovery in the post-COVID-19 pandemic era. The government should allocate a significant amount of foreign assistance it received to income generation projects for internally displaced people (IDP). The government cooperating with local business communities and international NGOs should set food distribution packages to vulnerable workers such as teachers, unskilled construction workers, widowed women with children, Kat workers, and so on. Policymakers should direct international NGOs to implement small business development and income generation projects in villages, districts, and regions where poor and susceptible communities are inhabited. The government in partnership with international donors and local investment banks should prepare soft loans and investment mechanisms suitable to poor farmers to promote local production efficiency. Small business development, fishing and agriculture, training and skill development, and empowering women and poor farmers oriented international and local projects will lead to favorable economic growth in the post-pandemic era. Xigasho
  6. 09 July 2020: Update on COVID-19 in Somalia. > New cases confirmed today: 10 > Somaliland: 7 > Jubbaland: 2 > Banaadir: 1 > Male: 8 > Female: 2 > Recovery: 62 > Death: 0 ------------------------------------ Total confirmed cases: 3,038 Total recoveries: 1,209 Total deaths: 92 For more information, please visit: Website: www.moh.gov.so Dashboard: www.moh.gov.so/en/covid19 WhatsApp: bit.ly/MoHSomalia
  7. Calanoo xaal qaado iga dheh. Anyway, his hasty meeting bololaalkii ka horeeyey oo fashilmay waxba ma dhaamaan. 'Beesha caalamka' ayaa la iska gadaayaa, thinking beesha caalamka are as gullible as they were before. I can even pre-write useless baaq ka soo bixi doono: Waa in dowlad goboleedyada iyo dowladda dhexe si deg deg ah ku xaliyaan arrimaha doorashooyinka. Waa in arrimaha doorashooyinka lagala tashto maamul goboleedyada. Waa in xaalka matalaada Banaadir dib u habeyn lagu sameeyo ama sinnaan lagu qeybsado (ha laga noqdo ma dhihi karaan because Qoorqoor, Laftagareen iyo Waarre ma yeelaayaanee). Aqalka Sare waa in lagala tashtaa arrimaha doorashooyinka (like they were not). In dagaal beeleed ka socdo agagaarka Buuhoodle si dhaqso ah loo joojiyaa.
  8. Cadnaan, I have found another sewage dweller for you: I don't even know who she is, but no doubt a deep boosaneero creature inay tahay.
  9. Doorashada Soomaaliya: Ma ogtahay in gobolka Baay uu heysto kuraasta ugu badan ee baarlamaanka Soomaaliya Xeerka deegaameynta kuraasta ee uu dhawaan ansixyay golaha Shacabka ayaa markii ugu horreysay kuraasta baarlamaanka federaalka ah u qeybiyay 18-kii gobol ee ay Soomaaliya ka koobeyd kahor inta aan la ridin dowladdii kacaanka. 275-ta kursi ee Golaha Shacabka iyo 54-ta kursi ee Aqalka sare ayaa lagu soo dooran doono gobollada marka laga reebo kuraasta xubnaha matalaya gobollada Jamhuuriyadda iskeed madaxbannaanida ugu dhawaaqday ee Somaliland. Doorashadan ayaa u dhici doonta hab ka duwan kii horay loogu soo doortay xildhibaanada labada aqal ee Baarlamaanka federaalka, kuwaasoo lagu dhisay caasimadaha dowlad goboleedyada. Habka kuraasta loogu kala qeybiyay gobollada 1- Shabeellada Hoose waxaa la dhigay kuraasta 26 xildhibaan oo Golaha Shacabka iyo 3 kursi oo Aqalka sare ah. 2- Gobolka Baay, oo heysta tirada ugu badan ee xildhibaannada Golaha Shacabka, ayaa lagu soo dooran doonaa 29 mudane oo Golaha shacabka ah iyo 4 xildhibaan oo Aqalka Sare ah. 3- Shabeellada Dhexe waxaa laga soo dooran doonaa 20 xildhibaan oo Golaha Shacabka iyo 4 mudane oo Aqalka Sare ah. 4- Hiiraan ayaa heysta 18 xildhibaan oo u matali doonta Golaha shacabka iyo 4 senator oo Aqalka Sare wakiil uga noqonaya. 5- Gobolka Galgaduud wuxuu leeyahay 27 xildhibaan oo golaha shacabka ah iyo 7 mudane oo Aqalka Sare ah. 6- Gobolka Mudug ayaa lagu soo dooran doonaa 17 xildhibaan oo ku biireysa Golaha Shacabka iyo 3 senator oo ku matali doonta Aqalka Sare federaalka. 7- Gobolka Nugaal waxaa laga soo dooran doonaa 6 Mudane oo Golaha Shacabka ku mataleysa iyo 2 Aqalka sare ah. 8- Bari waa 13 kursi oo Golaha Shacabka ah iyo 4 kursi oo Aqalka Sare ah.# 9- Sanaag wuxuu leeyahay 6 xildhibaan oo Golaha Shacabka ah iyo 3 Aqalka sare ah. 10- Gobolka Bakool waa 14 mudane oo Golaha Shacabka ah iyo 1 kursi Aqalka Sare ah. 11- Sool waxaa loogu talagalay 9 kursi oo Golaha Shacabka ah iyo 2 Aqalka sare ah. 12- Gedo waxaa la dhigay 17 kursi oo Golaha Shacabka iyo 3 Aqalka sare ah. 13- Jubbada Hoose waxaa laga soo dooran doonaa 19 xildhibaan oo Golaha Shacabka iyo 2 Aqalka sare u matali doonta. 14- Gobolka Jubbada Dhexe wuxuu helay 7 xildhibaan oo Golaha Shacabka ah iyo 3 Aqalka Sare ah. 15- Awdal waxaa la dhigay 17 kursi oo Golaha Shacabka iyo 3 Aqalka Sare ah. 16- Togdheer waa 8 kursi oo Golaha Shacabka ah iyo 3 Aqalka Sare ah. 17- Waqooyi Galbeed waxaa la siiyay 15 kursi oo Golaha Shacabka ah iyo 3 kursi oo Aqalka sare ah. 18- Gobolka Banaadir waxaa ku qoran 5 kursi oo Golaha shacabka ah. Hase yeeshee Aqalka sare ee Banaadir waxaa loo qoondeeyay 13 xubnood. Arrintaas waxaa ansixiyay Golaha Shacabka federaalka, laakiin waxaa kasoo horjeestay mudanayaasha Aqalka Sare. Xigasho
  10. Waraa, jaadka Xabashada laga keeno la geeyo Waqooyiga baabuur ayaa lagu geeyaa, not diyaaraddo.
  11. Waa runtaa. I hope any lacag aad dirtid in lagu qayilin. I would hate nothing more than lacag qof ku soo dhididay in jaad iyo qashin lagu cuno, and the hard currency money straight goes back to Kiikuuyos and Xabashis.
  12. Only from the deepest part of the marqaamid session at marfishes would produce a ludicrous, absurd idea like this. Laakiin lama yaabaayi, desperation plus non-stop marqaamid of 30 years of wasteland ayaa keentay waxaan.
  13. Si heersare ah ayaa loo soo bandhigay. Maakhiri, noo sheeg kuwaa aad isleeday waa 'fake.'
  14. They claimed it was for 'medical supplies' as those supplies are allowed and the zombies in Hargeysa were ready for a long marqaamid sessions. Tuugo la qabtay Kiikuuyada.
  15. Jidad ay dhistay dowladii Kacaankaa oo dayacsan ayaa shufeero marqaansan, siiba kuwa jaadka wado, baabuurta ku wadaan. Marka shilalka waa badnaanaa.
  16. Waa ka intee Hodan? Inta u dhaxeyso Soobe ilaa Digfeer sara dhaadheer ayaa laga dhisaayaa. Maqaayado qatar ah ayaana ku yaalo. That part of Xamar is going to be the best xaafad.
  17. The vulnerabilities of Somali communities with COVID-19 in Europe n early March, some of our extended Somali family returned to London from Umrah in Saudi Arabia with a flu-like fever. A few days later, I attended our local mosque in Greenford; many people were coughing and sneezing. I thought it was just a seasonal cold. The following weekend, my wife Khadijo and my mother-in-law attended a community wedding; everyone hugs and shakes hands at such gatherings. In March, I was so weak and almost collapsed on my short journey home from work. My wife Khadijo also felt like her legs were dragging around “several kilos of stones,” breathing grew harder, our sense of taste and smell was deserting us and fever visited during the nights – all telltale symptoms. My pregnant sister-in-law fell ill too, as did my mother-in-law. Only our 6-year-old stayed healthy. “You’ve got COVID-19,” a National Health Service (NHS) doctor advised on the phone. We should self-isolate for 14 days. Thankfully we all recovered without needing to be hospitalized, but that we succumbed to the virus in the first place speaks to a broader trend: black, Asian and minority ethnic communities in England, and Europe in general, have been hit disproportionately hard by COVID-19. I’ll share some observations about my own community, hailing from the Horn of Africa. A heavy toll In Britain, while there’s no hard data about Somali-community infection rates, several high-profile individuals have died from the virus, including the former prime minister of Somalia, Nur Hussain Hassan, and Ahmed Ismail Hussein Hudeide, a much-loved Somali musician. Other Somali deaths from COVID-19 have been reported in the British media. Dr. Samira Hassan, a Somali-born general practitioner in Leicester, says anecdotal evidence suggests an alarming number of Somalis are either dead from the pandemic or in critical condition. Abdirashid Fidow from the Anti-Tribalism Movement, a nonprofit organization tackling tribalism and promoting fairer societies, told me he can barely find a Somali in London who hasn’t lost a friend or relative to COVID-19. “Many of the older Somali men I knew, who used to socialize in community restaurants in my local area, have gone,” he said. The U.K. government is investigating why ethnic communities such as those belonging to the Somalis have been so badly impacted by the pandemic, but Somali communities in other European countries aren’t doing much better. In Sweden, at least six out of the first 15 COVID-19 deaths in Stockholm were Somalis and the community remains starkly overrepresented in the death toll. In Norway, 25% of those testing positive for COVID-19 by April 19 were foreign-born, and Somalis account for 6% of all confirmed cases – more than 10 times their share of the population. In Helsinki, Finland, almost 200 Somalis had tested positive by mid-April, accounting for about 17% of positive cases – again, 10 times their population share in the city. Fertile ground for far-right The pandemic has brought new challenges to the community in Europe. Far-right groups have already started to stigmatize Somali and other ethnic communities by associating the pandemic with migrants and refugees. As one right-wing Scandinavian commentator tweeted, this is “A Chinese virus killing African Muslims in Sweden. The gift of open borders.” Helsinki’s deputy mayor Nasima Razmyar is among those warning about a new wave of discrimination against minorities in Finland and elsewhere in Europe as a result of the pandemic's prevalence in ethnic communities. She attributes the disproportionate impact of the virus on ethnic communities to disadvantage and inequality. The following factors leave Somali communities uniquely vulnerable to COVID-19. Cultural practices Dr. Hassan, the Leicester general practitioner, and Mohamed Ibrahim, a community leader in London, link the rapid and widespread transmission of the virus with cultural practices in the Somali community, such as large gatherings in mosques and intergenerational groups living in cramped households, which makes social distancing near impossible. It is important to note, however, that in ordinary circumstances this closeness of extended families is also a source of resilience and support for Somalis. I have observed my mother in-law’s irreplaceable and positive influence on my daughter Eemaan’s language, cultural acquisition and sense of belonging. But such cultural practices become risk factors in a pandemic. Mohamed Ibrahim, a community leader in London, told ITV News that some Somalis feel compelled to visit relatives battling the virus or bereaved families who’ve lost loved ones to it. Social distancing is “alien to us,” he said. Somalis’ nomadic culture and easy travel between European countries also contributed to the virus’ spread before the lockdowns. My own London home, for example, had been a transit point for traveling friends and relatives. The refugee legacy Europe’s Somali community overwhelmingly arrived from the 1990s onward as refugees from Somalia’s brutal civil war, often after many years in refugee camps in Africa. The war generation carries the scars of trauma. Settlement in the West brought new anxieties arising from unemployment, culture shock, unfamiliar weather, discrimination, language and housing problems. All these experiences contribute to the underlying chronic conditions that weaken the immune system and put community elders at risk of COVID-19 and other diseases. Mohamed Ali, at Global Health Policy at Kings College University also cites a lack of healthy eating as suitable to the new environment, lack of exercise and a vitamin D deficiency as factors contributing to the community’s vulnerability. Xigasho
  18. 08 July 2020: Update on COVID-19 in Somalia. > New cases confirmed today: 13 > Banaadir: 7 > Puntland: 4 > Somaliland: 2 > Male: 9 > Female: 4 > Recovery: 51 > Death: 0 ------------------------------------ Total confirmed cases: 3,028 Total recoveries: 1,147 Total deaths: 92 For more information, please visit: Website: www.moh.gov.so Dashboard: www.moh.gov.so/en/covid19 WhatsApp: bit.ly/MoHSomalia
  19. Horta dhooriyaashiina sidii habraha iyo dhoocilaha camal maxaa sidii circle jerk isku daba camirtiin. Waxaas ragga laguma yaqaano. Such a shameness kalsooni la'aan idinka keeneyso. And no body left out anything. It was right there on the link 'continue to read.' I don't respond to the other wretched sockpuppet secessionist magacyo kale ku qaraabanaayo.
  20. Sizing up Somalia: a new offshore oil frontier in the making Somalia is one of the few remaining frontier oil and gas exploration territories and the Somalian federal government is promoting its advancement by launching its first ever offshore licensing round. We look at the latest developments. Since the late 60s, civil unrest has prohibited the exploitation of Somalia’s offshore oil and gas resources. Now, however, after several years of relative peace, the government is making a bid to attract foreign investment to develop the country’s oil and gas riches. In May, Somalia’s Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources launched its first offshore licensing round, featuring up to seven blocks that can be bid for between August 2020 and March 2021. According to seismic data processing company Spectrum, which acquired approximately 20,000 km of long-offset 2D seismic data offshore Somalia in 2015, there are strong indications of widespread distribution of good quality source rocks. Meanwhile, another subsurface data company, TGS, estimates un-risked resources for the Somali Basin could be around 30 billion barrels of oil. TGS has acquired more than 40,000 kilometres of 2D data, which covers the seven blocks on offer, Overall, the country, located in the Horn of Africa and bordered by Kenya and Ethiopia and close to Yemen, is a promising new frontier for oil exploration; it is not without its risks and challenges though. New activity Oil and gas exploration started in Somalia in the 1950/60s, with a total of 70 wells drilled, 80% of which were onshore. Many major companies, including ExxonMobil, BP, Texaco, and Shell, were active in the region at the time. In the 60s, before civil unrest stifled the sector, five discoveries were made but all were considered sub-commercial. Continue to read