Islaanta Oromada sidee Afsoomaaliga ugu duceysay Ilhaan ayaa ka helay. Daqiiqada markee tahay 4:43 ayee soo muuqaneysaa.

How Istanbul won back its crown as heart of the Muslim world A ruined yalı, or Bosphorus mansion, is still standing on the shore of the largest island of the Istanbul archipelago. The roof is long gone and the once manicured gardens have colonised its insides, but in better days it was the magnificent homeof Leon Trotsky, who fled to Constantinople after his exile from the Soviet Union in 1929. Trotsky arrived during the turbulent birth of modern Turkey. While the new republic sought to rid itself of Armenians, Greeks and other “undesirable” populations, at the same time Istanbul was opening its arms to White Russians, disillusioned Bolsheviks and African American jazz musicians. Later in the 20th century, intellectuals and dissidents from Germany and the Balkans would add to the diversity of a city that has always stood at the world’s crossroads. A similar dynamic is playing out in Turkey today. On the one hand, domestic opposition to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government is met with disproportionate force, and journalists, human rights activists and Kurdish politicians languish in prison on terrorism charges. Yet on the other, Istanbul has become a beacon of safety for persecuted people across the Muslim world. Here, Uighur refugees practise their faith freely; young Saudis and Iranians dance the night away; and Arab activists displaced by the Arab Spring still raise their voices against the regimes they fled at home. “Turkey is increasingly looking eastward, away from its Nato partners, to its old sphere of influence during the Ottoman Empire,” said Mohanad Hage Ali, a fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center. “Its cultural influence can be seen all over the Middle East today: there are new Arabic translations of Turkish poets, and novels about the city coming out in Arabic. Over the last two decades we’ve seen a strong cultural bridge form.” While the Arab world used to centre around the cultural output of Cairo in the 1950s and Beirut in the 1970s, today most look to Istanbul’s screen stars. When Ramadan begins on Thursday, people across the Middle East are looking forward to a month of reruns of beloved Turkish television shows – dramatic tales of sultans and harem girls and soapy modern love stories. The old political fervour of Cairo and Beirut has relocated to Istanbul, too. The city of 17 million people is now home to an estimated 2 million Arabs, who have opened coffee shops, book stores, theatre and media companies, and joined the staff of universities. Thanks to Turkey’s generous visa system and location as a transport hub, it is easier for families scattered across the world to meet in Istanbul than elsewhere. The Arab Media Association of Istanbul numbers 850 journalists, including Yemeni Nobelpeace prize winner Tawakkol Karman and Egyptian Ayman Nour, a former politician who fled after the 2013 coup that bought President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi to power. Both now run opposition television stations. “Istanbul revitalised the Arab Spring in a way no other place could,” said Labib al-Nahhas, a senior member of the Syrian political opposition. “The city has provided Arabs and Muslims the opportunity to meet face to face and freely share their experiences, hopes and visions.” Welcoming Muslim exiles – in particular those with ties to the Muslim Brotherhood – is a high priority for Erdoğan’s government, which likes to showcase its particular flavour of political Islam. “Istanbul is certainly now the Muslim Brotherhood hub, but there are also so many other Arab political streams present in the city,” said Hage Ali. “In fact, the exposure to other types of thinking and the experience of a cosmopolitan city means people sometimes end up leaving the Brotherhood and becoming more liberal.” Istanbul’s beauty and the city’s palpable sense of history have long inspired writers across the Islamic world. For Yasmine Seale, a French-Syrian writer and translator, there is no better place: “Seeing the Bosphorus every day. Hearing Arabic. The persistence of small trades and slow crafts. The generosity and humanity of neighbourhood life. Anglosphere literary scenes seem self-absorbed at this remove,” she said. “It’s good to let the world in.” Yet adapting to Turkish life can pose challenges: foreigners often find the fiercely patriotic national identity inaccessible, and racism against Arabs is widespread. Many people in Istanbul’s diaspora population prefer to see themselves as exiles, rather than immigrants. Ahmed Hassan, a cinematographer who worked on The Square, an acclaimed documentary about Egypt’s 2011 revolution, moved to Istanbul from Cairo two years ago, but has found the racism and barriers to journalistic work hard to deal with. “I think of Istanbul like a beautiful watermelon,” he said. “It’s lovely and green, and on the inside a beautiful dark red. But when you bite, it has no taste. I’m still waiting to taste the sugar.” Turkey’s internal instability and financial woes, as well as the murders of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 and Iranian dissident Masoud Molavi Vardanjani last year, are also reminders for diaspora populations that Istanbul is not always as safe as it seems. In a unique example of Istanbullu juxtaposition, across the water from the ruins of Trotsky’s mansion on Büyükada, Abdullah Öcalan, one of the founders of the militant Kurdistan Workers’ party (PKK), is serving life as the only prisoner on İmralı island. Seen as a terrorist by Turkey, the UK and other western nations, he is still championed by many as a revolutionary. “Istanbul’s cultural and political melting pot is a novel experiment, and while Turkish cultural influence is a good thing for the Turkish state, they only have so much control over it,” said Hage Ali. “We will have to wait and see the impact the ‘Istanbul effect’ will have on the region.” Xigasho

Sockpuppet, always wanting my little attention. Always following me around. I have none for the sewage dwellers and boosaneero vermin. None. Always cagta hoosteeda ku taagan.

What the heck is this? All these maryooleey vying for a single council seat. I am glad a fellow Soomaali won. Imagine if they all lost - and a non-Soomaali won - as a result of Soomaali votes being divided.

Zero positive result out of 184 people tested. Not bad at all. __________________ 10 Aug 2020: WARBIXINTA BAARITAANADII U DAMBEEYAY EE COVID-19 > Tirada la baaray ee ugu dambeysay: 184 qof > Laga Helay: 0 ---------------------------- > Tirada Guud Laga Helay: 3,227 > Bogsashada Guud: 1,728 > Dhimashada Guud: 93 Kala soco wixii faah-faahin dheeraad ah: Website: www.moh.gov.so Dashboard: www.moh.gov.so/en/covid19 Whatsapp: bit.ly/MoHSomalia

Soon Korneel Caarre might unretire from his mansion in Turkiga. Waa inuu Xamar iska xaadariyaa, Mudane Mahdi Maxamed Guuleed darajooyinka waa qeybinooyaa.

That is from last year. This year's muuqaal is this from last week:

I see tolka ayaa degan meeshaan. Thanks for the invitation. You reminded me my old man's business partner back in 1940s, who was a Reer Waqooyi man who moved to Bakool. They used to travel together for business all over Soomaaliya - from Diridhaba, Jigjiga to Berbera to Laasqorey to Boosaaso to Gaalkacyo, to Hiiraan to Shabeellooyinka to Jubbooyinka to Baardheere to Luuq.

Minnesota’s Omar holds off well-funded primary challenger Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota on Tuesday survived a stiff Democratic primary challenge from a well-funded opponent who tried to make an issue of her national celebrity. Omar, seeking her second term in November, defeated Antone Melton-Meaux, an attorney and mediator who raised millions in anti-Omar money. Melton-Meaux used the cash to paper the district and flood airwaves with his “Focused on the Fifth” message that portrayed Omar, a member of “The Squad” of four progressive female members of Congress, as out of touch with the Minneapolis-area 5th District. Omar in 2018 became one of the first two Muslim women elected to Congress, building on a national profile that started when the onetime refugee from Somalia was elected to the Minnesota Legislature just two years earlier. Her aggressive advocacy on liberal issues, and her eagerness to take on Donald Trump, made her even more prominent. Omar rejected Melton-Meaux’s attacks, saying they were funded by interests who wanted to get her out of Congress because she’s effective. She also downplayed Melton-Meaux’s prodigious fundraising before the vote, saying, “Organized people will always beat organized money.” Democratic U.S. Sen. Tina Smith and Republican challenger Jason Lewis easily won their primaries in the only statewide races on the ballot. Elsewhere, in western Minnesota’s conservative 7th District, former state Sen. Michelle Fischbach won a three-way Republican race for the right to challenge Democratic Rep. Collin Peterson. Peterson, chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, is one of the GOP’s top targets to flip a House seat in November. After entering Congress with fanfare, Omar hurt herself early with comments about Israel and money that even some fellow Democrats called anti-Semitic, and found herself apologizing. She also came under scrutiny when her marriage fell apart and she married her political consultant months after denying they were having an affair. Republicans also raised questions about continuing payments to her new husband’s firm, though experts said they aren’t necessarily improper. In the wake of George Floyd’s death in Minneapolis, police reform also emerged as an issue. Omar supported a push by a majority of the Minneapolis City Council to replace the city’s police department with something new. Melton-Meaux did not support that but did support shifting some funding away from police to more social service-oriented programs. Both touched on the issue in personal ways, with Omar saying she wanted her son to grow up safely. Melton-Meaux, who is also Black, told a personal story of being detained while at the University of Virginia by police seeking an assault suspect reported to have run into his apartment building. Progressive Democrats gained confidence in Omar’s reelection chances after primary victories last week by fellow “Squad” member Rashida Tlaib in Michigan and by Cori Bush, a Black Lives Matter activist, in a St. Louis-area congressional primary. Progressives also claimed momentum from the renewed focus on racial and economic justice after Floyd’s death. Catherine Thornton, 36, a General Mills researcher who lives in southwest Minneapolis, said Tuesday that she voted for Melton-Meaux. “I have a lot of respect for Ms. Omar, but I personally don’t align with just her focus on the progressive agenda. And I felt like Mr. Melton-Meaux would have more focus on our district and the people of our district’s needs.” Wendy Helgeson, 57, a consultant, backed Omar two years ago, even installing a lawn sign in her yard, and said she was “awfully proud of her being the first Black Muslim woman that we elected.” But she said she was concerned about campaign payments to Omar’s husband’s firm as well as her national presence, and found it easy to vote for Melton-Meaux, whom she said has been her friend for 12 years. “I admire her as a woman,” Helgeson said of Omar. “As a candidate, ehhh … I have some reservations.” John Hildebrand, a 47-year-old teacher in Minneapolis who voted for Omar, said her national profile is an advantage. “I think just her presence encourages other Muslims and Somalis to run for office and to seek to be represented,” he said. “I think she just engages people in the political system more and more.” Blake Smith, 23, a parks worker who is Black and described himself as a leftist, also backed Omar. He’s concerned about climate change, Medicare for all and getting money out of politics, and he sees her as an ally. “It’s more time for radical change than like small — I don’t think we have time for incremental change anymore,” Smith said. Doug Glass contributed. Ibrahim is a corps member for the Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a non-profit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues. Xigasho

I am very glad to hear this news of her defeating the unholy alliance of Zionist propaganda machine and far-right racists, who raised millions of illegal funds for her challenger. Isha ayaa ku haaye doorashadaan hoose and aad ayaa ugu farxay the result, which were not even that close. All guul for our sister.

As I said even Jaalle Maxamed Siyaad Barre ay maalin walba ka calaacalaan the wretched secessionist saan uma dhaqmi jirin. Eebboow, odey marqaansan sida Muuse Muqayil awood yar helay sidaan ayaa ka suurowdo.

Of course, meesha shaqo ayaa taalo regardless of meesha qofka ka soo jeedo. If you are qof karti leh, isku kalsoon tahay, aqoon leh, aadna ishubtid, then it is all yours oo qof kaa xigo ma leh. Meesha ma taalo 'ina adeer' iyo shaxaad ku noolnimo. No marqaamid is allowed as well.

Afxirka bannaanka lagu qabo haddana gudaha markii la soo galay la siibay maxaa waaye. Dhaqan Bari iyo Jabuuti miyaa?

Not really. Soomaalis have won that war. Had it not been Kuuba iyo Soofiyeedkii xumaa and Jimmy Carter's anti-Muslim Christian attitude, Xabashi maanta Adisababa shishadeeda fadhin lahaayeen.

Maskiinka sida silaca ah u dileen Muuse Muqayil iyo marqaamiintiisa ka koow u ah.

Poor guy Rabi haka soo badbaadiyo maafiyada marqaansan Muuse Muqayil koow ka yahay.

Waa runtaa, sida ugu dhaqsida badan dowladda dhexe u keentaa ninkaan magaalo madaxda Xamar, siisaa nolol maalmeedkuu ku noolaan lahaa sida halyeeyda degan isbitaalka Martiini ay u siiso dhaqaale.

And the calaacal continues. What were these Kiikuuyo farmers expecting, that this drug will be sustainable for the decades to come as in the decades past. I remember sidaan camal u calaacalaayeen when Reer Dutch banned it. When Ingiriiska banned it. They should have planned for long term after those two bans. Miraa traders face bleak future as Somalia continue to lock them out Miraa farmers and sellers are staring at a bleak future in the key Somalia market if the Kenyan government does not move with speed to resolve a trade impasse with its neighbour. The hope of resumption of the trade in the biggest market crashed after Somalia exempted miraa from cargo allowed into the country after international flights resumed on August 3. Their hope was further dimmed after a delegation of traders and transporters dispatched to engage the Somali government last failed to unlock the impasse after officials demanded government-to-government talks. The trade in Somalia is also facing headwinds from anti-miraa crusaders who have taken advantage of the suspension induced by Covid-19 to intensify their campaign for a permanent ban. Goods from Somalia Traders who spoke to the Nation said their delegation was informed that the continued suspension of miraa was due to Kenya’s stance on goods from Somalia, coupled by Kenya Airways’ failure to resume flights to Mogadishu. According to Maua town miraa traders’ chairman Mohamed Qureshi, their delegation met government ministers and were upbeat they would resume business this week. “However, President Mohamed Farmaajo rejected our request to lift the suspension of miraa trade. We are aware that the decision is not because of Covid-19 but due to Kenya’s recent hard stance on imports from Somalia." "Recently, a lot of rice, sugar and fish from Somalia has been destroyed by Kenyan officials,” Mr Qureshi said. Alternative businesses He said traders who have been relying on the Somalia market are now considering venturing into alternative businesses to earn a living. “Since miraa was suspended in Somalia four months ago, some traders in Maua town are relying on well-wishers to survive. The situation is dire. The government should do something before we lose the only surviving market,” he pleaded. Nyambene Miraa Traders Association (Nyamita) Chairman Kimathi Munjuri accused the government of ignoring their pleas to intervene in Somalia, leading to loss of livelihoods. He confirmed that their last-ditch effort of sending a delegation of traders to Somalia has not borne fruit. Talks with Somalia “We reached out to the government way back in April to initiate talks with Somalia about the resumption of miraa trade. We were told that due to the inter-ministerial nature of the issue, it would be discussed in the Cabinet and a way forward given. We are shocked that nothing was done until Somalia extended the suspension of miraa business,” Mr Munjuri stated. He said there was hope for resumption of trade this week after the Finance ministry released guidelines for miraa traders but the President rejected the proposal on Friday. Nyambene Miraa Sacco Chairman Moses Lichoro said farmers will soon take to the streets to protest over the government’s silence. “Farmers who grow the varieties meant for the Somalia market have lost millions of shillings in the last four months. We will be holding demonstrations until the government listens to us,” Mr Lichoro said. Anti-miraa crusaders The Covid-19 pandemic has become a blessing in disguise for anti-miraa campaigners who are now hoping the suspension is not lifted. “Before Covid-19 came, there were attempts by the government in Somalia to start rehabilitating khat chewers and help traders venture into alternative businesses to prepare ground for a ban,” Mr Qureshi said. Traders have been using road and the sea to deliver about two trucks of miraa which has turned out to be expensive. A trader said it costs about Sh1.5 million to deliver miraa cargo by boat to Mogadishu, a journey that takes 11 days. According to data from the Ministry of Finance in Somalia, miraa was the third largest local revenue earner for the country in 2019 at USD16.6 million (Sh1.79 billion) in import tax. By May this year, the country had earned USD4.82 million (Sh521 million) from miraa imports. Daily Nation