What a disgusting, unfitting speech is this for a former madaxweyne. Completely acting like a sore loser he is. It seems, by judging from his speech, that he really wanted dagaal sokeeye lagu hoobto Xamar ka dhaco while his kids Turkiga ugu baashaalayaan. I also knew Shariifka was a much reasonable and macquul man than Xasan. You can just compare their two hadaljeedin, for Shariifka was more conciliatory, even asking iscafin while this wannabe warlord was dwelling in the past, not even u quuri waaye inuu salaamo madaxda meesha fadhiso, a simple, routine gesture. Just watch and compare their two speeches:

It was mutual benefits, laakiin. Masar or not, Soomaaliya has had to liberate Soomaali Galbeed and Jamaal C/naasir was a genuine supporter of this cause, hoggaamiyaashii ka dambeeye ayaa xumaa. Same with Jacfarkii Reer Suudaan.

Saalax, Nasiib Buundo maa taqaanaa? Ileen taariikhda Koonfurta si fiican ula socotaa. I posted about taariikhda halyeey Nasiib Buundo on here in 2005, 16 years ago.

Dagaal xun ayaa ka dhacay gobolka Hiiraan maalmihii la soo dhaafay. Dagaalkaas wuxuu u dhaxeeyey beesha uu ka dhashay the late Mowliid Macaane vs kuwa ka mid ah reero faradheer. This is a first intra-tribal war reer ka mid ah beesha shanaad were involved in years. Rabi mahadiis dagaalka hadda waala qaboojiyey.

Another momentum achievement of dowladda dhexe is kala fur furida of xiriirka iyo isbaheysiga dheer ka dhaxeeyey Xabashida iyo Kiikuuyada. This also meesha ka saareysaa dekedda Mombaasa iyo jid dhisida dheer loo rabay ilaa Adisababa. Now Kiikuuyada dalalka la col ah Xabashada ayee xiriir ka raadineysaa. It is all good for Soomaaliya.

Kuwii 2012 xildhibaanno ahaa iyo in 2017 the 50 delegates who selected the new xildhibaanno jini ayaa magacaabay miyaa? Sheekada aad iskugu sheekeysid meesha kala tag. I personally know a long time family friend and former xildhibaanad oo odey dhaqameedkeeda Reer Waqooyi ahaa oo doolar ku biili jirtay every few months after he selected her in both 2009 and 2012. Nayroobi ayaa isku arki jirnay. In 2017, paying his dues became too much and unaffordable that she did not run. Another candidate with deep pockets got her seat instead, whom her odey dhaqameed selected. He did this while he was in Hargeysa and in Xamar.

Xildhibaanada laga soo xulan doono Waqooyi Galbeed ayaa maalmahaan la isku haayaa Xamar. Mahdi Guuleed iyo odey Cabdi Xaashi oo Muuse Muqayil matalo ayaa ku dhagan anagaa xaq u leh inaa xildhibaan walba u shaabad saarno. Yaa saxsan, yaa qaldan? Labadooda yaa xaq u siiyey inay xildhibaanno iyaga wato keensadaan? Aawey odey dhaqameedkii? VS

Atheist qashin Kiikuuyo bootlicker, if iyo aakhiraba seegay, speak when qashinka are allowed to, which is never. Say in your qashinqub place. Your atheist ass are never Soomaali, never will be. No Soomaali will accept you, keep bootlicking your Kiikuuyo masters.

Are you serious by quoting Feysal Dhurwaa? And are you seriously falling for the same old secessionist leaders' tricks of aqoonsi ayaa soo dhow/dhawaa? As I said before and I will write again, haddii Waqooyiga la aqoonsan waaye between the years 1991-2011, there won't be another opportunity. The best window they had was from 1997 to 2009 years with Sanaawi who supported them as a leader in Xabashiland and nothing happened. Waa iska riyo masaakiinta dadka Waqooyiga been loo sheegaayo, for Muuse Muqayil and Feysal Dhurwaa know aqoonsi inuunan soo socon ever.

Hey, Uncle Sam, what about what Satanyahoo and his regime have done in Falastiin?

Yes, the victim is a nephew-in-law to Fahad. Victim's mother and Fahad's wife are sisters from Reer Taano family, which includes abwaan Idaajaa as well. I know them because Idaajaa's brother is married to my ilmahabreed (cousin).

Toronto shalay:

Businessman Bashir Mohamed's Body Reveals Brutal Death [Petty Kiikuuyo thieves would not burn luxury cars like this. They strip off its identity numbers and ship it to other east African countries to sell. Only corrupt, connected government officials do this. Also no money was taken from the brother's bank accounts.] The body of Somali-American businessman Bashir Mohamed Mohamudwas found at Kerugoya Level 5 hospital, 132 kilometres from where he was last seen. Mohamud, whose Range Rover was found burnt at Ngong forest, Kajiado County, had gone missing on Thursday, May 13. The reports were confirmed by Mohamud's family through their lawyer, Charles Madowo. "As the family processes this tragic news and plan for his burial, they request that they be accorded privacy. "Even as Bashir rests, the family shall not rest until justice has been served and those responsible for his death brought to book," read part of the statement. The family indicated that Mohamud was likely to have been tortured before death.The body showed signs of panga cuts and two bullets in the head. The deceased's lawyer Alibaya Hassan affirmed to the media that Mohamud's wife had given birth, eight days before the businessman's disappearance. Mohamud, a structural engineer, was a director of Infinity Development company which primarily deals with providing architectural services. Reports of the missing businessman came to light when his Range Rover was found burnt at Ngong forest. CCTV footage revealed that Mohamud had been last traced to Miale Lounge, Lavington. The video showed that the deceased was in the company of five other men who are yet to be identified. The final moments before his disappearance depicted Mohamud tipping the security guards before ultimately leaving the premises.

Hold on your horses, folks! Kiikuuyada aad noo amaaneysiin waa kuwa ugaarsado our well-off people in Nayroobi. The latest victim is this brother who went missing on last week. His torched car was found burned a few days ago and his body was found today. It was done by Kenyan intelligence military. They are known to do things like this to many of our people over the years. Their bodies are always found in some morgue. This latest victim of theirs, the victim's mother and Fahad Yaasiin's wife are sisters. The Kiikuuyo government officials were planting some nefarious stories about him in their media, calling him that he had 'terror' links, that he was connected to Somali government officials. None were true and he was an engineering businessman. _________________ Body of missing Somali-American businessman Bashir Mohamed found The body of Somali-American businessman Bashir Mohamed Mohamud, who went missing last Thursday, has been found in Mwea, Kirinyaga County. In a statement sent by the family's lawyer Charles Madowo, the family said the body was found at Mwea Level Five Hospital. "It is with heavy hearts that family of Bashir Mohamed Mohamud informs you that the body of Bashir was found earlier on today at Kerugoya Level 5 Hospital,” said Mr Madowo. He added: "As the family processes this tragic news and plan for his burial, they request that they be accorded privacy." The family vowed not to rest until those responsible for Mr Bashir’s death are brought to book The 35-year-old structural engineer and proprietor of Infinity Developers, headquartered in Nairobi, after leaving Miale Lounge in Lavington, Nairobi, where he had gone for a meeting and Idd celebrations. He was in the company of some yet-to-be-disclosed persons at 5pm before his car, a Range Rover with registration number KCQ 007P, was captured by CCTV cameras leaving the premises an hour later. In the footage, Mr Bashir was seen tipping some guards. That was the last time he was seen. During that hour, Mr Bashir is said to have contacted his wife, but the call was interrupted and his phone confiscated in what is presumed to have been a scuffle. The family believes it was then switched off immediately. However, data from a leading telco traced the phone to Ngong Road, which is also where the police last traced his car, according to Nairobi Regional Commander Augustine Thumbi. The family reported the matter at Muthangari Police Station. On the same day, Mr Bashir’s car was traced to Ngong Road then Kibiku by a Range Rover dealer.

Jewish Americans are at a turning point with Israel Nakba Day, 15 May, amid the outbreak of war in Israel/Palestine, I attended a rally in Bay Ridge in Brooklyn, to commemorate the expulsion of more than 700,000 Palestinians from the new Israeli state in 1948, and to protest against the oppression of the Palestinian people in the land between the river and the sea. From the signs I saw as part of that crowd – “This Jew will not stand by” or “Another Jew for a Free Palestine” – and from monitoring my social media feeds, it was clear that there were thousands of Jewstaking part in these protests in cities all over the country. For me, the conspicuous presence of larger numbers of Jews – many, but not all of them young – at every major Nakba Day protest was significant. During the 2014 assault on Gaza, I ventured out to a Palestine solidarity rally in Columbus Circle in Manhattan by myself. An ardent Zionist until that point, my worldview had been profoundly shaken by the images in the papers – Palestinian children bombed to pieces on a beach; Israelis in the rattled buffer town of Sderot gathered on hilltops overlooking the Strip, cheering as the bombs fell. I didn’t know a single person that might accompany me to such a protest. To go at all felt like a betrayal of everything I’d ever known and loved. And yet even stronger was my anguish at doing nothing. I felt alienated by the march itself, unprepared to face the righteous anger at the Israeli state from the perspective of its victims. My heart raced when chants broke out of “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” – a popular protest slogan calling for equality in a single democratic state, which Jews have long been told amounts to their expulsion. I stayed another 30 minutes, then ducked into Central Park, collapsing on a bench in sobs. I’d never felt more alone. I don’t feel alone any more. Though the years since 2014 have seen the growth of a small but committed Jewish anti-occupation movement, the last week and a half have brought an even larger circle of the community to a place of reckoning. We’ve seen Jewish politicians, celebrities,rabbinical students and others speak up loudly for Palestine. We’ve seen a powerful display of solidarity from Jewish Google employees, asking their company to sever ties with the IDF. At Jewish Currents, the leftwing magazine where I am now editor-in-chief, we asked forquestions from readers struggling to understand the recent violence. We’ve been deluged. These questions taken in aggregate paint a striking portrait of a community at a turning point. Though many queries aim to understand specific aspects of the recent round of violence – the circumstances surrounding theexpulsions of Palestinians from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah, for instance, or the affiliations of the Jewish revelers dancing ecstatically opposite a fire on the Temple Mount – many more are simply expressions of confusion, and a newfound willingness to confront it head on. "I know what’s happening is wrong, but does supporting Palestinian liberation mean supporting Hamas?” asks one reader. “How do I talk to my family about this?” asks another. There are people struggling with new terminology (“Isapartheid an accurate word for what is happening in Israel/Palestine? What about ethnic cleansing?”) and with the foundational events that shaped the current situation on the ground (“Was there really an expulsion of Palestinians in 1948?”). Though many of our Jewish readers are anxious about antisemitism and about Jewish safety in Israel, there are strong indications that they are beginning to separate these feelings from the moral reality on the ground. On the whole, their questions represent a genuine outpouring of curiosity and compassion about the plight of Palestinians. What has changed? The Black Lives Matter movement can claim credit for helping masses of people understand the mechanisms of structural racism and oppression, and for consistently linkingthe Black struggle to the Palestinian one. White people, including white Jews, who spent last summer confronting their own complicity in anti-Blackness or their discomfort with the force of abolitionist demands like “defund the police”, are perhaps finding themselves prepared to face similar complicities and discomforts in relation to Palestinian liberation. Jewish groups in solidarity with Palestine like Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNowin the United States and Na’amod in the UK, some of which were formed following the 2014 assault on Gaza, have steadily moved the intra-communal conversation around Israel/Palestine, creating more space for Jews to speak their conscience without having to abandon their identities. These groups all enjoyed periods of growth during the Trump-era, when Donald Trump’s close relationship with the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, heightened the contradictions for a largely liberal Jewish populace. Young Jews becoming politically conscious for the first time saw a powerful, rightwing Israel intent on entrenching a decades-long occupation – a story that contrasted sharply with the one many of their elders had told them. It remains to be seen whether this new visibility of Jewish dissenters on Israel/Palestine will have a meaningful effect on conditions on the ground. Many Jewish communal institutions rely on mega-donors to keep the lights on, and many of those mega-donors are conservative – meaning that our institutions are not particularly responsive to constituent pressure. For another, much of the American support for Israel comes from evangelical Christian Zionists, who, despite stirrings of dissent in their own communities, remain wedded to an apocalyptic Second Coming predicated on a warlike Jewish state. In Israel/Palestine itself, the single most important factor in Palestinian liberation is unified Palestinian resistance, which has taken inspiring new forms this week. But there’s no question that Jewish support for the status quo in Israel/Palestine provides a powerful justification for Israeli government support globally. More Jews speaking up against Israeli apartheid weakens that justification, leaving politicians, lobbyists and others to account for what their support is really about. On Thursday, a ceasefire took hold between the Israeli government and Hamas, ending an 11-day engagement that has left 12 Israelis and 232 Palestinians dead. The announcement was a genuine relief, but it does not change the reality in Israel/Palestine, where Palestinians across the land live under various forms of Israeli subjugation – the crushing blockade in Gaza; the military occupationin the West Bank; and second-class statusin East Jerusalem and within the Green Line. Just as 2014 produced new infrastructure in the Jewish community to encourage dissent, I am certain that this moment will prove pivotal in a changing Jewish American conversation about Israel/Palestine. The Guardian

Jewish Canadians in Toronto cover Israeli consulate steps with ‘river of blood’ Members of the Jewish community and allies have gathered at the Israeli consulate in Toronto to protest against Israel’s violence in Gaza and across historic Palestine, Canadian organisations World Beyond War and Independent Jewish Voices (IJV) have said in a statement. “This belligerence is the latest in an ongoing aggressive 73-year settler-colonisation project by Israel across historic Palestine,” Rabbi David Mivasair, a member of IJV said. “The ceasefire doesn’t end the injustice and oppression.” Rabbi Mivasair quoted the Book of Genesis saying: “The voice of your brother’s blood cries out to Me from the earth. “Canadian Jews and others joined today to make sure that cry is heard even if the blood stops being spilled anew. Red paint streaming from the Israeli consulate onto the street in Toronto represents the blood of massacred innocent Palestinian civilians, the blood on Israel’s hands. As Canadians, we demand that our government holds Israel accountable for war crimes and stops the Canada-Israel arms trade,” Mivasair said. Aljasiira _______________ This latest Zionist war crimes against innocent Palestinians has unprecedented voices against the Zionist regime - from big shot members of U.S. Congress openly calling it apartheid and boycotting it, to the guests of Faux News boldly defending Reer Falastiin, as Geraldo Rivera did on the always-lying Hannity. Hore looma arkin, this is indeed the turning point.

Sad. Add this to that infamous thread.

Any xaawo and jaamac can clain any tuulo, but who rules is the question. Uusbuur in Garoowe claims to rule deegaano a few kilomitir Garoowe u jirto uuna tagi karin. Dadka degan ayaa maamulo Baraawe iyo nawaaxigeeda for years. Anyway, Xamar will always be xarunta ummadda Soomaaliyeed.

Before ICJ releases the maritime case, Uhuru in Kiikuuyoland has been dealt a major blow to another case where he put all his political future. How BBI Ruling Has Scrambled Uhuru Kenyatta's Succession Game Plan President Kenyatta's succession game plan has been scrambled by the High Court judgment scuttling the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) proposed constitutional changes. Creation of new executive positions is crucial to a power-sharing deal for an anticipated super alliance and the referendum campaigns equally offer a dress rehearsal ahead of the elections next year, political analysts and MPs the Nation interviewed yesterday said. Rallied party leaders Apart from forging a working relationship with opposition leader Raila Odinga following their 2018 truce, the President has also rallied party leaders Kalonzo Musyoka (Wiper), Musalia Mudavadi (Amani National Congress), Moses Wetang'ula (Ford Kenya) and Gideon Moi (Kanu) into the pro-BBI group that observers say was looking towards referendum campaigns as a springboard to presidential polls. The BBI Bill proposes creation of the offices of Prime Minister and two deputies as well as Cabinet appointments for MPs -- positions that expand options in power sharing in addition to the presidential flagbearer and running mate slots. Others in the pro-BBI alliance are governors Charity Ngilu, Kivutha Kibwana, Alfred Mutua, Hassan Joho and Wycliffe Oparanya as well as former United Nations Conference on Trade and Development secretary-general Mukhisa Kituyi, who are all harbouring presidential ambitions. Observers says the clause on the expanded executive is critical in accommodating all these bigwigs in an anticipated super alliance. For Deputy President William Ruto, who has fallen out with his boss, his allies see the BBI campaign as designed to help cobble a coalition to block him from the presidency. Hidden agenda "It was perceived by many as being pushed down people's throats with a hidden agenda of torpedoing the DP's ambitions," claimed Murang'a Senator Irung'u Kangata, who was ousted as Senate Majority Whip, after addressing a letter critical of the BBI campaign to the President. "This call for constitutional review is purely to prevent DP Ruto from becoming the President of this country," claimed Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei. Prof Ken Oluoch, head of the Political Science Department at Moi University says the President took a risky gamble by starting to manage his succession through a constitutional change. "Uhuru's succession plans are in [a] shambles. It would have been advisable for him, from the start, to serve his term and retire at the end. It's not easy to influence succession under the 2010 Constitution. Just see how his plans to amend it have ended in disarray," Prof Oluoch says. Political cheque Political analyst Javas Bigambo also argues that the President's 'Plan A' for his succession has been dealt a serious blow by the High Court decision. "The President's influence has been greatly diminished and the open political cheque he had has been closed... The Uhuru succession is inevitable, only that occasioning structural changes in the Constitution would give him a swift opportunity to influence much of the succession game plan," Mr Bigambo argues. Prof X. N. Iraki of the University of Nairobi argues that an end to the BBI process is likely to scuttle dreams of the political bigwigs. "BBI referendum will be a dress rehearsal for 2022. Politicians would love it. It will help them refine their 2022 strategies. It's more than that. If BBI goes through, winning in 2022 will be easier, just distribute the top five national positions to the regions that matter. Not holding it will scuttle lots of political dreams. Remember BBI is a political investment, the investors are awaiting returns through 2022 polls," Prof Iraki explains. Political analyst Dismas Mokua insists BBI proponents still have a chance of success in superior courts and proceed with the BBI. "He can use the parliamentary initiative to secure legislation that does not require a referendum, use superior courts, abandon BBI and mobilise for 2022 as if he is a presidential candidate or create road blocks for his deputy who seems happy with the ruling," Mr Mokua suggests.

Xasan Sheekh's open qabyaalad against dowladda and aligning with the (still) former qabqabliyaal Indhacadde and Muuse Suudi was not something that was expected from a erswhile president in 2021. Shariifka ayaa dhaamo oo xishoodo. Anyway, Shariifka, Xasan Sh. iyo C/raxmaan C/shakuur cid dooraneyso ayaa iska yar. Xildhibaanada imaan doono cusub lacagta dalalka shisheeye u soo dhiibay ayee ka guranaayaan and then vote for others, just as they did in 2017. I don't think they will even be in top three. Kheyre has a lot more chances than them. If any newcomer has a chance, it will be Jibriil Ibraahin Cabdulle.

Nothing would have worked as long as the two bought stooges - Uusbuur in Garoowe and Madoobe in Kismaayo - advocated the foreigners who own them. It is clear from the below paragraph: "This agreement and its implementation processes provided a clear road map and reasonable schedule to meet the election timeline. This process broke down as soon as Puntland and Jubaland leaders returned from their trip to the United Arab Emirates and Kenya—two countries which Somalia did not enjoy strong bilateral relations with—in late November 2020." Since dalal shisheeye u adeegaayeen, marmarsiyo ayee wadi lahaayeen inta Febraayo sideedeeda laga gaaraayo. The declare that madaxweynaha xilligiisa waa u dhamaaday. Just as they did.