Juje

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  1. Originally posted by A.J.: Are you a convert to Somaliland cause there, Juje? Well done for seeing the truth lad Not at all sxb. I hope they will be prapared to open a whole can of worms that will be spreading throught out the whole of Afrika
  2. Juje

    Why Now..?

    Saxiib my question is still the same. Originally posted by General Duke: The only issue I have with it so far, is that the South Mogadishu clan should have gained a better portfolio, Interior, Finance or Foreign affairs Thus Abdi-Salaan should have been given a better post, information ministry with youth affairs seems like a third rate position. As for the South Mogadishu Clan I would have suggested they not be given anything at all if it was up to me.Lately they seem to be a group who want all or nothing. To say Information ministry plus deputy PM as third rate is misinformation. Furthermore I believe Abdisalaan got the post that he is capable of bringing in changes and development. On the other hand how sure are you that this whole scenario had the blessings of the old man?
  3. Significant Stakes Suggest Somaliland Shift for U.S by J. Peter Pham, Ph.D. World Defense Review columnist In October, in my testimony to a House Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health hearing on security in the Horn of Africa, I stated: The most significant national interest at stake for the United States in this complex context is to prevent al-Qaeda (or another like-minded international terrorist network) from acquiring a new base and opening a new front in its war against us and our allies ... I would be remiss if I did not avail myself of this opportunity to raise the question of the remarkable reemergence of the Republic of Somaliland amid the ruin of Somalia and multiple conflicts wracking the Horn of Africa. With the collapse of the Somali state, the Somalilanders reasserted their independence and created a functional government, complete with all the accoutrements of modern statehood save, alas, international recognition ... Surely if America's national commitment to support and strengthen democracy as a bulwark against extremist ideologies and terrorist violence has any real-world application, it is certainly the case here. The point I made at last year's hearing on the expanding crisis in the Horn of Africa is even truer today: "The people of Somaliland have made their choice for political independence and democratic progress. While they have stumbled occasionally along the way, their efforts deserve encouragement through the appropriate economic, political, and security cooperation – which, in turn, will anchor Somaliland within America's orbit as well as international society." I make no apologies for constantly returning to this theme: it is to me incomprehensible that we continue to express concern about the state of democracy in the Horn of Africa while all but ignoring a New York-sized region that has held internationally-monitored elections for the presidency as well as national and local legislatures. Talk of mixed signals! Last week, in its December 4 issue, the Washington Post carried a remarkable article by Ann Scott Tyson. Under the headline "U.S. Debating Shift of Support in Somali Conflict," the piece notes that "the escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991" and quotes two anonymous Department of Defense officials: "Somaliland is an entity that works," a senior defense official said. "We're caught between a rock and a hard place because they're not a recognized state," the official said. The Pentagon's view is that "Somaliland should be independent," another defense official said. "We should build up the parts that are functional and box in" Somalia's unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu. In contrast, "the State Department wants to fix the broken part first – that's been a failed policy," the official said. In conclusion, Navy Captain Bob Wright, head of strategic communications for the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based at Camp Lemonier, Djibouti, was quoted as saying "We'd love to [engage Somaliland], we're just waiting for State to give us the okay." The next day, December 5, the Bureau of African Affairs posted to the State Department website a five-bullet point "fact sheet" attempting to explain what passes as "United States Policy on Somaliland": The United States currently engages the Somaliland administration and has provided assistance, for example to the election effort. Our policy on recognition is to allow the African Union to first deliberate on the question. We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance. As indicated in the full quote above, the United States continues to engage with the administration in Somaliland on a range of issues, most directly Somaliland's continued progress towards democratization and economic development. In FY 2007, the United States provided a total of $1 million through the International Republican Institute to support training for parliamentarians and other key programs in preparations for the upcoming municipal and presidential elections in Somaliland. We expect to provide an additional $1.5 million in continued support for the democratization process in Somaliland following the elections. While we continue to engage with the Somaliland administration, we do believe that the African Union is the most appropriate forum to address the question of recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. We understand that Somaliland is pursuing bilateral dialogue with the African Union and its member-states in this regard. However, as the African Union continues to deliberate on this issue, the United States will continue to engage with all actors throughout Somalia, including Somaliland, to support the return of lasting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. On the face of it, the Foggy Bottom's position seems reasonable enough: the United States does not want to be blamed for opening up a veritable Pandora's Box by backing a secessionist attempt to redraw colonial-era boundaries in Africa which could cause a ripple effect across the continent; better to let the African Union make that call. However, the artful facade the diplomats put up to cover their geopolitical inertia is utterly mendacious, despite the truly diplomatic efforts of Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale to welcome the State Department's positive comments about the country's "continued progress towards democratization and economic development. First, as I pointed out in this column nearly two years ago: "From 1884 until 1960, Somaliland existed within its current borders as the protectorate of British Somaliland. On June 26, 1960, Somaliland was granted its independence by the British Crown and was internationally recognized as a sovereign state. When, a week later, the United Nations trust territory that had been the Italian colony of Somalia received its independence, Somaliland joined it to form a united republic. The union, however, was troubled from the beginning...Amid the anarchy that ensued following Siyad Barre's ignominious flight in January 1991, clan elders in Somaliland issued a declaration reasserting the independence that the northwestern region had briefly enjoyed in 1960." There is no question of – much less precedent set for – redrawing colonial frontiers. Second, the African Union (AU) itself has acknowledged the unique circumstances surrounding Somaliland's quest for recognition. The official report of an AU fact-finding mission to the republic in 2005 led by AU Deputy Chairperson Patrick Mazimhaka concluded: "The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland's search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of 'opening a Pandora's Box'. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case." However, by punting the question to a body like the AU, which decides major political questions by consensus, while simultaneously continuing the delusional policy of recognizing the utterly ineffectual "Transitional Federal Government" (TFG) of Somalia, which asserts sovereignty over the entire territory of the defunct Somali Democratic Republic despite being unable to so much as control its putative capital, the State Department belies any pretensions of neutrality. The Africa Bureau knows very well that there is no way the phantasmal TFG will ever permit an AU consensus to be forged which recognizes the de facto Republic of Somaliland. Thus the State Department's support for the fictional Somalia's continued presence at international forums like the AU is fundamentally irreconcilable with functional Somaliland's ever getting a fair hearing. So the only thing conceivably worse than the State Department being cynically duplicitous in its Somaliland policy is the possibility that its denizens don't realize this and, hence, are criminally incompetent in their guidance of U.S. policy in the geopolitical sensitive Horn of Africa. Fortunately, the TFG may not be a factor for much longer. Last week, its "president," Abdullahi Yusuf, was hospitalized in Nairobi, Kenya, and had to cancel a meeting in Addis Ababa with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice; should his condition worsen, that charade will be over. The meeting that did take place between TFG "prime minister" Nur Hassan Hussein and America's top diplomat was farcical to anyone with historical knowledge of the region. The secretary said she hoped "Hussein will draw on his humanitarian background to facilitate delivery of much-needed humanitarian aid." What "humanitarian background" does Dr. Rice refer to? His role as police colonel under the brutal dictator Muhammad Siyad Barre? His tenure as deputy head of the despot's "National Salvation Court," a military tribunal that sent thousands of regime opponents to their deaths? Or perhaps his leadership of the Somali Red Crescent Society where he "did well by doing good" – so well, in fact, that as Somalia descended into chaos and its luckier citizens fled, his children inexplicably found the capital to open a string of internet cafés and currency exchanges in Great Britain to meet the needs of their displaced countrymen? And while the secretary could only "encourage" the self-appointed TFG "to develop a timeline for the remainder of the transitional process by early January" in the hope of staging elections sometime in 2009, Somaliland has already held several sets of the internationally-monitored free polls, the most recent, the parliamentary elections of 2005, was observed and reported on by an International Republican Institute (IRI) delegation led by Ambassador Lange Schermerhorn, a former U.S. envoy to Djibouti who has also served as political advisor to the CJTF-HOA. (I served as an election observer with the ambassador in Nigeria earlier this year.) The failure of the TFG should not be surprising. As I pointed out a year and a half ago, the pretender regime is little more than the product of a well-intentioned effort by the international community to conjure up yet another government for Somalia after the ignominious collapse the previous year of its previous attempt, the risible "Transitional National Government" (TNG), which went through four prime ministers and hundreds of cabinet members in three years before going bankrupt, having misappropriated millions of dollars in donor funds while governing nothing other than what was inside the confines of the four walls of "president" Abdiqasim Salad Hassan's villa in nearby Djibouti. With even fewer prospects and, if it is possible, even less legitimacy than the TNG, the TFG's leaders have little incentive to do anything other than leverage the international recognition which is their only real asset with which to enrich themselves. One could hardly find a starker contrast to this than Somaliland. As former World Bank economist William Easterly, hardly someone who looks at Africa through rosy lenses, noted in his realistic, if somewhat pessimistic, volume, The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good: In Somalia, the "international community" has sponsored fourteen rounds of fruitless peace talks since the collapse of the government in 1991, not to mention the failed UN/U.S. military intervention. Meanwhile, without outside intervention, foreign aid, or even international recognition, the breakaway Republic of Somaliland in the north of Somalia has enjoyed peace, economic growth, and democratic elections over the same period. Thus, among the many others which could be adduced, there are five compelling reasons for the United States to abandon the bankrupt, State Department-driven policy of preferring self-appointed "leaders" of a failed construct to an effective government of a real country: Counterterrorism. As the Pentagon has now publicly acknowledged (and as I suggested earlier this year), scarce resources would be better spent boxing in the troubled parts of Somalia, rather than vainly asserting the questionable claims by a clearly unpopular regime whose illegitimacy is actually a magnet for extremists. No less a figure than Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates declared last week while visiting Camp Lemonier that his "biggest concern for Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there." Formal ties with Somaliland would permit closer ties between U.S. military and intelligence personnel with their counterparts in the small country's services. Access to Somaliland territory, including the onetime NATO installation at Berbera, would also expand the scope for counterterrorism and other operations by CJTF-HOA as well as the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) which will subsume it next year. Regional stability. Far from being destabilizing, as I told Congress earlier this year, recognition of Somaliland would "show the countries and peoples of the subregion our resolve to reward progress as well as give the lie to those who argue that our anti-terrorism and pro-democracy objectives are not subterfuges for an anti-Muslim agenda. (Somaliland's population is almost exclusively Sunni Muslims and the shahādah, the Muslim profession of the oneness of God and the acceptance of Muhammad as God's final prophet, is emblazoned on its flag.)" Furthermore, U.S.-led diplomatic recognition of Somaliland would not only allow the country much-needed access to international institutions and finance for development of the country itself, but also spur regional integration and prosperity. To cite just one example, America's close partner Ethiopia, whose cut-off from the sea is a factor in the border dispute with Eritrea which I discussed two weeks ago, would benefit directly from access to Somaliland's 900-kilometer coastline along the Gulf of Aden. Natural resources and economic opportunities. Earlier this year, I reported on mainland China's play for petroleum resources in Somalia. Establishing formal ties with Somaliland would not only open opportunities for American firms to bid for similar concessions in that country, but also to invest in what could be a significant regional market. Conversely, ties with American commercial interests would also help anchor the strategically-placed country in the orbit of the United States as it joins the global economy. On the other hand, Somaliland's considerable potential for economic and social progress is jeopardized not only by the maelstrom in neighboring Somalia, but also, as the AU has reported, by "the lack of recognition [which] ties the hands of the authorities and people of Somaliland as they cannot effectively and sustainably transact with the outside to pursue the reconstruction and development goals." Moral imperatives. As I previously argued, "Somaliland's trajectory...has been nothing if not extraordinary, being characterized by both social stability and democratic politics – the northern region's progress standing in stark contrast to the free fall of the rest of the former Somalia. And despite being cut off from international financial institutions, direct bilateral assistance, and other sources of development and investment capital – all for want of diplomatic recognition – the Somalilanders have rebuilt Hargeysa, which was leveled during the Siyad Barre regime's brutal campaign against them, and resettled close to one million of their displaced citizens." Somaliland has already had democratic presidential, legislative, and local government elections; even the State Department has acknowledged that its upcoming presidential and municipal elections are more than credible enough to deserve U.S. funding. Global leadership. Despite some major faux pas of American foreign policy in recent years – both in substance and implementation – the world still defaults to looking to the United States to take the lead in critical arenas like the Horn of Africa. A number of governments, both African (including those of Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Zambia) and European (including those of Great Britain, Germany, and Sweden), have either entered into de facto relations with or at least made friendly overtures to the Republic of Somaliland. In June, the German federal parliament even passed a resolution calling upon Chancellor Angela Merkel's government "to work towards mitigating dangers for Somaliland's stability that may arise from the current Southern Somali scenario," including "initiatives to advance the resolution of the question of an international recognition of an independent Somaliland." However, nothing is likely to advance without American leadership or at least tacit approval – in any event, the opposite of the State Department's passive attendance on the AU's capacity-challenged policymaking and implementation processed (see my column last week on "The Challenge of Peacekeeping in Africa"). At the very launch of this column series, I wrote: "Since the disintegration of the Siyad Barre's oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as 'Somalia.' Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people's quest for freedom and security mirrors America's values as well as her strategic interests." If anything, that counsel is even truer today than ever before, as many of our military officers have now publicly acknowledged. The only question is whether or not America's elected political leaders will have the vision and fortitude to finally instruct their unelected diplomatic mandarins on the real stakes, diplomatic, military, and economic. J. Peter Pham is Director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He is also an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C., as well as Vice President of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA). In addition to the study of terrorism and political violence, his research interests lie at the intersection of international relations, international law, political theory, and ethics, with particular concentrations on the implications for United States foreign policy and African states as well as religion and global politics. Source
  4. Juje

    Why Now..?

    Awoowe Bashi thanx for the priceless input. It is apparent that we have a long history of mis-comprehenssion. On the main subject, the new cabinet is too true to be good. It is lean and has charecters who are able. Most important it mirrors broad Somali comminity, unless the observing individual is scanning for a member of sub-sub- clan. Hence a cabinet that is lean, broadly presented and in general has the capability and the know-how to stir Somalia towards a path of socio-development in my opinion does not have the finger prints of President Yusuf in its structure. I agree as stated by some that there are few henchmen of Yeey in the cabinet but those are actually not as 'yes-men' as those who helped him topple Geedi. And notably none of them came back. Some have shown their disgust through the national media, like Gacmdhere wo said that the President has been sick and vomiting since he came back from London. Not the kind of statement you would expect from him. On the other hand the likes of Axmed Abdi Salaan, Mustaph Dhuxulow and Idoow Beyle are not in the best of terms with Yeey. The latter two have officially been campaingning and fund raising for Muqawima lately. Not metioning Mustaph Dhuxulow who was first was a staunch supporter of former speaker and lately the ousted PM. Abdi-Salaan is not actually far from the main stream of TFG as it is widely rumoured that he has and had linked with intellgence forces of Both Zenawi and US. But on the other hand was vital in shaping his clan's domination of Somali awkward politics since Abdiqassim's reign. It is an open secret that his clan members with Al-Shabab have made him a prime target since their downfall. His task now is confince his general clan that the change can come within the framework of the TFG as oppossed to masquerading as Islamists. Whether he will succeed or fail like his predecessors , Hussein Aideed, Gacmadhere and lately Mohamed Ali Herzi, only time will tell. Finally my hunch is that with the announcement of the new cabinet and the unfortunate medical condition of Yeey there has subsequently and coincedently been a quasi coup-detat
  5. Juje

    Why Now..?

    The President of TFG was flown early this morning due to medical complications. No one knows except those close to him how serious it is , but its seriousness is not in doubt. Hours after landing in Addis being hospitalised, President Yusuf, his prime minister Nuur Caade has anoounced from the presidential palace in Baydhabo the new cabinet members. Though the cabinet is lean as promised , it is also striking and very promising as far as its memebers are concerned. However what stands out odd is why was it announced while the head of the state is sick and lying in hospital in Addis. Plus the fact that it was an open secret that President Yeey severly rejected this list when presented to him since his return from London. This was due to the fact that he wanted the Financial portoflio to be given to one of his confidantes - and that was refused by the PM and the speaker of the parliament as it would have affected the equlibrium of the TFG power-sharing. The president was adamant and was not giving in, untill circumstances changed and he had to be rushed to hospital in Addis. Hence , my assumption of the announcement of the new cabinet was hastly made in order to over step the hurdle of Yeeys opposition since now he is in Hospital - please note here in the announcement both the PM and the speaker of parliament were there and they insisted that it already had a presidential approval and that the PM will present soon to the TFG parliament in seek of approval. Secondly my other assumptions due to the hasty announcement is that the medical condition of the president has deteriorated since being admitted to Addis hospital. What ever the case the developments from Baydhabo today is not normal and either assumptions could be possible - what is your take?
  6. Cige xasiid waxiid, this is from today. And they all came out to bid Riyaale farewell, cause he is going to US of A. No Ngonge it does not happen all the time I guess, and this time it is widely speculated that the Pentagon might grant them special recognition. Though I have no clue whether the visit is private or official. JB why did you omit this pic from your presentation, it was best one in there. Check the sign at the back ' exclusive parking for madaxtooyada'...damn I bet the three beautiful ladies parked their cruisers in there.
  7. ^^ The one who published it, for being so ****** and naive.
  8. I think they have responded to you JB with the following statement: War been abuurad ah oo soo gaadhay saaka webka Allcayn.com Ayaan dhamaan, maamulka Puntland iyo Umada reer SSC iyo mudane Col. Dayr Abdi Iska Toos. Waxaan arintaas sidegdeg oo gaar ah uga raali gelinaynaa Col: Dayr Abdi Iska toos. oo haatan ku hawlan jahaadka difaaca cariga SSC kuna jira raaca hore ee dagaalka. Source
  9. Originally posted by Isseh: The Gikuyus haven't retaliated yet! But when they do...hmmm...that'd the day...the damning day! I hope they keep a cool head and let the police/army settle matters. Indeed, lets hope so, cause if they do that will rock places like Nairobi.
  10. The situation has unfortunately rapidly deepened into tribal war. Hadaad aragtiid in kanisaad la isku dhex dilayo arrin faraha wey ka baxdey. Illaho SWT ka badbaadi ummada Islaanka ah ee mesha ku nool.
  11. Kenyan death toll near 250 NAIROBI (Reuters) - A mob torched a Kenyan church on Tuesday, killing about 30 villagers cowering inside, as the death toll from ethnic riots triggered by President Mwai Kibaki's disputed re-election approached 250. Fire engulfed a church near Eldoret town where hundreds of Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe had taken refuge in fear of their lives. Witnesses said charred bodies, including women and children, were strewn about the smouldering ruins. "This is the first time in history that any group has attacked a church. We never expected the savagery to go so far," police spokesman Eric Kiraithe said. Kibaki was sworn in on Sunday after official election results showed he had narrowly beaten opposition leader Raila Odinga. Both sides have accused the other of vote-rigging during the December 27 election which passed off peacefully. The disputed result has ignited long-simmering tribal rivalries in one of Africa's most stable democracies and strongest economies. World powers called for calm and urged the political opponents to "exercise restraint" and talk to each other. Police and a senior security official said the blaze at the Kenya Assemblies of God Pentecostal church in western Kenya was deliberately started by a gang of youths. Television pictures shot from a helicopter showed plumes of white smoke pouring from burning homesteads in the area. Young men, some toting bows and arrows, manned roadblocks. Residents and a security source said the victims had sought safety at the church, about 8 km (5 miles) from Eldoret. "Some youths came to the church," said a local reporter from the scene. "They fought with the boys who were guarding it, but they were overpowered and the youths set fire to the church." Local media said 20 people suffered life-threatening burns. The attack revived traumatic memories in east Africa of the slaughter in churches of tens of thousands of victims of Rwanda's 1994 genocide, and the mass suicide of hundreds of Ugandan cult members in a church fire in 2000. Police gave a national death toll of 170 by the evening. Reuters reporters around Kenya estimated it at around 250. Odinga said his Orange Democratic Movement verified 160 fatalities to Monday night. With the addition of overnight killings the total would likely be about 250 or "slightly more". Leading local newspaper, the Daily Nation, feared the country was on "the verge of a complete meltdown". Fuel prices shot up in Uganda, South Sudan, Rwanda and Burundi, all of which get fuel and other products via Kenya's ports. THOUSANDS FLEE Police were out in force in the capital on New Year's Day, and Nairobi's streets were initially quieter, before violence erupted in the slums again as night fell. Washington first congratulated Kibaki, then switched to expressing "concerns about irregularities". Former colonial power Britain, the European Union and others pointedly avoided congratulating Kibaki. They expressed concern, urged reconciliation and a probe into suspected voting irregularities. "The 2007 general elections have fallen short of key international and regional standards for democratic elections," the EU observer mission said in its formal assessment. Western diplomats shuttled between both sides, trying to start mediation. British Prime Minister Gordon Brown called Kibaki and his opposition rival Raila Odinga. "The government thinks they can wait this out, but we're not convinced," one diplomat in Nairobi told Reuters. The Eldoret area where the church massacre took place is multi-ethnic but traditionally dominated by the Kalenjin tribe. It suffered ethnic violence in 1992 and 1997 when hundreds of mainly Kikuyus were killed and thousands more displaced. A senior security official in Rift Valley said that as many as 15,000 people were now sheltering from the violence in churches and police stations in Eldoret. He blamed the opposition for incitement. "We have lived together for years, we've intermarried, we have children, but now they've asked them to turn against them," the security official said. "We don't do this in Kenya. It is what happens in Yugoslavia and Sudan." An Irish Catholic priest in Eldoret, Father Paul Brennan, told Reuters vigilante gangs were roaming the streets. "Houses are being burned. It is too dangerous to go outside and count the dead," he said. "The churches are full. There are four to five thousand in the main cathedral." Most deaths have come from police firing at protesters, witnesses say, prompting accusations from rights groups and the opposition that Kibaki had made Kenya a "police state". (Additional reporting by Nicolo Gnecchi, Duncan Miriri, Helen Nyambura-Mwaura, Patrick Muiruri, Bryson Hull, Florence Muchori, Joseph Sudah, Andrew Cawthorne; and Guled Mohamed in Kisumu, Editing by Andrew Cawthorne) Source: Reuters, Jan 01, 2008
  12. Originally posted by Odeyga: if you think someone has been left out please add your suggestion. I think the other Sharif was instrumental in the initial set up of the government and is a true peace-maker. Ok if you say so : Sharif Hassan most remembered for making his position a bargaining chip
  13. By delaying the annoucement for over two days, it was clear the government of the day will hang on to ruling.
  14. ^^^ Lool, do you want to have a secomd thought regarding your vote sxb?
  15. ^^Odeyga does not need congratulation, ee uso ducey in uu caafimaad Illah siiyo.
  16. Afhayeenkii maamulka gobolka Banaadir oo saaka ku geeriyooday qarax Miino Abaarihii 9:00 subaxnimo ee saaka ayaa waxaa Isbitaalka Keysaney oo ku yaala duleedka magaalada Muqdisho ugu geeriyooday dhaawacyadii soo gaaray afhayeenkii maamulka gobolka Banaadir Maxamed Muxyadiin Cali ka dib markii qarax miino oo aad u xoog badan saaka lagula beegsaday meel u dhow gurigiisa oo ku yaala degmada Kaaraan ee magaalada Muqdisho. Qaraxan oo ahaa mid aad u xoog badan oo laga maqlayey guud ahaan magaalada Muqdisho ayaa ka dhacay garaash aan ka fogeyn hoygiisa oo ku yaala degmada Kaaraan xilli isagoo lugeynaya kana oo baxay gurigiisa uu doonayey inuu kala soo baxo gaarigiisa ay miino kula qaraxday garaashka hortiisa sida ay sheegeen dad goob joogayaal ah iyadoo sidoo kale uu qaraxaasi ku dhawacmay mid ka mid ah ilaaladiisa oo la socday, waxaana afhayeenka oo laga soo qaaday goobtii ay miinadu kula qaraxday isagoo dhulka yaala wejigiisana uu qariyey dhiig aad u fara badan oo ka dhashay dhaawac ka soo gaaray dhinaca masaxda, waxaana ka dib loola cararay isbitaalka Keysaney ee duleedka Woqooyi ee magaalada Muqdisho, halkaasoo la sheegay in markii dambe uu ugu geeriyooday dhaawacii soo gaaray sida uu boggan u xaqijiyey guddoomiyaha degmada kaaraan C/llaahi Maxamed Rooble. Ma a jiro illaa hadda wax war ah oo ka soo baxay maamulka gobolka Banaadir oo arintan ku saabsan, waxaana qaraxan uu noqonayaa kii saddexaad ee lala beegsado afhayeenka maamulka gobolka Banaadir tan iyo intii loo magacaabay xilkaasi, iyadoo labadii qarax ee ka horeeryeyna uu ka badbaaday afhayeenka, waxaana qaraxa lagu dilay afhayeenkii maamulka gobolka Banaadir uu qeyb ka yahay dilal loo adeegsanayey bastoolado iyo minooyin oo mudooyinkanba loo geysanayey mas’uuliyiinta iyo ciidamada Dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya iyo kuwa Itoobiya ee jooga magaalada Muqdisho iyo qeybo kale oo ka mid ah dalka, waana mas’uulkii labaad ee ka tirsan maamulka gobolka Banaadir oo qarax mino , iyadoo horeyna sidanoo kale qarax loogu qaarajiyey ku-xigeenkii dhinaca nabadgelyada ee maamulka goibolka Banaadir Ibraahin Cumar Sabriye (Shaaweey). Xafiiska war qabadka Dayniile Allah uu naxaristo...amiin!
  17. Originally posted by General Duke: Are those hands of communion or supporting hands?
  18. ^^^^ Gosh, how did I miss that...?
  19. Originally posted by Khayr: Fighting for whom? The Munafiqoon/hypocrites and Fasiqoon/corrupt people of this ummah who fled islamic states in search of the dunya?..... And what makes you think those you call munafiquun were running away from muminiins? It is an irony when a person, a human person, determines which is which and who is who. Halkaas waaye mesha ay wax ka qurmeen.
  20. We are coming to the end of a year in which Somalia has seen a lot of turmoil, below is a short list of people who have contributed to this period. Choose the one who has the done the best for Somalia according to your understanding and give a reason, if you think someone has been left out please add your suggestion. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed :For being the first Somali leader under and impossed on the Somali people by the Ethiopian occupation. A.M. Geedi the prime minister who legalized the Ethiopian invasion, and who was finally dethroned on their behest. Sheikh Sharif the leader we never had, and when he ruled - was not actually ruling. Dr. Hawa Abdi, a Somali woman who has devoted her time, knowledge, property and effort in helping destitute Somali people. Madina Mohamud Elmi (Madina General)(could not find her image) A Somali women who died while serving and helping the displaced people of Mogadishu. Nuur Haasan Hussen current PM of the TFG who took office on high expectations and hopes of the Somali people but had so far failed them miserably after seeing he was not for a change.
  21. Originally posted by A.J.: When were these pictures taken becuase Geedi seems to be in them, what happened to Nuur Cadde? Nuur Caade wa daba-keen since his appointment odeygi isbitaal ayu ka bixi la'yaheyba. There has been no oppurtunity for pics.
  22. Originally posted by Peace Action: I wonder who is behind it. This is definately terrorism and the sooner they are captured, the better. No no this is not terrorism, these are thugs. Terrorism is only found in the 'Bakaraha' square, and it is also now been discovered in Kismayo. You have to understand the TFG terminology, and the paramount one is that 'there is no terrorism in P/land. Having said that it is worth to notice it is all happening in the north-east border - afduub iyo madax furasho.