Hundreds of Somalian soldiers defect Sat, 09 Aug 2008 22:26:23 GMT Hundreds of Somalia's soldiers from the Gashandhiga base in south Mogadishu have deserted the army and joined the Union of Islamic Courts fighters. A Press TV correspondent in south Mogadishu reports that soldiers from the base have not received their salary for quite some time and government officials have been hiring soldiers from their own clans to create hegemony in the country's forces. In other reports, Ethiopian forces have dropped leaflets in village of Damanyo in south Mogadishu district and asked the residents to leave the area. People were given 12 hours to leave the area and more than 2,500 mostly women and children were forced to leave. Ethiopian forces said that the reason for the evacuation was the heavy fighting that was going to take place in the area. Despite international condemnation, Ethiopian forces has been routinely attacking Somalian residential areas. SG/HAR

When ethiopian exist somalia the warlords will leave with them.

To compare the honourable Sheikh Aweys yo AY is an insult. There is an huge difference between the two. Sheikh Dhair is a true somali nationalist that refuses to bend to Ethiopia's demands, while AY is the biggest lackey in somalia's history. This article is rubbish and an insult to the human intelligence.

Never expect help from Arabs, thats all i can say here.

I want Ethiopia out of somalia.

Only God knows, i just want ethiopia out of somalia.

I too support Al-shabaab and the Islamic courts because they were not warlords and care about the people of somalia.

I agree with Brofessor_Geeljire, that the same mistake cannot be made again. These warlords turn somalia into a zoo and if that was not bad enough they brought in the ethiopians to try and colonise the somali people. Thank Allah that were are musilms and have fierce fighters such as the Islamic courts and Al-Shabaab that are willing to confront the huge well armed ethiopian army to stop the somali people from being made into slaves just like the Oromos in ethiopia have been made into slaves. The TFG has proven to serve the interest of outsiders especially ethiopia and the united states. They were an instrument used from the start to punish the somali people.

Brofessor_Geeljire, did you know that ethiopia had already made the decision to invade and occupy somalia as early as 2005, well before the UIC took power. Now it no longer matters what the west think about us somalis, because they have already made their moves against the somali peoples interest, that is financings and supporting the ethiopia invasion and occupation of somalia. Its clear now that Ethiopian military cannot handle the re-emergence of the Islamic courts and their various allies such as Al-shabaab. Brofessor_Geeljire, i think that we can do it and pull it off, once ethiopia flees somalia, there will be little or nothing to stop the islamic courts from re-uniting somalia as far as somaliland itself. Come on, who knows, just like when the Islamic courts took us all by surprise by chasing out the warlords and opening Mogadishio harbour and airport which had not be open for 11 years. They also took over Kismayo city without no deaths or shoots. We can do it, inshallah. Come on guys, lets start to love each other, like the good old days because whatever wrong happened between us was a long time ago committed by our fathers not us.

Brofessor_Geeljire , that's poor judgement because Al-Shabaab are not warlords. Anyway they have proven themselves along with the islamic courts that they can bring unity and peace to somalia. Its only a matter of the UIC and Al-shabaab and other resistance forces merging to bring back calm and unity to Somalia. The question now is have the somali people taken a lesson from the ethiopian invasion of somalia? Its time we have to form a real united somali Governmnet, free of Ethiopia's influence.

Well done to Professor Michael A. Weinstein for that accurate and well written article regarding the political chaos in somalia. I am worried about he's conclusion and hope that once the ethiopians are evicted from somalia that the various resistance fighters could seize power and form a new somali national Government.

Somalia's Transitional Institutions Snap 7 Aug 7, 2008 - 6:15:30 PM Report Drafted By: Dr. Michael A. Weinstein In late July and early August, Somalia's internationally recognized and ineffectual Transitional Federal Government (T.F.G.) ruptured and deadlocked into factions led by its president, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, and its prime minister, Nur "Adde" Hassan Hussein. Following fast on the heels of an organizational split in the coalition opposing the T.F.G. politically and militarily - the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (A.R.S.) - the collapse of the T.F.G. has thrown Somalia into a new version of the fragmented political condition that had characterized the country before the spring of 2006, when the Islamic Courts Union (I.C.U.) mounted a revolution to transform Somalia into an Islamic state based on Shari'a law and gained control of most of south-central Somalia, until it was dispersed by an Ethiopian military invasion in December 2006 that was supported by the United States. The severe rift in the T.F.G., which was precipitated when Nur Adde removed former warlord Mohammad Dheere from his positions of governor of the Banadir region and mayor of Somalia's official capital, Mogadishu, and Yusuf refused to sign off on that decision, replicated a schism that had riven the T.F.G. prior to the aborted Courts revolution, when Yusuf faced off against then parliamentary speaker, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adan, who is now a leading figure in the diplomatic wing of the A.R.S. At that time, the rivalry between Yusuf's and Hassan's factions led for a period to the T.F.G. executive and the transitional parliament basing themselves in different "capitals," rendering the transitional institutions inoperative. Whether or not it leads to physical separation, the current split in the T.F.G. signals a similar structural failure. Always fragile and riddled with conflict, the T.F.G., which emerged in 2004 as the result of drawn-out negotiations in Kenya brokered by Western donor powers, the United Nations and Somalia's regional neighbors, was the fourteenth attempt by external actors to save Somalia from the statelessness into which it had fallen after divergent clan-based movements succeeded in toppling dictator Siad Barre's regime in 1991, but failed to agree on a power-sharing formula that would preserve a central government. After Barre's fall, Somalia fragmented into local power centers, often dominated by clan-based warlords. The northwestern portion of the post-independence Somali state quickly seceded and became the self-declared republic of Somaliland; later, the northeast declared its provisional autonomy as the Puntland State of Somalia. The southern and central regions became a patchwork of contested and presumptive authorities. By the winter of 2006, the T.F.G. clearly had become yet another government in name only. Born of Somalia's fragmentation, the Islamic Courts movement began as local initiatives by businessmen and clans to provide a measure of order in Mogadishu, which had been carved up by predatory warlords and their militias. As the Courts gained popularity and power, the warlords mobilized against them and leagued together in the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter- Terrorism (A.R.P.C.T.), which gained U.S. support in return for a promise, on which it never made good, to hunt down "terrorists" who were suspected of being harbored in Somalia. In the winter of 2006, the Courts confronted the A.R.P.C.T. and, in the spring, drove them out of Mogadishu and, in a whirlwind sweep, spread their revolution through most of south and central Somalia. Somalia's revolutionary cycle lasted for approximately six months, through which the Courts were increasingly pressured to militarize by Ethiopian incursions and support for the T.F.G., which were motivated by fears that the Courts movement would spill over into its own ethnic Somali ****** region (Somali Regional State). As the Courts moved against Ethiopian forces protecting the T.F.G., Ethiopia gained acquiescence from the U.S., which had its own perceived interest in "anti-terrorism," in its plans to invade Somalia, and did so in December 2006, ushering in a devolutionary cycle marked by thefailure of the T.F.G. to assert authority and of Ethiopia to suppress a Courts- led insurgency that by the spring of 2008 had gained control of swathes of south and central Somalia. By the end of 2007, the West, led by the U.S., recognized that its policy of isolating the Courts-dominated opposition to the T.F.G. was a failure and engineered the replacement of then prime minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, by Nur Adde, who pledged to try to reconcile with the A.R.S., which was formed in the fall of 2007 and was based in Eritrea. Through Western pressure, the diplomatic wing of the A.R.S. agreed to engage in peace talks with the T.F.G. in Djibouti in June that eventuated in an agreement on a cease-fire that was rejected by the A.R.S.'s military wing, provoking the rupture of the A.R.S. The final shoe to drop was the schism in the T.F.G., which has returned Somalia to a condition of political entropy at the state level. The T.F.G. Snaps From the outset, the T.F.G. was a slow train wreck waiting to happen. A contrivance of external powers, of which Somalia's traditional rival, Ethiopia, came to play the leading role, the transitional institutions were founded on clan representation, were staffed by warlords and their followers, were dependent for their existence on funding from donor powers that proved to be meager, and have never been able to base themselves fully in Mogadishu due to insufficient security there. The mix of those four factors insured that the T.F.G. would replicate clan divisions, yet would not be representative of them or gain popular legitimacy due to its reliance on fractious and predatory warlords. Insufficient financial and development support exacerbated the tendency of officials in the T.F.G. to appropriate whatever funds that were made available for their own private use, destroying any shred of legitimacy and rendering the "government" inoperative. Conflict on the ground, much of it instigated by warlords within the T.F.G., posed an insuperable obstacle to the divided, penurious and corrupt transitional institutions. Finally, although external actors recognized the T.F.G. as the sole legitimate authority over the entire post-independence territory of Somalia, Somaliland held fast to its independence and Puntland did not surrender its autonomy. The preceding analysis makes clear that the T.F.G. was never more than a notional government that covered with a facade held up by external actors a socially destructive ineffectuality. Any life that the T.F.G. had was given to it by Western donor powers using the U.N. as an instrument, keeping the transitional institutions barely on life support and placing performance tests on them that they could not pass precisely by virtue of the faulty structures that the external powers had imposed. As an actual political force, the T.F.G. had no resources except for international recognition, which placed it in a posture of resentful dependency, with attendant fawning, spasms of rebellion, empty shows of serving the donors' interests, and most of all attempts to play the donor powers for suckers as each of its factions vied for preferment. Until the Courts revolution, the T.F.G. simply presided from afar over a devolved Somalia, the various power centers of which went their own ways and clashed with each other chronically. U.S. support for the A.R.P.C.T., whose warlords defied the T.F.G., even though they were often members of it, was a hammer blow to the government. When the Courts routed the Mogadishu warlords and began their sweep, the T.F.G. was utterly powerless to resist and was forced by donor powers and regional neighbors to enter into reconciliation talks with the I.C.U., which were favored by Hassan and resisted by Yusuf, opening up the split that has been replicated currently between Yusuf and Nur Adde, who now plays the role that Hassan once did before he defected/was dismissed from the T.F.G. When the talks failed because the Courts saw no reason to make compromises and Yusuf tried to undermine them, the T.F.G. became abjectly dependent on external support that came in the form of the U.S.-backed Ethiopian invasion and subsequent occupation. At the beginning of 2007, the donor powers declared that the T.F.G. had a "window of opportunity" to become a legitimate government, a judgment that was either cynical or extravagantly naive. As Ethiopia proved incapable of stemming the insurgency and the T.F.G. was unable to extend its authority, a split opened up between Yusuf and Gedi over contracts with foreign oil companies to explore for Somalia's unproven petroleum reserves. At that time, in the fall of 2007, the A.R.S. had already organized and the donor powers were ready to shift to a "reconciliation" policy, using the Gedi-Yusuf rift as an opportunity to replace Gedi with Nur Adde. After Nur Adde assumed the post of prime minister and named a cabinet of "technocrats" to suit the West, the donor powers concentrated all their attention on bringing the T.F.G. and the pro-conciliation wing of the A.R.S. into peace talks, which resulted in the Djibouti cease-fire agreement, provoked a split in the A.R.S., and left Yusuf in his familiar position of resisting "reconciliation." The stage was set for the T.F.G. to snap. A weak reed, upon which the external actors were leaning too heavily, the T.F.G. snapped at the end of July, when Nur Adde dismissed Dheere as governor of the Banadir region and mayor of Mogadishu, and Yusuf refused to approve the action. A snapped reed is not yet severed, but it will never recover its normal configuration; such is the case with the T.F.G. Behind Nur Adde's attempted removal of Dheere was his interest in gaining credibility and building a power base that would be necessary for him to pursue "reconciliation." Known as the most powerful warlord in south-central Somalia before the Courts revolution, Dheere gained the most important positions of regional leadership from the T.F.G. because he controlled militias and was perceived as a strong man who was safer inside the T.F.G. than he would have been if left to his own devices. Although he is often referred to as an ally of Yusuf's, the two are united only by their respective interests in maintaining power, which translates into resistance to any power-sharing agreements that would diminish or eliminate their standing. From Nur Adde's perspective, Dheere is an unqualified liability; he has collaborated with the Ethiopian occupation; his militias have staged brutal crackdowns in Mogadishu leading to deaths, mass population displacements and destruction of neighborhoods; and, at times, he has opposed delivery of humanitarian aid to the displaced, charging them with harboring insurgents and terrorists. As a predictable result, he has alienated the majority of Mogadishu's present and former residents, has unwittingly instigated the insurgency, and has, along with the Ethiopians, hardened elements of Mogadishu's powerful ****** clan against the T.F.G. and Western-sponsored reconciliation. With reported Western support and the acquiescence of the Ethiopians under pressure from the West, Nur Adde acted against Dheere as a desperate measure to gain popular support and change the balance of power within the T.F.G. in his favor. Feeling cornered and threatened with losing the backing of his Ethiopian "allies," Yusuf struck back, producing a deadlock and setting off major ruptures in the transitional institutions, including the resignations of eleven of the fifteen members of Nur Adde's cabinet, moves in the transitional parliament to hold Nur Adde to a vote of confidence, and counter-moves to impeach Yusuf. Parliament initiated investigations of the T.F.G.'s finances, with some members accusing Yusuf of embezzlement, others raising the same charges against Nur Adde, and others tarring both the president and the prime minister. Despite the flurry of charges and counter-charges, the root of the T.F.G.'s breakdown is the same underlying conflict between military and diplomatic factions that generated the split between Yusuf and Hassan in 2006, and that caused the organizational rupture in the A.R.S. in the wake of the Djibouti agreement. Having attempted to impose "reconciliation" on compliant factions of the T.F.G. and the A.R.S., the donor powers have succeeded in snapping the government and rupturing the opposition, causing the diplomatic wing of the A.R.S. and both wings of the T.F.G. to weaken, and only the military wing of the A.R.S. to strengthen as it and its allies consolidate their gains on the ground. The fall-out from the "reconciliation" policy has also compromised Ethiopia, which Garowe Online reported had called its two top generals in Somalia to Addis Ababa following the "crisis" of the T.F.G. The Future is the Past Lacking both a coherent opposition and a coherent government, Somalia returns to what it was during the fifteen years following the fall of Siad Barre - a patchwork of power centers, often at odds with each other and often overlapping; a patch of thorny vegetation that will cut any intruder even when the intruder can trample on it. It is difficult to construct a scenario that would promise the revival of the A.R.S. and/or the T.F.G., and the achievement of reconciliation on a national level, even if one leaves Somaliland and Puntland out of the picture. The most probable eventuality is a drainage of power to local sub-clans and notables that are loosely administered by presumptive regional authorities, some of them allied with Islamic political and military forces, others coexisting with them in shifting arrangements, and the rest attempting to preserve their independence, sometimes under warlord rule. In the new version of the past, the question mark is how much support the Courts and their allies will generate as they pursue a strategy of consolidation and accommodation with local sub-clan and business interests. The scenario of decentralization sketched above presumes a waning interest of external actors in shaping the configuration of power in Somalia. It appears that Ethiopia has been badly cut in the thorny patch and, having trained several thousand Somalis in "urban and rural warfare" for the T.F.G., is preparing to use them as the excuse for a withdrawal to border defense. The Western powers, having watched their successive strategies go to ground, are likely to draw back from aggressive involvement, turning their attention to other trouble spots to which they give a higher priority. The best that U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice could say as the A.R.S. and T.F.G. unwound was that Washington was keeping a "watchful eye" on Somalia, waiting, presumably, for "progress toward reconciliation." U.N. special envoy to Somalia, Ahmedou Ould Abdallah, told the Security Council even before the T.F.G. snapped that the Djibouti agreement could not bring peace to Somalia "for a single day," and warned that it was "time for bold action by a united international community," adding that division among Somalia's "stakeholders" was hindering implementation of the Djibouti agreement. The director of U.N. peacekeeping, Jean-Marie Guehenno, expressed reservations about sending a U.N.- sponsored "stabilization force" - called for in the Djibouti agreement - to replace the Ethiopians, asking: "The people who sign agreements ... how much of the guns on the ground do they control?" One should expect none of the "bold action" urged by Ould Abdallah and a good deal of handwringing and pious admonitions. Within Somalia, both Yusuf and Nur Adde have lost power through the snapping of the T.F.G. Yusuf appears to be the big loser; having alienated the West and no longer sure of being able to count on Ethiopia, Yusuf is increasingly isolated and is likely to turn his attention to restoring - if he can - his power base in an increasingly troubled Puntland. (Local media report that Yusuf has begun to funnel money back to Puntland in order to arm the sub-state's militias to take back the Sool region, which was recently occupied/annexed by Somaliland.) Nur Adde has also been weakened and - as long as Dheere remains in office - has been deprived of any political capital and credibility. His negotiating partner in the A.R.S., Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmad, has been hobbled by his lack of a military card to play and by Nur Adde's inability to be a credible interlocutor. That leaves, among the leading domestic players, the head of the A.R.S.'s military wing, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, as the only figure who has increased his power, although he is by no means in control of the multi-faceted armed resistance. It has taken two years for Somalia to fall from the height of a revolutionary cycle, through a devolutionary cycle, to a return to political entropy at the state level. Perhaps the retreat of external actors, which given Somalia's geo- strategic importance can only be partial, will provide Somali factions some breathing room, if not to reconcile, then to begin to make deals among themselves that the parties will perceive to be in their respective interests. That, at least, has been the way of Somali society throughout its history, when Somalis are left free of malign or misguided intervention from the outside. What Somalis do not need is more imposed "solutions" and trompe l'oeil "windows of opportunity." What Somalis do need is more forbearance toward each other and less forthputting. Fulling the negative and positive requirements, however, might be too much to expect. Expect a decentralized Somalia with endemic conflicts that might be contained and even diminished by the resilience and resourcefulness of the Somalis themselves. Political entropy at the state level offers the chance for initiatives among multiple power centers. Report Drafted By: Dr. Michael A. Weinstein, Professor of Political Science, Purdue University weinstem@purdue.edu

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Originally posted by Brofessor_Geeljire: ^^reminds me in 2006 when one of the leaders of the military Wing suggested( in an interview) that their aim was to create a calphate in the horn and then cross the sea into Spain and bring back Andulusia! Come on, even a Mujahid can have dreams, even though it sounds unrealistic. We somalis must have realistic goals such as unifying the country and making sure that ****** eventually joins somalia and the same for NFD. G.T, you are correct, your argument is what makes the UIC special because they would use a new secret weapon i.e Islam tio unite the somali people with some force applied to push out useless warlords that never want somalia to have peace and unity. If things work well, we could look unity towards the musilm Oromos, afars through Islam and establish a strong Islamic hub in the Horn. Only God himself knows, and i pray that the UIC wins because it will be excellent for the somali people and all muslims such as the Oromos and afars. Thats why the west will never accept the islamic courts because of the huge potential they have leading the somali people and eventually musilms of the Horn.

Originally posted by Brofessor_Geeljire: ^^reminds me in 2006 when one of the leaders of the military Wing suggested( in an interview) that their aim was to create a calphate in the horn and then cross the sea into Spain and bring back Andulusia! Come on, even a Mujahid can have dreams, even though it sounds unrealistic. We somalis must have realistic goals such as unifying the country and making sure that ****** eventually joins somalia and the same for NFD. G.T, you are correct, your argument is what makes the UIC special because they would use a new secret weapon i.e Islam tio unite the somali people with some force applied to push out useless warlords that never want somalia to have peace and unity. If things work well, we could look unity towards the musilm Oromos, afars through Islam and establish a strong Islamic hub in the Horn. Only God himself knows, and i pray that the UIC wins because it will be excellent for the somali people and all muslims such as the Oromos and afars. Thats why the west will never accept the islamic courts because of the huge potential they have leading the somali people and eventually musilms of the Horn.

G.T, i know for sure that if the ethiopian troops were to leave today than the islamic courts with its allies bring together somalia by sheer force including somaliland and puntland within a year. That it what the ethiopians can never allow, unity between the somalis and eviction of the petty low minded warlords in all somali lands. And within 5 years we could even be capable of re-taking ******.

Yeah Kashafa, i remember what Nur Adde said when the ethiopians cut the throats of the old sheikhs in the mosque, he said something like Ethiopia had a right to defend herself. Defend herself against what? Old sheikhs in Masjids, and its the ethiopians in our own country not theirs. Also what he took part of in Said barre's time is what caused somalia to be cursed, may Allah disgrace Nur Adde just like somali bore the brunt of the curse in the last 18 years. May Allah also now lift the curse and drive out the ethiopians from our country, bringing peace and stability under the sharia law.

I would like to point out for the readers that Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi is an ethiopian pretending to be an Arab, lol. Also notice how he paints Ethiopia in a postive way and puts all the blame on puppet AY, who was just a mere puppet of Ethiopia. He also confuses Moh.dhere as being from the same clan as AY, lol Notice how he is trying to steer tribal feuds between the somalis. Ethiopia is soon going to flee from somalia, before they do they would like to make more trouble between the somalis, using warlords that would again play the tribal card. Hopefully that will not work, as the UIC is in place to take power and bring unity and order in somalia through Islam. Simply ist one of the worst pieces that i have ever read, the writer makes General duke sound intelligent. The problem in somalia is not Tribal, but its Ethiopia that is destroying somalia and the somali people, it is the hateful Meles Zenewi that is bring tears and blood to somalia. If we can all understand that, than we have aleardy solved 90% of our problems.

After Embagati Group appointed Nur Adow the Prime Minister of Transitional Government of Somalia, He worked hard to bridge between the illegitimate Alliance of Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS) and Embagati Group led by the Ailing Warlord Abdullah Yusuf. Adow gave much of his time to the stability of the vicious Mogadishu and stop the organized killing against his people by Embagati Group. He exhibited his agenda and policy to International Communities, and fortunately he won the international support. Noor Adow agenda was to stabilize Mogadishu and stop the revenge killing in addition to displacement against his Hawiyo tribe in their home city. He succeeded to establish communication channel with ARS major members including Former Chief of Islamic Courts Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and many other core members in ARS. This resulted in the famous peace agreement in Djibouti between Nur Adow and ARS leader Sheikh Sharif. The hardliners in ARS like Sheikh Dahir Aweys rejected the agreement and even ARS Council suspended the membership of Sheikh Sharif. This is new beginning of disintegration of ARS. The ARS members who support Sheikh Sharif peace deal with Adow relocated their offices to Djibouti from Asmara, Eritrea. The majority of the ARS hardliners remain in Asmara, regardless of international and regional support to Sheikh Sharif peace deal. The hardliner Sheikh Dahir Aweys called the extension of war against Ethiopian forces in Mogadishu. He vowed to fight the Ethiopians with or without the peace deal in Djibouti. The warlord Transitional Government of Somalia Abdullah Yusuf is not happy with current peace process and reconciliation led by Prime Minister Nur Adow. The Warlord Yusuf want to burn off Mogadishu and its people before leaving it; he is also planning to displace the people of Mogadishu mainly Hawiyo and replace them with ********** Militia as new inhabitants of Mogadishu. This is not new policy to Somali regimes, where Siyad Barre (leader of Somalia 1969-1991) imported large number of ****** tribesmen and Oromo people from Ethiopia into Northern Regions of Somalia (Known Somaliland) during 1980´s after Somalia-Ethiopia War. Siyad Barre intended to displace the people in northern regions by bombing their regions and order the refuges to take over the cities. The Djibouti peace deal between Nur Adow government and some of ARS leaders increased fear of Warlord Abdullah Yusuf that Hawiyo tribe may unite against him and fail his illegal and evil plans to kill the people of Mogadishu. Nur Adow took initiative steps to implement the agreed conditions in Djibouti. These steps triggered disagreements between him and Abdullah Yusuf, particularly after Nur Adow sacked the fake Mayor of Mogadishu Maxamed Dheere. Abdullah Yusuf rejected the suspension decision of Adow and gave back Maxamed Dheere his position. The ARS consider Maxamed Dheere a murder of civilians in Mogadishu who don´t have self respect except the dirty money he gets from Abdullah Yusuf. Dheere is the right arm of the Tribesman and Warlord Abdullah Yusuf in the organized killing campaign. Abdullah Yusuf´s Secret Intelligence Department arrested thousands of Mogadishu innocent citizens; they torture the prisoners and even demand ransom money to release them; British Channel 4 broadcasted the story of Abdullah Yusuf´s officials mainly in Intelligence Department. Many journalists described such prisoners as hostages of Abdullah Yusuf´s Puntland gang. Nur Adow sacked Maxamed Dheere as first step to eliminate the corrupted administration mainly the close alliance of Abdullah Yusuf. Yusuf is planning now to suspend Adow like Former Prime Minister Ali Geedi too. Yusuf is planning to seek the support of the parliament. He asked the parliament "Vote of Confidence" to Adow government. Even, Abdullah Yusuf turned down the request of Sheikh Sharif of ARS to come to Jowhar City of Somalia as agreed with Nur Adow in Djibouti. Abdullah Yusuf asked his gang members in Adow cabinet to resign from the government in an attempt to downgrade the government. But Nur Adow took another courageous step and replaced all the ministers in less than 48 hours with support from Ethiopian government. The policy behind the resignation of the minister was to label the government of Nur Adow as incapable government to run the country and restore the security in Mogadishu like the accusations against government of Geedi. Nur Adow is different than Ali Geedi including his policies and support between the people of Mogadishu. Because Ali Geedi failed to stop the killing and genocide by Abdullah Yusuf´s gang in Mogadishu, as also, he failed to win the support of the Ethiopians. Nur Adow, established him self as the only man who can restore the peace in Somalia. Nur Adow will not be an easy target for Abdullah Yusuf and his gang, because he has political weight in Somalia and the world too. He showed signs of honesty to the Somalis mainly the people of Mogadishu. He was former chief of Red Cross in Somalia, which gives him merciful heart to the innocent people. The Somalis in Mogadishu believe that Nur Adow is the only man who can end the illegal activities of Abdullah´s Secret Intelligence Agents, who kill the people based on tribe. This proves the tribesman and warlord Abdullah Yusuf as the destabilizing factor of Somalia, and that he is thinking only to rule the country in the rest of his life. Abdullah Yusuf, who is from ********** tribe in Puntland, need to take revenge from Hawiyo people, because of bad feelings back to 1991 war in Mogadishu. The question lingering in my mind is, Will Abdullah Yusuf be able to suspend Nur Adow? Will Ethiopians support the peace-man Nur Adow or Warlord Abdullah Yusuf? What will be the future of Somalia after suspension of Nur Adow? Will Abdullah Yusuf nominee Maxamed Dheere as substitute of Nur Adow? The future of Somalia remains in dark as long as the murder and warlord Abdullah Yusuf remains on the top post of the country. We ask Allah the Almighty to help the Somalis in building up their lost nation. Amin By Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi Email: az.almutairi@yahoo.com Abdulazez Al-Motairi August 07, 2008

Sorry guys, i just lost my temper, anyway that thing known as General Duke is not worth it. I will ignore him from now on as he seems to make no sense and is just an attention seeker.

Originally posted by General Duke: Lets stop with the insults, I know this fellow and he is a good man. I don’t agree with what he says and his political position all the time, but to paste his picture here and and make personal attacks while hiding behind a computer screen is high level of cowardice. Hassan67: why not paste your pic and real name and lets see how brave you are? General Duke, walahi if you paste your Photo and tell us your real name and location than i would do the same, i said walahi. Mind you, i have nothing to be worried about because i stand as a supporter of the resistance and liberation of somalia from Ethiopian forces and support the Islamic courts. However would you and known lackey ever dare to show us your face? I think not.

When General Gabra comes back, he's gonna slap AY so hard that the ***** General Duke is gonna feel the hit too. ****** ***** **** ***** ***** ****** ******** With Regards Hassan, a concerned human being. [ August 05, 2008, 11:01 PM: Message edited by: Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar ]

General Duke, ethiopia was the only thing that save AY from the wrath of he's own people. General Duke what the fcuk did you expect? You think Ethiopia cares about AY or your clan, Ethiopia cares about her own interest, wake up and smell the coffee fool, lol.

Being silent when ethiopia invaded somalia, she was still a member of the TFG even though thet welcomed ethiopian armed forces to invaded somalia. She is an oppertunist, that has now left the sinking TFG to save herself inthe future, but we know her and have a long list of traitors.

Somali MP accuses gov't of fraud Tue, 05 Aug 2008 13:50:24 Prominent Somali lawmaker Asha Ahmed Abdalla has accused the transitional gov't of financial fraud and plundering financial resources. "They have stolen a huge amount of money from the nation and have invested it in private properties in Puntland and outside Somalia," Ahmed Abdalla told Press TV correspondent in Mogadishu. Ahmed Abdullah alleged President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and Prime Minister Nur Adde Hassan Hussein are directly responsible for millions of dollars being transferred to the port town of Bosasso, the commercial capital of Puntland. Yusuf is from the ***** group, in northern Puntland, and has served as the president of the region in late 1990s. Ahmed Abdullah who run for Somalia presidential elections in 2004 was appointed as member of the committee set up to investigate financial fraud allegations within the government. She called on the international community to stop providing financial aid to the government of the Horn of Africa nation. The interim government came under extreme pressure after 10 cabinet ministers stepped down on Friday over the dismissal of Mogadishu mayor Mohammed Dheere. Nur Adde had accused the mayor, a close ally of President Abdullah Yusuf, of orchestrating the killing of civilians in the capital. Demonstrators rallying in north Mogadishu on Monday called for President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed's resignation over abuse of power, fraud and corruption allegations. MT/BGH