Seminar on Somaliland between yesterday and tomorrow Awdalnews Network= TSHWANE (PRETORIA), 20 Oct. 2005-- The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) will organize a seminar here under the title “Between yesterday and tomorrow : The implications of Somaliland's venture into multi-party democracy†on Tuesday, 25 Oct. 2005, according to a statement by the organizers obtained by Awdalnews Network.. Speakers include Dr. Mahomed Iqbal Jhazbhay, University of South Africa, who will deliver a paper on "South Africa -Somaliland Relations: Overview and Prospects." and Dr.Matt Bryden, International Crisis Group (ICG), who will speak on the "Implications of the parliamentary elections for Somaliland." . The details of the seminar are as follows: The Date: Tuesday 25 October 2005 Time: 09h30 (tea and coffee) 10h00 (seminar starts) 12h00 (seminar ends) Venue: ISS Conference Room, Block C, Brooklyn Court, Veale Street, Pretoria (Parking available at the Brooklyn Mall or ABSA Bank) RSVP: Charlene Harry Tel: 012 346 9500 Email: Charlene@iss.org.za Special notice: Discussions will occur under Chatham House rules , i.e. no attribution without specific permission.

A Great Step for Somaliland Danish Refugee Council, 5 Oct. 2005= Posted on Awdalnews Network on 21 Oct. 2005= Peaceful parliamentary elections. Travel article by Gunnar Kraft and Sandra Jensen The old woman walked slowly into the little hut built of a mixture of wooden sticks and old plastic sacs from UNHCR. Her hands were carefully examined by the young man in the doorway, holding a small ultra violet lamp. Satisfied with the lack of invisible ink, he allowed her to dip her left little finger into the small bowl with ink. She obeyed his directions and continued to the table in the middle of the room, where the chairman greeted her. She stated her name, age and place of origin and proudly continued with "I would like to vote for Tuke from Kulmiye". The chairman patiently explained that she had to take the stamped ballot paper and go behind the bright green curtain placed in the corner of the hut to vote in secrecy. But the old woman did not care about the confidentiality and felt too uncertain to place the vote on the ballot paper herself. Instead, the chairman marked the requested candidate and showed the ballot paper to the three party agents who were meticulously observing the procedure. They all nodded to confirm that the vote was marked as the woman wished. The ballot paper was then carefully folded and handed to the woman. Three calm steps to the ballot box that was hanging in four strings from the roof. With shaky hands, the woman slid the paper into the box. She looked up and smiled. She had cast her vote in the first parliamentary election in Somaliland in 35 years. International observers Thursday 29 September was a big day for Somaliland. The first parliamentary elections since 1969 crowned the row of recent elections: A referendum in 2001, Local elections in 2002 and the Presidential election in 2003. Although the parliamentary elections have not been perfect, there has reportedly been much less problems and tensions than in the former elections. The 76 international observers have publicly congratulated Somaliland with its peaceful and reasonably free and fair elections. In order to support the democratic development of Somaliland, we volunteered to take up the task as international observers in the district of Garadag in the East of the country, one of DRC’s programme areas. Ballot box in the field We started one of two polling stations in Garadag town before 6 am to watch the opening of the show. Nothing was ready on time apart from the people waiting in long queues outside. But with care and attention, the chairman managed to get everything in place to open 6.30 and the first votes were cast without problems. Confident with the procedure in this polling station, we continued our 300 km tour around the district. Ten very different stations later – ranging from a blanket and a ballot box in the middle of the great, grassy fields to concrete community centres – with only a short list of negative comments in our book, we ended in the other polling station in Garadag to watch the closing at 6 pm. The long queues had been digested and the station could close its doors in peace. The 667 votes were carefully distributed among the parties and counted and recounted and recounted again. The final results were noted, heavily stamped and signed and ready to be sent to next level of the chain at 1 pm. The chairman sighed and noted that it was time to go to bed after three days without sleep. Indeed a well-deserved rest. Women eager to vote The tasks of this election were indeed enormous for a country with such a bad infrastructure as Somaliland. Since no official registration of the inhabitants of Somaliland exists, the voters were registrated when turning up in the polling station. The only requirements for voting were more than 16 years of age and an ability to speak Somali. The lack of preliminary registration makes it difficult to assess voter turnout, but it seems to have been high – in our own small survey in Garadag district, we never met any potential voter who had not cast his or her opinion. Women seemed particularly eager to cast their votes, although only seven had taken up the challenge of running for election. Upcoming democracy experts In a country were up to 80% are illiterate and election experience is so limited, substantial voters’ education have been necessary. The National Election Committee (NEC) has tried its best to instruct the voters about the process. In order to make it easier for the illiterates, each candidate was given a symbol which could be found next to their name on the ballot paper. However, these symbols do not seem to have been promoted heavily enough in the campaigns, and several symbols were also too much alike to serve the purpose. We cross our fingers that the peaceful atmosphere and the good spirit will continue when the results will be known in a couple of weeks and the 82 seats will be distributed. So far, it seems that the ruling party is up for a major defeat, but since clan affiliations are much more important than the vaguely defined party lines this might not cause any problems as long as all the clans are represented. Democracy is all about learning-by-doing. If the people of Somaliland continue in this way, they will all be experts in democratic elections in few years time.

US Assistant State appreciates UNISA academics' engagement with African countries such as Somaliland Awdalnews Network, 21 Oct. 2005-- Newly appointed US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Dr Jendayi Frazer, addressed a select audience at University of South Africa (UNISA) on the “Reshaping of US Foreign Policy towards Africaâ€. Many senior policy makers from the South African Department of Foreign Affairs, including Deputy Foreign Minister Sue van de Merwe, leaders of think-tanks, media and select scholars attended the breakfast round table. By all accounts the event was hailed a brilliant inaugural of the College of Human Sciences’ new programme on African Intellectuals, which is coordinated by Professor Tandeka Nkiwane. In his concluding remarks, Professor Barney Pityana called for more dialogues of this calibre for a more nuanced understanding and development of African foreign policy issues. The US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs called also on intellectuals to be more involved on the ground in shaping African foreign policy issues, and expressed her appreciation for the excellent questions posed to her and the involvement of UNISA academics as organic intellectuals in a number of African countries, such as Somaliland.

Dhinaca bidixdana waxaa fadhiyey Wasiiraddii Somaliland iyo anigoo Xoghayn ahaan ula socday. Labada geesood dhexdooda waxaa turjubaan ahaan u fadhiyey oo Boqorka ka soo horjeeday, Cabdiraxmaan Sayid Maxamed Cabdille Xasan (Wasiir-ku-Xigeenkii Arrimaha Gudaha ee Ethiopia). It is a wellknown fact that Mohamed Cabdille Xassan had connections with the Xabashis but the below statement from the KING of Xabash himself must be an eye opener. Boqorku wuxuu xusay oo halyeeyo Ethiopian ah ku sheegay Sayid Maxamed Cabdille Hasan , Cumar Samatar iyo Xaaji Faarax Khaled oo isagu galabtaas shirka fadhiyay, oo markuu Boqorku isgalana la xanaaqayay markuu Boqorku dhoosha bidhana farxad muujinayey, isaga oo Boqorka istusayey !!!. :eek: :eek: Allahayoow midii uurlehiyo tii irmaan dumarka Allahayoow umulihii nin diley ubad jaqsiinaayey Allahayoow mid aano iyo kibir Muumin ku idleeyey Allahayoow addoonimo midaan kugu adeecaynin Allahayoow midkaa ku inkiree diidey amarkaaga Allahayoow mid oogada jirka aad insiga mooddo Allahayoow misana aan ahayn awliyana sheegta Allahayoow ibleys kaa u eeg oonu garan weyney Allahayoow nin aayaadka iyo diinta ku adeegta Allahayoow amaba aan u odhan siday ahaayeenba Allahayoow aqqonlaawahaa eeydu daba joogto Allahayoow ibleyska khaliqigu ka ashkatonaayo Allahayoow adigu waad ogtahay waadna aragtaaye Allahayoow adoomaanu nahay diinta aaminaye Allahayoow baryada naga ajiib kuu ergaan nahaye --- Jamac Cali Haabil

Interview with Abdirahman Ero next most likely Parliament Speaker. --- C/raxmaan Cirro oo ah xubinta uu xisbiga UCID u soo taagay jagada gudoomiyaha baarlamaanka ee cusub iyo wuxuu xisbiga kulmiye ka qabo arintaa ! Waraysi ay Hadhwanaagnews la yeelatay. Mudane Cirro waxaana la yeeshay Wariye Mustafe Janaale Hargeysa-(HWN)-S:> C/raxmaan sidaad ka warqabtid beelahii laga tirada badnaa waxba umay soo bixin. Haweenkiina waxaa u soo baxay maxsuul aad u tiro yar, haddaba sidee ayaad u aragtaan xisbi ahaan in lagu daboolo arimaha oo ay uga muuqan lahaayeen muraayada Somaliland? J:> Bismillahai Raxmaani Raxiim Horta waad salamantihiin shaqaalaha Hadhwanaag. Marka xiga, muwaadin kasta oo reer Somaliland ahiba waxa uu xaq u leeyahay inuu u tartamo doorasho kasta oo dhacda, laakin doorashadan waxaynu ka helnay waayo aragnimo. Dadka laga tirade badan yahay maaha suura gal inay tartan noocan oo kale ay ku yimaadaan markaa waa daldaloolooyinka inoo soo baxay markaana waxa loo baahanyahay in laga tashado oo sidii ay dadka laga tirda badan yahay loo raadiyo sidii ay uga mid noqon lahaayeen golayashaa deegaanka, kuwa baarlamaanka, iyo golaha dhexe xukuumda maadama ay dhulka deegeen u yihiin, oo aynu xeerarkeena aynu dib ugu noqono. S:> Mudane C/ramaan dhawaanahan waxa isa soo taraayey inuu xisbigu kuu soo sharraxay jagada gudoomiya nimada. Oo sida uu gudoomiyaha xisbiguba sheegay inaad adigu gudoomiyaha u taagantahay, adiga C/raxmaan ahaan ma jago markii hore ku sii qoondasnaydbaa mise waa mid imika kugu dhalatay? J:> Kollay waxay ku xidhan tahay waxa soo baxa oo markii hore waxaynu ku jirnay doorasho. Waa la tartamayey kollay waan soo baxay. Mudanayaasha intii guulaystay iyo intii laga guulaystay hawl badan ayey u galeen halka uu xisbigu taagan yahay. Waxa noo muuqatay fursadaasi inuu xisbigu qaato, markaa go’aanka kale ee ah inaan anigu u tartamo jagada gudoomiya nimada go’aanka xisbiga {ayaa} iska lahaa. S:> Sida beryahanba la isla dhexmarayey waxaa la sheegayaa in aydaan shirarkii aad a yeelateen xisbiga kulmiye in aydaan weli ku heshiin jagada gudoomiya nimada adigu maxaad arintaas ka odhan lahayd ? J:> Kullamo waanu la yeelanay xisbiga Kulmiye, wax lagu kala kacayna majiro, arrintuna meel wanaagsan ayey maraysaa. Waxaanan filayaa inaad wiigan soo socda aad natiijada aad ogaan doontaan oo waxan filayaa inay is af garad ku dhammaato haddii Eebe qadaro S:> Cabashada ugu badan ee mucaaridku waxay ahaan jirtay dawladanimada iyagoo ku andacoonaya oo leh golayaashii cid na matashaa kumalihin, mucaaridkiina {hadda} waxa u soo baxay 49 mudane; Waa maxay waxaad isleedihiin waxa uu kaga duwanaan karo baarlamaankan cusubi aqalkii hore ee golaha wakiilada ee wakhtigiisu dhammaaday ? J:> Waxa weeye horta baarlamaankii hore uu shaqeeyey oo shaqo wanaagsan ayuu qabtay, kuwan imika waa la soo doortay kuwii horena lama soo dooran, waxaan ilaahay ka rajaynayaa inay shacabkii soo doortay ee rajada ka filaayey inay noqdaan baarlamaankan cusubi wax toosiyaan, inay wadanka shuruuc wanaagsan u sameeyaan. S:> Sida dad badan oo shacbiya ayaa sas ka yara qaba oo leh aqlabiyada mucaaridku u batay waa arin ku jiqsiina oo misananiyadii ay laalayaan, wasiirkii la yidhaa soo ansixiya ay lalayaan, dadka qaba fikrad noocaas ah maxaad ku qancinaysaa? J: Waxaan ku qancinayaa aduunku uu kala soocan yahay. Shaqada fulinta iyo shaqada baarlamaanku waa kala laba shaqo oo kala duwan. Oo hayadaha qaran hadii mid waliba ay shaqadeeda ay qabsato inuu wadanku hore u talaabsanayo. Waxay ilatahay inuu dhamaaday wakhtigii ku jaqsiintu. Labada xisbina iskumay kaashan inay kufiyaan dawlada oo ay carqaladeeyaan ee waxay labada xisbi isku kaashadeen inay dawlada toosiyaan S:> Iyamaad werwer badan tahay shalay oo aad ahayd musharax iyo maanta oo aad tahay xildhibaan? J:> QOSOL: Waxaan idiin sheegayaa waxaan werwer badanay maanta waayo waxaan maanta dad reer Somaliland u qabandoona xil {culus}

It looks like we have a deal between UCID and Kulmiye. UCID will get the chairmanship, Kulmiye will secure the deputy chairmanship. hadhwanaagnews.com ---- Labada xisbi mucaarid oo durba qeybsaday jagooyinkii ugu sarsareeyey baarlamaanka oo aan waxba u reebin xukuumada talda haysa, maxayse xukuumadu maagan tahay Hargeysa-(HWN)- Labada xisbi mucaarida ayaa doorashadii golaha wakiilda ee dalka ka qabsoontay 29/9/2005 ayaa waxay heleen kuraasta aqlabiyada baarlamaanka cusub ee shacabku soo doortay waxaanay heleen 49 mudane. Hadaba waxay arintani gilgishay xukuumada talada haysa oo arintan layaab ku noqotay, waxa beryahanba sida laga war qabo aad loo hadal hayey sidee labada xisbi mucaarid sadexda xubnood ee ugu sareeya baarlamaanka ee kala ah gudoomiyaha, gudoomiya kuxigeenka koowaad iyo gudoomiya kuxigeenka labaad. Ayaa waxa shir ay kaga arinsanayaan labada xisbi mucaarid ay yeesheen sida aanu ilo xogagaala aanu ka helnay ayaa waxay isla meel dhiheen labada xisbi mucaarid inay jagooyink ay u kala qaataan sidan: Gudoomiyaha uu yeelandoono baarlamaamka cusub waxa qaadan doona xisbiga UCID waxaana noqondoona musharixii ka soo baxay Gobolka saaxil uguna codka badnaa Mudane :Cabdiraxmaan Ciro Sida ay wararku nagu soo gaadhayaan in xisbiga KULMIYE-na qaatay labada xubnood ee kala ah gudoomiya kuxigeenka kowaad iyo gudoomiya kuxigeenka labaad sida ilaha ku dhowdhow aanu kahelnay waxay yihiin xubnaha ay xisbiga kulmiye ay u soo taageen jagadaasi waa sidan Mudane C/casiis samaale Iyo mudane Maxamed Cumar xaashi Oo aan naloo kala cadayn sida ay u kala qaateen labada jagood, waxa halkaa waxba ku waayey xukukmada madaxweyne rayaale oo sadexdii xubnood ee ugu sarsareeyey ay labada xisbi mucaarid ay kala qaateen. Wariye Mustafa Janaale Hadhwanaagnews Reporter Hargeysa,Somaliland.

The three parties contesting the parliamentary elections are clan based and share a consensus that Somaliland's primary interest is to maintain its independence and to have its sovereignty recognized by the international community. You have highlighted something you thought would be of supportive to your twisted rotten views, but lets just say if you look through your prism then everything becomes "clans" - even Djibouti becomes a confederation clans - let alone mentioning the infamous 4.5 formula. But I am wondering why you didn't highlight the whole sentence? Along with an Ethiopian pledge to ship goods through Somaliland, Washington's shift toward a regionalist approach increases the probability that Hargeisa will achieve its aims and secures its present autonomy. So the experts say...

^^For some reason or another, you left to highlight this important quote “Anigu shakhsi baan ka ahay Somaliland , wixii ummadda Somaliland doorato ayaan ka mid ahay. Midnimo caddaalad ku dhisan oo shacbiga Somaliland qaato waxba kama qaboâ€. As for all his other retorts, lets just say he was being "odey waayeela" oo ka yara gubtay "Somaliweyn"ta lagu sheego. Ma waxa aanu bakoorad qaadanba? Somehow you guys think if Qaybe takes an anti-Somaliland stance, it is bad for Somaliland. Truth is on the contrary to that. No one forced Qaybe to come back to Somaliland, and no one will force him to stay in Somaliland - if he doesn't want it. I think he made that very clear in the interview. With or without him, this caravan will move on. That said, I am still on the side that Mr. Qaybe is a man of principles and not a "Dhuuni Raac" as you are asserting. We've seen countless of the "Dhuuni Raacs" with absolutely zero credibility that keep on crisscrossing the border between Somaliland and Puntland; I don't think Mr. Qaybe is among the ranks of those kind of people. Rather I believe, like Saalax Nuur Fagadhe (former Somailland vice president and foreign minister) another heavyweight politician from Buuhoodleh, who currently is in Hargeisa and has kept his "sumcad" and "character" intact - he too will do the same. Mudane Salax is currently a highly regarded member in the Kulmiye party. However it turns out, we will wait and see. waxaan soomaalida kale dhaannaan oo cuqdad iyo gaalo dabagel ahayn ma jirto, ee innnaka ayaa HINAASNAY oo madaxeedna ka bixi la dahay, dee haddii ay jabuuti dawlad noqotay, maan taariikheedna oo dhan baabino oo INGIRIIS xukunkiis dib ugu noqonno....markaas buu munaafiqnamadeenna xitaa innaga diiday in ay habarta boqorroddu hooyo inoo noqoto... nimey meeli u cadey meeli ka madaw Sxb waxan aad ka hadlayso anigu garanwaayay, ee qof ku fahmaaya meel kale u doono.

^^Waxa aad wadaa maha Somaliweyn or anything, waa xin iyo xaasidnimo. Admit it. Qofka Somaliweyn iyo waxaas ka hadlaa waa qof ku hel, waan socon kari waayee aan ordo. Halkee ka dhacdaa? Oodo dhacameed sida ay u kala sareeyan ayaa loo kala guraa. Or Canjeero sida u kala sareyso ayaa loo cunaa - waa halkii reer Mogadishu e. Ha la gaadho goorteeda. Salaad walba wakhtigeeda ayaa la tukadaa. Therefore, my contention would be to say, given that we are a budding constitutional State with a democratic political thought, as it's guiding principle, then it stand to reason, to say from my point-of-view, that all of those Federalist who believe the idea of Somali-weyn's Institutional Statehood, should be allowed to talk openly in Somaliland's public space; provided they profess their fedility to the democratic verdict of the majority in Somaliland, that are in favour of Somaliland's right to her independence; if they were to do that, we might as well tolerate their inconsequential discredited appeal. That is a good point.

^^So you want to act like God by foretelling what is "Caalimul-Qayb"? cajiib It is better to spare your "dhareer" for another day. Just an Advice. If you have anything to add to "his" memoir, assuming you have read it, share it with us.

Somaliland iyo Ethiopia -kii May, 1960-kii Maxamed Xaji Ibraahim Cigal iyo saddexdiisii Wasiir ayaa u ambabaxay Addis Abeba , caasimadda Ethiopia . Ujeedada safarkaasu waxay ahayd Boqor Xayle Salassie in laga codsado soo celinta Huad iyo Reserved Areas . Boqorku Qasrigiisii ayuu wafdigii ku qaabiley. Dhinaca midigtiisa waxaa fadhiyay Prime Ministerkii Ethiopia Ato Aklilo Hapte Walde , iyo dhowr Wasiir uu ka mid ahaa Wasiirkii Arrimaha Gudaha uu Boqorku soddog u ahaa. Dhinaca bidixdana waxaa fadhiyey Wasiiraddii Somaliland iyo anigoo Xoghayn ahaan ula socday. Labada geesood dhexdooda waxaa turjubaan ahaan u fadhiyey oo Boqorka ka soo horjeeday, Cabdiraxmaan Sayid Maxamed Cabdille Xasan (Wasiir-ku-Xigeenkii Arrimaha Gudaha ee Ethiopia) . Soo dhewyntii Boqorku wafdiga soo dhoweeyey ka dib, waxaa hadalkii qaatay Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigal, waxaanu hadalkiisii ku furay ammaan ballaadhan uu Boqorka ammaanay, wuxuuna isla markaas Boqorka ka codsaday inuu indho naxariis leh ku eego baahida ay qabaa’ilka Somaliland u qabaan Haud iyo Reserved Areas. Saddexdii Wasiir ee kalena hadalkii bay iska daba qaateen iyagoo codkooda ku biirinaya hadalladii Cigal. Dhinaca Ethiopia waxa u hadlay Boqorka oo keliya. Wuxuu yidhi Somalidu waa qowmiyad Ethiopia ka mid ah, laakiin uu Isticmaarku duufsaday . Boqorku wuxuu xusay oo halyeeyo Ethiopian ah ku sheegay Sayid Maxamed Cabdille Hasan , Cumar Samatar iyo Xaaji Faarax Khaled oo isagu galabtaas shirka fadhiyay, oo markuu Boqorku isgalana la xanaaqayay markuu Boqorku dhoosha bidhana farxad muujinayey , isaga oo Boqorka istusayey !!!. Wuxuu boqorku intaas raaciyay Haud iyo Reserved Areas idinka iyo xoolihiinuba waa ku noolaan kartaan, oo hashiinu ilaa Addis-abeba ayay daaqi kartaa, waase dal Ethiopia ka mid ah, gorgortana kama furna . Boqorku Wuxuu ka hadlay Eritrea oo ay Dawladda Talyaanigu isticmaarsan jirtay, balse Ethiopia la midowday 1952-kii . Wuxuu ku dheeraaday mashaariicdii uu ka fuliyey isagoo farta ku fiiqaya khaaridad Eritrea oo gidaarka Xafiiskiisa sudhnayd . Isagoo hadalkiisa sii wata, Boqorku wuxuu soo jeediyey in marka hore Somaliland iyo Ethiopia ay midoobaan , dabadeedna ay Somalia wada raadiyaan , (taasoo uu ku sheegay ‘Our Province of Banadir’ ). Wasiiradii Somaliland hadalkoodii hore ayey ku celiyeen. Halkaas markii la marayey ayuu Boqorku soo jeediyey in biririf la qaato , la iskuna soo noqdo. Hase yeeshee biririftii ka dib,waxaa naloo sheegay in uu wada - hadalkii dhammaday oo hudheelkii aanu degganayn ayaa nalagu celiyey. Subaxdii dambe wargeyska “The Ethiopian Herald†ayaa daabacay war kooban oo sheegaya Boqorka oo qaabiley afar masuul iyo karaanigoodii ( Four officials and their clerk ) oo Somaliland ka socday. Warkaas kooban waxaa ku ag daabacanaa arji dheer oo loo nisbeeyey odayaal ****** ah, kuwaas oo Boqorka ka codsaday inuu dadkooda iyo dalkoodaba ka badbaadiyo nimanka hororka ah ee Somaliland ka soo duuley! Waxay ahayd arrin laga sii shaqeeyey ka hor intii aanu wafdiga Somaliland Addis Abeba gaadhin, waayo, maalintii aanu Addis Ababa gaadhney waxay odayaashii 0gaden noo soo direen Maxamed Saalax Yacniile oo waqtigaas ka shaqaynayey The State Bank of Ethiopia (Alle ha u naxariistee) oo noo soo sheegay odayaashaas in Addis Ababa khasab lagu keenay si ay u daadifeeyaan arrintii wafdiga Somaliland la socday . Haile Salaase did it, Mingistu done it, so is Meles doing it. Reer aan ogay walee ma guuro... _________________ Qabiilka magacaabadiis ka taxadar yaaqeey. [ October 18, 2005, 22:43: Message edited by: Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar ]

This is a very interesting memoir from Qaybe. He covers some key historical events that he was present in the mid 1950s to early 1960s. Enjoy. Awdal News ----------- “SI AANAY TAARIIKHDU U LUMIN" Sida ummadaha kale u qoraan taariikhdooda Somalidu uma badna inay taariikhdeeda qorto sababta oo ah far aynu wax ku qorno oo aan jirin ka hor 1972-kii, oo Dawladii waqtigaas jirtay ay go’aamisey in aynu qaadano xuruufta Latinka. Waxaa la inoo yiqiinay amaba aynu ahayn “oral societyâ€. Xuruuftaas Latinka waxaynu kaga kaaftoonay luqadihii shisheeyaha ahaa ee maamulka xafiisyada iyo saxaafadda loo isticmaali jiray. Hase yeeshee , ma jiraan, hadday jiraana way yaryihiin, qoraallo taariikhiya oo fartaas loo adeegsaday. Qoraalkaygan koobani wuxuu ku saabsan yahay xorayntii Somaliland iyo is-raacii Somalia ee 1960-kii. Anigu magaalada Cadan, Koonfurta Yaman ayaan ku dhashay. Waqtigaas waxay ahayd mustacmarad Ingriis. Malcaamad Quran iyo dugsiyaba halkaas ayaan ka galay, ka dibna dhawr sannadood ayaan shorthand typist ugu shaqeeyey Taliskii Sare ee Ciidamadii Cirka ee Boqortooyada Ingriiska. (Royal Air Force Command, Aden). -kii Xukuumaddii Ingriiska ee Somaliland ayaan codsi shaqo-siin ah u soo qortay, waanay iga oggolaatay. 18-kii June 1954-kii, ayaan madaarka Hargeysa ka soo degay. Magaalada Hargeysi aad bay waqtigaas u koobnayd, una qurux badnayd. Waxay ahayd meel cimiladeedu wanaagsan tahay aan boodh iyo qashin toona lahayn, oo dhulka intiisa aanay daaro ka dhisnayn cagaar ahayd , dhirta waaweynina ku badnayd - A picturesque town. Mujtamac is- wadayaqaana, isna jecel oo kan maanta aad uga yar, ayaa ku noolaa. Bulshadii waqtigaas Hargeysa joogtay wax yar baa ka sii qiiqaya. Waxaan shaqo ka bilaabay Xafiiskii Maamulka Degmada Hargeysa (District Office) amaba xafiiska D.C.ga, siday Somalidu u tiqiiney. Waxaa laygu magacaabay District Clerk oo derejo sare waqtigaas ahayd. Muddadii aan xafiiskaas hayey dhacdooyin badan ayaa i soo maray, waxaase xusuus gaar ah igu reebay laba arrin: Heshiisiintii Xukuumaddii Ingriiska ee Somaliland iyo Suldan Cabdillahi Suldan Diiriye (Suldankii Beesha ******* - Alle ha u naxriistee). Arrintii murugada lahayd ee Haud iyo Reserved Areas Dawladda Ingriisku ku wareejisey Dawlada Ethiopia, 1955-kii. Suldan Cabdillahi Suldan Diiriye Maalin maalmaha ka mid ah ayuu Toni Scawin oo waqtigaas ahaa D.C.gii Hargeysa xafiiskaygii iigu yimid isagoo warqad sir ah gacanta ku sita. Warqaddii ayuu ii dhiibay. Wuxuu talo iga weydiiyay arrintii warqadaas ku qornayd sida wax looga qaban karo. Warqadda waxa soo direy Chief Secretary Shirley oo maalmahaas hawlgab Somaliland uga bixitimayey, waxaanay ku saabsanayd Suldan Cabdillahi Suldan Diiriye. Wuxuu Shirley warqadiisa ku soo qoray isaga iyo Suldan Cabdillahi inay colloobeen, taas daradeedna uu Suldanku Xukuumadda Somaliland kaga maqan yahay. Maadaama Shirley dalka ka tegayey, wuxuu soo jeediyey Suldanka in lagu dayo bal inuu oggolaado inuu Xukuumadda la heshiiyo. Waqtigaas ay Xukuumadda is-hayeen, Suldaan Cabdillahi wuxuu noogu yimid Magaalada Cadan oo berigaas ahayd mustacmarad Ingriis. Waxaanu ku dejiney Naadigi Somalilda ee Cadanweyn (Crater) oo aan anigu madax ka ahaa. Isbarasho wanaagsan ayaa Suldanka na dhexmartay, taasoo ay sii xoojisey qaraabanimo aanu isku aqoonsanay. (Ayeydey Hooyo ayaa ka soo jeeday Beesha Suldanka). Scawin waxaan u sheegay in Suldan Cabdillahi xidhiidh fiicani naga dhexeeyey oo anigu aan ula tagi doona arrintii Shirley soo jeediyay. Maalintaas galabnimadeedii Dooxa Hargeysa ayaan dhinaca Koonfur uga tallaabay, anigoo ku socda gurigii Suldanku degganaa. Qolkiisii fadhiga markaan galay, Suldanka waxaa ku hareeraysnaa odayaal dhowr ah. Farxad ayuu igu soo dhoweeyey inkastoo dareen galay. Meel gooni ah ayaanu labadayada oo keli ahi fadhiisanay. Arrintii aan u socdey ayaan u sheegay. Cabbaar ayuu aamusay isagoo fekeraya. Wuxuu igu yidhi Ingriis waa I xumeeyey. Sidaas oy tahay odayaasha Reerka ayaan talo ugu noqonayaa ee laba beri ka dib igu soo noqo. Sidaas ayaan D.C Scawin ku wargeliyay. Ku noqoshadaydii Suldanku wuxuu ii sheegay in aanu waxba ka qabin inuu la heshiiyo Xukuumaddii Somaliland iyo tan Walayaa-ba, hadday ballan qaadayaan inay u soo celiyaan dhul balladhan oy Militariga Somaliland (Somaliland Socuts) ka dagganaayeen. Waxaan ugu jawaabay ballan ayaan D.C. Scawin kaaga soo qabanayaa ee kala hadal arrintii dhulka laga haystey, waanu aqbalay. Shardi fudud ayuu ku xidhay oo ah in aan anigu ka turjubaano, isagoo kalsooni darro ka muujinayey turjubaanadii Xafiiska D.C.ga joogey. Kulankii Suldan Cabdillahi iyo D.C Scawin ayaa dhowr maalmood ka dib qabsoomay. Dhulkuu Suldanku codsaday in loo celiyo markii laga wada hadalay, D.C. Scawin wuxuu ballan qaadey inuu Xukuumada gaadhsiiyo, wuxuuse ku adkaystay go’aanka kama dambaysta ahi inuu ku xidhan yahay Wasiir-al-Mustacmaraadkii Ingriiska ee fadhigiisu ahaa London, caasimadda Ingriiska. Wuxuu kaloo uu Suldanka u sheegay in mushaharkiisii dhowrkii sannadood ay Xukuumadda is-hayeen xisaab gaar ah loogu shubay, markuu doonana uu qaadan karayo. Heshiiskaas ka dib, markuu Suldanku la kulmayo Saraakiishii Ingriiska ee Xafiiska D.C ga, wuxuu ku adkayasan jirey in aan anigu ka turjubaano. Calankii Buluuglaha ahaa ee Somalia Bishii October, 1954-kii horraanteedii ayaa Suldan Cabdillahi oo cadho ka muuqato noogu yimid Xafiiskii D.C.ga. Wuxuu D.C Scawin u sheegay in 12kii October, 1954-kii calankii bulugulaha ahaa ee Somalia la saari doono daartii Xisbiga S.Y.L ee Hargeysa. Wuxuu intaas ku daray inay dad had-hadlayaan oo leeyihiin lama saari karo. Haddii munaasabadaas nalagu soo farogeliyo, wixii ka yimaadda masuul kama noqon doonno, ayuu yidhi. (Suldan Cabdillahi waxa lagu eedeyn jirey inuu ahaa taageere Xisbigii S.Y.L. ee gobanimo-doonka ahaa, taasoo ka mid ahayd arrimihii ay Xukuumaddii Somaliland isku maandhaafeen). Si kastaba ha ahaatee, D.C. Scawin maalin ka dib ayuu shir u qabtay odayaashii magaalada Hargeysa. Wuxuu u sheegay in aanay Xukuumaddii Ingriisku jeclayn Xisbigii S.Y.L oo lagu xaman jirey Shuuci, balse ay xaq u leeyihiin inay daartooda saaraan calanka ay doonaan. Wuxuu ka digey in lagu faro galiyo. Haud iyo Reserved Areas -tii January, 1955-kii, ayey Dawladda Ingriisku magaalada London kaga dhawaaqday war murugo leh, kuna saabsanaa Heshiis (Agreement) ay bishii November, 1954-kii la gashay Dawladda Ethiopia, kuna wareejinayso Haud iyo Reserved Areas, laga bilaabo 28kii February, 1955-kii. Dawladda Ingriisku waxay Heshiiskaasi u cuskatay Mucahado labada Dawladood (Ingriiska iyo Ethiopia) dhexmaratay dabayaaqadii Qarnigii 19-naad (1897kii). Huad iyo Reserved Areas, oo ay deggan yihiin beelaha Somaliland iyo beelaha ****** qaar ka mid ah, siiba Reer **** , Dawladda Ingriiska ayaa gacanta ku haysay, ka dib markii Dawladda Talyaaniga dib looga qabsaday dalka Ethiopia 1941-kii. Sida la wada og yahay Xukuumaddii Talyaaniga ee Mussolini ayaa Ethiopia ku duushay 1935kii oo ka qabsatay Boqor Xayle Sallassie. (Boqorku dalka Ingriiska ayuu ku noola muddadii shanta sanadood ahayd ee Talaynigu Ethiopia Isticmaarsanayey). Dhawaaqii lama filaanka ahaa ee ka soo yeedhay Dawladda Ingriiska amankaag iyo jaah-wareer ayuu ku ridey shacbiga Somaliland. Mudaharaad balaadhan ayaa laga abaabulay dalka oo dhan. Rag iyo Haween, yar iyo weyn, weer cad ayaa madaxa lagu wada xidhay. Madaxdii Dalka oo dhami Hargeysa ayey isugu timid. Waxaa la go’aansaday in la asaaso Jabhad Mujtamaca Somaliland mideysa, kana hortagta masiibadii dalka la soo deristey, waxaana Jabhadaas lagu magacaabay National United Front (N.U.F). Qaranigii 19aad dabayaqadiisii (1884-86), Dawladda Ingriisku waxay Qabaa’ilka Somaliland la gashay Heshiisyo (Agreements), ay ku ballan qaadayso in ay ilaaliso iyaga iyo degaanadoodaba. Shacbiga Somaliland waxay Dawladda Ingriiska ku eedeeyeen inay Heshiisyadaas ku ballan-furtay. Waxa la go’aamiyey in Dawladda Ingriiska loo diro wafdi ka codsada in ay ballan-furkaas ka noqoto. Wafdigaasu wuxuu ka koobnaa Michael Mariano; Dube Cali Yare; Suldan Cabdillahi Suldan Diiriye (Suldankii Beesha *******) iyo Suldan Cabdiraxmaan Suldan Diiriye (Suldankii Beesha ***** *****), giddigood Alla ha u naxariistee. Wafdigaasu markuu London gaadhay, waxaa lagu dejiyey Hudheel caan ah oo ku yaalla Magaalada badhtankeeda, laguna magacaabo Cumberland Hotel. Wafdigii Looyerro Ingriis ah ayuu qabsaday. Dood ba’an oo cirka isku shareertay ayaa arrintii wafdigu la socdey ka aloosantay Aqalka Hoose (House of Commons) ee Baarlamaanka Ingriiska. Doodaasi waxay u dhacday sida lifaaqa ku qoran oo aan ka soo minguuriyey HANSARD. Hadal iyo murti, fara madhan ayuu wafdigii kala soo noqday London. (arrintan Huad iyo Reserved Areas ku saabsan uga ma jeedo in aan fidmo hurudda kaakiciyo, ee taariikh ahaan ayaan qoraalkan ugu soo qaatay). Mar labaad waxaa la go’aansaday inuu wafdigu u safro magaalada New York, si arrinta loo horgeeyo Qaramada Midoobey. ( Waxaa wafdigaas ku biiray Suldan Bixi Foley, ******, Reer *****). Hase yeeshee, Qaramada Midoobayna waa lagu soo hungoobay. Somaalidu waxay tidhaahdaa waxaad shar moodid oo khayr kuu noqdaa jira. Dhirbaaxadaas ku dhacday shacbiga Somaliland way baraarujisay oo hurddadii ayaa laga toosay. Dhaqdhaqaaqii gobanimo-doonka ahaa ayaa xoogeystey. Il iyo baal la isuma keenin ilaa laga gaadhyey xornimo (Independence) 26-kii June 1960-kii Dawladda Hoose ee Berbera Bilhii hore ee 1956-kii ayaa la ii beddelay Dawladda Hoose ee Berbera halkaas oo aan ka noqoday Sarkaalka Fulinta (Excutive Officer). Xubnaha Golaha Deegaanka ee Berbera waxaa ka mid ahaa, Alla ha u naxariistee, Maxamed Xaji Ibrahim Cigal. Isbarasho wanaagsan iyo walaaltinimo ayaa na dhexmartey. Maxamed wuxuu waqtigaas ahaa nin dhalinyaro ah oo aannu isku gedo ahayn, oo qayrkii ka dhex muuqday, aqoontiisuna heer sare ahayd. Aad buu kutubta u akhrisan jirey, siiba kuwa ay qoreen faylasuufiyiintii Reer Galbeedku. Nasiib wanaag dhowr jeer oo dambe ayaanu Maxmed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigal wada shaqaynay. Deeq Waxbarasho Intii aan joogey Dawladda Hoose ee Berbera ayaan warqad iigu bushaaraynaysa deeq waxbarasho oo Carriga Ingriiska ah ka helay Xukuumadii Somaliland. Aad baan ugu farxay. Bishii September 1956-kii ayaanu Hargeysa ka dhoofnay aniga iyo Cismaan Axmed Xassan (Cisman Indhoole) oo deeqdaas wax-barasho ila wadaagay. London ayaanu dhowr maalmood ku hakanay, ka dibna waxaanu u gudubnay magaalada Edinburgh, caasimada Scotland. Waxaanu ku biirnay Jaamacadda Edinburgh, qaybteeda maamulka dawladaha hoose laga barto. Edinburgh waxaa nooga sii horreeyey Cali Sheikh Ibrahim (Cali Qaadi) oo isla Jamacadaas cilmiga dhakhatnimada ka baranayey. Guri (apartment) ayaan saddexdayadii wada kiraysanay si aanu isugu biil gaabsano. Sida hilaaca ayuu nagu dhaafay sannadkii aanu Edinburgh joognay . Ka dib aniga iyo Cisman Axmed ayaa u wareegney Jaamacadda qadiimka ah ee Oxford. Laba sannadood ayaanu Jaamacadaas ka baranayney Public and Social Administration. 1959-kii dabayaqadiisii ayaanu Hargeysa ku soo noqonay. Cismaan Axmed waxaa lagu magaacay D.C.ga Sanaag, aniguna waxaan la wareegay shaqadii Xoghayaha Golihii Shacabka ee Somaliland. Waxaan kaloo Xoghaye u noqday guddidii dallacaadda iyo wax-barashada dibadeed. (Promotion and Training Board). January 1960-kii,ayaan London ku noqday si aan Xeer-hoosaadka Baarlamaanka Ingriiska (Parliamentary Procdure) u soo barto, ugana faad’ideeyo Golahii Shacabka ee Somaliland. Dhowrkii bilood aan ku maqnaa Baarlamaanka Ingriiska , Somaliland waxaa ka qabsoontay doorasho loo tartamay Golihii Shacabka, waxaana ku guuleystey Xisbigii S.N.L/ U.S.P. Ka dib Motion ayaa la hor dhigay Golihii cusbaa kaasoo ku saabsanaa israaca Somaliland iyo Somalia. Motionkaasu aqlabiyad balaadhan ayuu ku gudbey. Wafdi sideed (8) xildhibaan ka kooban oo Maxamed Xaaji Ibrahim Cigaal hogaaminayo ayaa Muqdisho loo diray, si midnimada labada dal looga soo wada hadlo Xukuumadii Cabdillahi Ciise Maxamuud (Alle ha Naxriistee). Waxaa lagu soo heshiiyey in 1-dii July, 1960-kii lagu midoobo Dawlad ay caasimadeedu Muqdisho tahay (one country, one government, one flag). 30-kii April, 1960-kii, wafdi uu hoggaaminayo Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigal, oo ka kooban isaga iyo saddex Wasiir (Cali Garad Jamac, Axmed Xaji Ducale iyo Xaji Ibrahim Nuur) ayaa London noogu yimid. Wafdigu wuxuu u socday inuu Dawladda Ingriiska ka codsado madaxbanaanida Somaliland ka hor 1-dii Julay, 1960-kii si taariikhdaas Somaliland ay ula midowdo Somalia. 5-tii May 1960-kii, ayaa shir laba geesood ah lagu qabtay Xafiiskii Wasiirkii Mustacmaraadka, Mr Ian MacLoed, ee Ingriiska waxaana lagu heshiiyey madax-banaanida Somaliland (Independence) laga bilaabo 26-kii june 1960-kii. Somaliland iyo Ethiopia -kii May, 1960-kii Maxamed Xaji Ibraahim Cigal iyo saddexdiisii Wasiir ayaa u ambabaxay Addis Abeba, caasimadda Ethiopia. Ujeedada safarkaasu waxay ahayd Boqor Xayle Salassie in laga codsado soo celinta Huad iyo Reserved Areas. Boqorku Qasrigiisii ayuu wafdigii ku qaabiley. Dhinaca midigtiisa waxaa fadhiyay Prime Ministerkii Ethiopia Ato Aklilo Hapte Walde , iyo dhowr Wasiir uu ka mid ahaa Wasiirkii Arrimaha Gudaha uu Boqorku soddog u ahaa. Dhinaca bidixdana waxaa fadhiyey Wasiiraddii Somaliland iyo anigoo Xoghayn ahaan ula socday. Labada geesood dhexdooda waxaa turjubaan ahaan u fadhiyey oo Boqorka ka soo horjeeday, Cabdiraxmaan Sayid Maxamed Cabdille Xasan (Wasiir-ku-Xigeenkii Arrimaha Gudaha ee Ethiopia). Soo dhewyntii Boqorku wafdiga soo dhoweeyey ka dib, waxaa hadalkii qaatay Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigal, waxaanu hadalkiisii ku furay ammaan ballaadhan uu Boqorka ammaanay, wuxuuna isla markaas Boqorka ka codsaday inuu indho naxariis leh ku eego baahida ay qabaa’ilka Somaliland u qabaan Haud iyo Reserved Areas. Saddexdii Wasiir ee kalena hadalkii bay iska daba qaateen iyagoo codkooda ku biirinaya hadalladii Cigal. Dhinaca Ethiopia waxa u hadlay Boqorka oo keliya. Wuxuu yidhi Somalidu waa qowmiyad Ethiopia ka mid ah, laakiin uu Isticmaarku duufsaday. Boqorku wuxuu xusay oo halyeeyo Ethiopian ah ku sheegay Sayid Maxamed Cabdille Hasan, Cumar Samatar iyo Xaaji Faarax Khaled oo isagu galabtaas shirka fadhiyay, oo markuu Boqorku isgalana la xanaaqayay markuu Boqorku dhoosha bidhana farxad muujinayey, isaga oo Boqorka istusayey !!!. Wuxuu boqorku intaas raaciyay Haud iyo Reserved Areas idinka iyo xoolihiinuba waa ku noolaan kartaan, oo hashiinu ilaa Addis-abeba ayay daaqi kartaa, waase dal Ethiopia ka mid ah, gorgortana kama furna. Boqorku Wuxuu ka hadlay Eritrea oo ay Dawladda Talyaanigu isticmaarsan jirtay, balse Ethiopia la midowday 1952-kii. Wuxuu ku dheeraaday mashaariicdii uu ka fuliyey isagoo farta ku fiiqaya khaaridad Eritrea oo gidaarka Xafiiskiisa sudhnayd. Isagoo hadalkiisa sii wata, Boqorku wuxuu soo jeediyey in marka hore Somaliland iyo Ethiopia ay midoobaan, dabadeedna ay Somalia wada raadiyaan, (taasoo uu ku sheegay ‘Our Province of Banadir’). Wasiiradii Somaliland hadalkoodii hore ayey ku celiyeen. Halkaas markii la marayey ayuu Boqorku soo jeediyey in biririf la qaato, la iskuna soo noqdo. Hase yeeshee biririftii ka dib,waxaa naloo sheegay in uu wada - hadalkii dhammaday oo hudheelkii aanu degganayn ayaa nalagu celiyey. Subaxdii dambe wargeyska “The Ethiopian Herald†ayaa daabacay war kooban oo sheegaya Boqorka oo qaabiley afar masuul iyo karaanigoodii (Four officials and their clerk) oo Somaliland ka socday. Warkaas kooban waxaa ku ag daabacanaa arji dheer oo loo nisbeeyey odayaal ****** ah, kuwaas oo Boqorka ka codsaday inuu dadkooda iyo dalkoodaba ka badbaadiyo nimanka hororka ah ee Somaliland ka soo duuley! Waxay ahayd arrin laga sii shaqeeyey ka hor intii aanu wafdiga Somaliland Addis Abeba gaadhin, waayo, maalintii aanu Addis Ababa gaadhney waxay odayaashii ****** noo soo direen Maxamed Saalax Yacniile oo waqtigaas ka shaqaynayey The State Bank of Ethiopia (Alle ha u naxariistee) oo noo soo sheegay odayaashaas in Addis Ababa khasab lagu keenay si ay u daadifeeyaan arrintii wafdiga Somaliland la socday. Intii aanu Addis Abeba diyaarad ku sugaynay, Mudane Cigal waxaa soo booqday Safiirkii dalka Sudan ee waqtigaas Addis Abeba joogay oo magaciisu ahaa Jamal Maxamed Axmed. Wuxuu u sheegay war uu ka helay ilo uga qaateen ah (siduu yidhi ) oo odhanaya inay Ethiopia isu diyaarinaysey weerar ay Somaliland ku qabsato marka Ingriisku ka baxo. Soo noqodkaygii Hargeysa ayuu Mudane Cigal warbixin sir ah oo arrintaas naxdinta leh ku saabsan u qoray Xukuumaddii Ingriiska, iyana London ayey u sii gudbisey. Dawladda Ingriisku waxay ku soo jawaabtay inay arrintaas biciidaysanaysey isla markaana aanay aqbali doonin raadkii ay kaga baxday Somaliland oo sii qoyan inay Ethiopia ku soo duusho. Si kastaba ha ahaatee warkaasu isma soo tarin. Somaliland Iyo Somalia -tii June, 1960-kii, wafdi ka kooban Mudane Maxamed Ibraahim Cigal iyo Cali Garad Jamac (iyo anigoo Xoghayn ahaan ula socdey) ayaa u amba-baxnay Muqdisho. Wafdiga socdaalkiisu wuxuu ku saabsanaa Xukuumaddii Mudane Cabdillahi Ciise in lala soo dhammaystiro Axdigii Is-raaca (Act of Union) ee labada dal. Shirar ay qaateen S.N.L/U.S.P. intii aanu Wafdigu amba-bixin, waxaa lagu go’aamiyey inaan wax shuruud ah lagu xidhin midaynta Somaliland iyo Somalia. Taas daradeed, Axdigii lagu diyaariyey Muqdisho oo ku salaysnaa heshiiskii Muqdisho lagu gaadhay bishii April, 1960-kii (fiiri kor) ayey labada dhinac qalinka ku duugeen. Dabbaaldegyadii Xornimada -kii June 1960-kii ayaa Calankii Ingriiska la soo rogey waxaana la saaray Calankii buluuglaha ahaa ee Somalia. Dabbaal-dagaas qaaliga ah waxaa lagu qabtay barxaddii loo yiqiin 26 june (oo haatan Masaajid laga dhisey). Hogol ayaa galabtaas ku da’day madashii xafladda, laakiin dadkii halkaas joogey oo aad khushuucsanaa ismay dhaqaajin. Munaasibadaas waxa lagu xusuustaa GABAYGII jidhidhicada lahaa ee KANNA SIIB,KANA SAAROO ee Marxuum Timacadde (Alla ha u naxariistee) madashaas ka tiriyey isagoo kor ugu luuqaynaya. Dalka oo dhan ayaa laga dabbaal degey maalintaas. Wafdi uu hoggaaminayo Adan Cabdalla Cisman (oo markaas ahaa Guddoomiyihii Golihii Shacabka ee Somalia) ayaa munaasabadaas faraxadda leh ka soo qayb galay. Wafdigaas waxaa ka mid ahaa Mudane Maxamed Sheikh Gabyow oo ahaa Wasiirkii Arrimaha Dastuurka ee Somalia. Habeenkii 26/27-kii June ayaa shir laba geesood ah lagu qabtay Qasrigii Dawladda ee Hargeysa. Md. Gabyow wuxuu noo sheegay Axdigii lagu kala saxeexday Muqdisho laba ama sadex qodob oo ka mid ahaa in dib loo eego. Illaa labadii aroornimo ayuu shirkaasu socdey, waana la isku mari waayey. Subaxdii 27-kii June, 1960-kii, ayaa wafdigii Mudane Adan Cabdalle Cismaan Muqdisho ku laabtay. Isla galabtii maalintaas ayaa Mudane Cabdullahi Ciise taar u soo diray Mudane Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigal isagoo ku wargelinaya inay lagama maarmaan tahay qodobaddii la isku khilaafsanaa in laga heshiiyo ka hor inta aanay labada dal midoobin. Md. Cabdillahi Ciise wuxuu soo jeediyey guddi laba geesood ah in loo saaro qodobadaas si xal loogu helo. -kii June 1960-kii ayuu Mudane Cigal shir deg deg ah u qabtay Golihii Shacabka ee Somaliland si looga doodo taarkii uu soo diray Md. Cabdillahi Ciise. Dareen Xoog leh ayaa saameeyey jawigii Golaha. Intay doodu socotey ayaa warkii magalaada gaadhay. Hargeysa oo dhan ayaa ku soo jabtay madashii Goodirka oo shirku ka socdey, iyadoo lagu dhawaaqayo yaan loo joojinin Cabdullahi Ciise ee Axdiga Israaca deg deg ha loo gudbiyo. Shirkii markuu dhammaaday jawaab saddex qodob ka kooban ayuu Mudane Cigal u direy Mudane Cabdallahi Ciise: (1) Axdigii Israaca (Act of Union) Golihii Shacabka ee Somaliland wuu Tasdiiqiyey (2) Qodobadda la isku khilaafsan yahay israaca labada dal ka dib ayaa guddi isku dhafan loo saari karaa. (3) 30/6/60 ayey Xubnihii Golihii Shacabka iyo Xukuumadda Somaliland Muqdisho ku soo beegan yihiin ee haloo diyaar garoobo. Qodobada la isku khilaafsanaa ma xusuusan karo oo muddo dheer baa wakhtigaas laga joogaa, laakiin muhiimad taariikhi ah ma laha maadaama aan waxba laga soo qaadin oo ay waxba kama jiraan noqdeen. Qoritaanka taariikhdii Dawladdii Somalia ee soddon jirka ahayd (1960-1991) wuxuu u baahan yahay daraasad (research) qoto dheer si loo sugo dhacdooyinkii ummada Somaaliyeed muddadaas soo maray. Haddii Ilaahay igu simo, oo aan dhaqaale iyo waqti u helo, qoritaanka taariikhdaas damaceedu igama madhna. WA BILLAAHI TAWOFIIQ (Axmed Maxamed Adan - Qaybe) _________________ Suldaanka, qabiilka magacaabidiisa qodobadaa soo guurisid ka ilaali, adigoo raali eh. [ October 18, 2005, 22:39: Message edited by: Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar ]

One bigoted saancadaale.

^^ A man by the name of Gerard Prunier was the author and here is the link to the source

Divine checks and balances. You'll find that countries with high infant mortality rates also have correspondingly high birth rates. What else can mothers do to ensure their children's survival? Have as many as possible and see how many make it to adulthood, I guess. still clan wars claim many more.. Dube madaxa waa iskala dhacdaa, daa'in abidkeede Dadka kama yaraateene, intaa waa is dabarjaraysaaye --Abdilahi Suldaan Timocade

Police state fears over terror laws Australia is moving towards a police state with harsh anti-terrorism laws that could be pushed through parliament too quickly, the Law Council says. Copies of the sweeping new laws were leaked on Friday by the ACT Government and have sparked concerns among legal experts. The Federal Government last week said it would introduce the laws to parliament on October 31, but only allow the Senate one week to investigate them and report by November 8. The Law Council of Australia said passing the proposed laws would push the nation closer to becoming a police state. "We're moving down that path," council president John North told the Ten Network. "The fact that the government wanted to move these laws through parliament with indecent haste and without letting us as a Law Council or other interested people have wide community consultation means that we're very concerned about them." Under the bill, people who support insurgents can be jailed for up to seven years. Australian Federal Police will also be able to carry out what are termed preventative detention orders, effectively locking up people thought to be involved or to have knowledge of a terrorist act. Suspected terrorists who are detained by police will be able to ring loved ones but not tell them where they are, while judges can stop suspects from using the internet or telephones. Mr North said he understood that people were frightened about terrorism, but civil liberties had to be protected. "We understand that the people are scared, we understand that terrorism is the major, major issue, but we must not take away fundamental rights without asking our government to assure us that we are going to be safe," he said. The Law Council president said he was particularly concerned about shoot to kill provisions in the draft legislation, and the plan to allow children as young as 16 to be detained without charge for up to 14 days. Mr North said he was worried about the reaction of the government in the wake of the London bombings in July. "Internationally it is really only lawyers who are trying to hold their governments to account at this stage," he said. "We think the people will understand as soon as they start to see these laws misused and abused by our police and intelligence authorities." - AAP

^^nice pictures there Sky Somali men also casually walk around holding hands, lye all over each other and sleep in the same bed . ... Yet homosexuals are cast out, even stoned to death sometimes. Another one of the many contradictions in this land of confusion. I've seen guys holding hands heterosexually. But sleeping in the same bed? :eek: :eek: hmmm Women with hairy legs are considered to be extremely sexy, not that you would ever see one in public, of course Timo and Xaad, There is a difference isn't it?

SURVIVING WITHOUT THE UN Somaliland, a forgotten country Having broken away from Somalia and declared independence in 1991, the Republic of Somaliland bordering on the former British colony has been denied recognition and aid. Poor and isolated, it is making an effort to achieve a peaceful blend of democracy and cultural tradition which is rarely found in the African countries that do receive international aid. It is a unique experiment and an example to the rest of the continent. By Gerard Prunier For several years the media held Somalia up as a symbol of benevolent intervention, but now they have lost interest. It is the only country in the world with a vacant seat at the UN. When the UN’s (UNOSOM) operation ended in March 1995, the country became one of those "grey areas" described by the writer and essayist Jean-Christophe Rufin (1). Somalia still exists, but its 637,000 square kilometres are not clearly defined. The former Republic of Somalia can be divided into four zones. The *****tin region around the north-eastern "capital", Bossaso, has been peaceful since the war against the ex-dictator Siad Barre came to an end in January 1991. Further south, between Galkayo and Belet Weyen, a pivotal region inhabited by ******* and various ****** sub-clans is the interface between the peaceful north-east and the war in the south, which has been going on for the past six years from Benadir (Mogadishu) to the Kenyan border. Six or seven of the chief war lords confront each other in fluctuating alliances but the main split is always between the two main ****** rivals, Ali Mahdi Muhammad and Hussein Farah Aydid. The latter succeeded his father, General Mohamed Farah Aydid, who brought down the American army in Mogadishu in 1993 and was killed fighting Ali Mahdi’s forces in August 1996. The war lords are parvenus who came to the fore during the war against the dictatorship (1981-91) and not traditional clan chiefs. Their supporters, recently arrivals in the towns, are young and poor. They belong to a number of different factions and fighting is the only way of life they know. It was against this background that the fourth, most northerly, part of the former Somalia developed: the Republic of Somaliland. Its origins lay in the different form of colonisation practised in the former British Somaliland in the north from that of Italian Somalia in the south. In occupying the country, the British had only one aim: to control the strategic strait of Bab Al Mandeb and at the same time to find a source of cheap food supplies for their desolate rocky garrison in Aden. They took very little interest in "their" Somalia, leaving the people free to follow their own customs and the traditional Somali nomad law known as xir. With the Italians the situation was quite different. After Italy had been humiliated by the cavalier treatment of the Great Powers prior to 1914, the disastrous collapse of the Italian front in the Austro-German offensive of October 1917 (the "Caporetto" syndrome) and the 1919-20 peace treaties, the colonies made up for the blow to its self esteem (2). Italy’s treatment of Somalia was brutal. The colony had to submit to the will of the victors and adopt their laws, customs and economic preferences. An artificial Roman law was imposed, nomad social customs (in particular the resolution of conflicts) were abolished and Somali xir became synonymous with rebelliousness. Military confrontations between the Somali rebels and Italian troops continued until the late 1920s. The British, rather than promoting mass education which was too uncertain in a nomad society, set up a few schools offering a high standard of education. The best pupils were sent to British universities. From the 1940s onwards this produced a small and well-trained elite. The Italians in the south introduced mass education but of a low standard, creating a large group of proletarianised and strongly nationalistic semi-intellectuals. Independence was welcomed but the two sides united in June 1960 had nothing in common (3). This difference in structure and methods gradually undermined the unification process. All or most of the technical posts were filled by people from the north whereas the key political jobs went to the southerners, increasing the tension. They did not even have a common administrative language. One group spoke English, the other Italian. Everyone knew Somali but it was not at that stage a written language (4). After 1978 the disillusionment of the northerners turned to anger. Defeated in his war against Ethiopia, President Siad Barre (5) made the people of former Somaliland bear the economic brunt of the defeat. Three years later, in 1981, the northerners set up the Somali National Movement (SNM) in London. This was the first Somali guerrilla movement. The violence reached its height when the capital, Hargeisa, was totally destroyed in 1988 with 50,000 deaths. It gradually spread throughout the country and other movements opposing the dictatorship were set up in 1989, leading to the fall of the government in 1991. But, whereas in the south the feuding groups (all clans or clan factions) vied with each other for power, until secession the SNM in the north followed a radically different path, that of national reconciliation. Amnesty At the shir (council) in Berbera in February 1991, the Issaq clans (to which 80% of the 1.8 million inhabitants of the former British colony belong) reached an amnesty with the other clans (the Gaddaboursi, the Dolbahante, the Warsangeli), even though they had fought with the southern army during the war. Prisoners of war were exchanged and there were no reprisals. Four months later a second shir was held in Burao and the people put pressure on the SNM leaders to repeal the act of union of June 1960 and declare independence. Some SNM officials, including the president, AbdIRahman Tour (later first president of independent Somaliland), were former members of the Mogadishu government and did not believe that secession was viable (6). Independence came about purely as a result of the southerners’ deep feeling of rejection and Somali policies since 1960 in general. Peace time injustices and the violence of war had amplified the feeling of rejection since 1991 as the anarchy in the south continued. A politician from Somaliland commented that the international community wanted them to unite with the southerners, but which southerners? They were absolutely incapable of reaching any lasting agreement (7). Despite its admirable efforts at the beginning of 1991, Somaliland was not without its clan warfare. The Issaqs, who were more or less the dominant group, split and argued over the meagre remains of the monetarised economy, consisting mainly of revenue from the ports, roads and airports (8). After two clan wars (in 1992 and 1994-95), the situation developed differently from that in the south. Because the xir conflict resolution system had survived, it was possible to hold Somali-style peace conferences and reach settlements which fitted in with the national culture. Large regional assemblies managed to impose payment of the blood price (mag), a combination of material compensation and symbolic restoration of honour which is the only way to stop clan warfare. This long drawn out process (it takes between two and six months) might seem fairly laborious to a foreign observer, but it is in harmony with the country’s society and culture - something that certainly cannot be said of the western-style peace conferences that the UN periodically tried to set up in Addis Ababa in 1993 and 1994, which never achieved anything. The very idea of the state is totally alien to Somali culture and was unknown before the colonial period. A settled population is needed before any form of state can be established (9) and there had never been enough of an economic surplus for that to happen. Nomad society is essentially anarchic. The people of Somaliland call the shir in Burao (1991), Borama (1993) and Hargeisa (1996-97) "national conferences", to distinguish them from the local shir used to settle clan conflicts. Each of the three national conferences went beyond political issues and focused on the actual form and basic structures of the state. Since the third national conference from October 1996 to March 1997), the principle of the state is no longer in question (although the way it operates is still hotly disputed). There are two elected assemblies, one of members of parliament, the other of elders chosen not by the electorate but by the clan councils. This second chamber, unlike the first, cannot be dissolved by the president and anyone who can no longer represent the clan or sub-clan due to death, incapacity or recall must be replaced by a representative of the same clan or sub-clan. The system was ratified in a constitution approved by two thirds of the representatives in February 1997. The Somalis are certainly anarchical but this also makes them ultra-democratic. In the ten years of war the SNM has had five presidents. All were democratically elected by congresses, all were genuine leaders of the movement whilst in office and all were still alive and free at the end of their term of office - no mean achievement in an African guerrilla movement. The hybrid western-nomad state that is taking shape is gradually becoming more democratic, not, as elsewhere in Africa, to satisfy foreign donors (the country does not have any) but to meet a real practical need. The choice is between true democratisation and civil war. The paradox is that a state that certainly has more legitimacy and roots in society than most other African states, operating with very limited financial resources and no outside aid (10), is managing to survive and sustain a fragile peace despite the almost total indifference of the international community. Last May a Somaliland businessman voiced the opinion that the country was better off without the international community which had had nothing to offer apart from the civil war it supported in the south. In the middle of 1993 Leonard Kapungu, deputy UN representative in Mogadishu, arrived in Somaliland (which had not been involved in the armed UNOSOM intervention) with an astonishing plan . Just as in the good old days of the Berlin Conference, the foreign powers had decided to divide up the country. The UN was "offering" the newly elected president, Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, control of the Issaq region, "assigning" the regions occupied by other clans to various clan militias outside the country which their exiled representatives in Nairobi or London had managed to persuade the international community represented the local population. This astonishing scheme would inevitably lead to a renewal of clan conflict. Mr Kapungu was politely sent away to exercise his diplomatic skills elsewhere . Even so the episode has left behind a strong distrust of international "good intentions". Somaliland is poor and isolated. But with the old tyrants falling from power and Africa feeling its way towards democracy, it is a unique example of democratisation blending with old cultural traditions dating back centuries, a painstaking attempt to preserve what is worthwhile and reduce the risks. According to a radical opponent of President Egal, re-elected in 1997, it is an expression of political maturity. After explaining at length why the president did not deserve his position and had only achieved it by buying the votes of important constituents, this politician said his corruption was public knowledge and he would be easy to overthrow. "But to do so would be madness and we will not do it. Our institutions were much too new and fragile to stand up to a coup or insurrection. In four years there will be more elections. In the meantime we’ll have plenty of shir." Elsewhere know as election meetings. 2005 Somaliland has finalized the democratical process with the parliamentary elections.

From retards to morons

Unbroken chain Kevin Rushby joins poets from Sudan, Afghanistan and Somaliland on a tour of the UK, and discovers that years of repression and exile have left scars, but also nourished strong literary traditions Saturday October 15, 2005 The Guardian It's an unusual accolade for a poet, a death threat: Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac "Gaarriye" got his in 1980 and it came via the Somalian president, Siad Barre. "He even said anyone caught selling a particular poem [of mine] on audio cassettes would be executed," Gaarriye recalls. The power of verse to cause social upheaval is not something we're very familiar with in the UK, but in Somali culture it's taken for granted. One poet starts a theme, others take it up, then a chain develops, drawing people into the arguments. "I wrote something against tribalism that became an attack on the president," Gaarriye explains. "Within four months the chain was more than 70 poems long." And that was when the secret police came to visit. Shortly afterwards he fled to Ethiopia and an exile that lasted until 1991. Gaarriye is currently touring Britain with five other poets. Each is expected to find an audience among the communities of migrants from their home countries who have settled here - communities that have often been ignored or vilified. In three cases - Somaliland, Sudan and Aghanistan - they are countries that have seen recent or ongoing conflicts. These are also places where poetry has a particularly important role. Al-Saddiq Al-Raddi, a 35-year-old Sudanese writer, lives in Khartoum and is already a veteran of many years of artistic repression - one of his hands bears the scars of a vicious prison beating. Partaw Naderi, an Afghan poet who writes in Dari, spent time in the notorious Pul-e-Chakhri prison in Kabul, then five years in exile. The poetry these writers produced during such periods of hardship reflects experiences shared by many of their compatriots now living in the UK: "I come from a distant land with a foreign knapsack on my back with a silenced song on my lips." (from "My Voice", by Partaw, translated by Sarah Maguire and Yama Yari). For Al-Saddiq, years of enforced silence when he was barred from public readings left him with a feeling that each poem might be his last. "I had somehow to hide the frail, blood-stained shoots of April inside me; I had to allow the crimson night-sky its majesty; I had to learn how to stain the space of the present with what seeps from a forgotten wound." (from "Weaving a World", translated by Mark Ford and Hafiz Kheir). For Gaarriye, the years when he was spied on and monitored were suffocating, but poetically his most productive. "I can't escape that experience," he says. "And it's a shared experience - that's why the community listen to me." In 1978 he wrote a poem to mark Nelson Mandela's 60th birthday, which coincided with the release from prison of his friend, the poet Hadraawi, after five years' solitary confinement: "This poem is a gun. This poem's an assassin. Images mob my mind ... This pen's a spear, a knife, A branding-iron, an arrow Tipped with righteous anger. It writes with blood and bile. (from "Mandela", translated by David Harsent, Martin Orwin and Maxamed Xassan "Alto"). In Afghanistan, as in Somalia, poetry has played a decisive role in recent history. "The mujahideen sang poems going into battle," Partaw says. "The communist government tried it too. Then when the Taliban arrived in Kabul, they were reciting poetry." He stayed for a year under Taliban rule, watching as they closed down publications and locked up artists and writers. Finally he fled to Pakistan where he found others who were expressing themselves in verse, drawing on traditions that reach back to the 13th century and the Sufi mystic, Jalal al-Din Rumi - himself a refugee who fled his home in northern Afghanistan ahead of the Mongol invasion. "We say poems are part of our mother's milk," Partaw says, "and that all of our culture came through poetry." English readers have long had access to Persian poems with 19th-century translations of Omar Khayyam, Hafez and Rumi - a recent translation of the latter was a bestseller in the US. But the lack of a written Somali tradition has closed it off from outsiders. The language did not have an official script until 1972 and even now there are no adequate dictionaries for literary translation. Martin Orwin, a lecturer at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, and the only British academic fluent in Somali, points out that this creates an enormous barrier to study. "If you can't speak Somali, it's impossible to study the poetry - you have to learn the language and that's difficult without the right tools." Isolated though it may be, the Somali community in Britain has found in poetry a source of strength. Abdulghani Sabban, who works as a community support teacher in London, points out that recitals are common, "especially during qat sessions" - a reference to the mild stimulant leaf much liked by Somalis. But some young Somalis have little or no idea about their own heritage. "With one group I had to use English translations of Somali poetry," Abdulghani says. "Only then did they began to grasp the implications of it." Gaarriye's role in the famous chain poems has made him something of a legend among the Somali diaspora - on his second day in the UK his phone is ringing constantly with invitations to lunch or, more often, chew qat ("I write all my poems while chewing it," he grins). His fame clearly delights him, but he's aware that it rests on an historical accident. In the mid-70s just when he began writing poems, tape-players arrived in Somalia. "Students started copying my poetry on to cassettes. That idea really spread like wildfire. We're a nomadic oral society in which poetry is the most important art form - cassettes were perfect for us." The use of cassettes maintained poetry's central role in Somali society - and also kept refugee communities in touch with latest developments - but it was when Gaarriye came to write down the rules of poetic metre that the art form's future was truly secured. He now teaches Somali literature at Hargeisa university in Somaliland and translations of Somali verse are beginning to introduce new readers to this previously hidden tradition. Sarah Maguire, founder and director of the Poetry Translation Centre, believes that British poetry can benefit hugely from the infusion of foreign influences. "Think of how modern European poetry was effected by Ezra Pound's work on Chinese poems, or how my own generation were deeply influenced by translations of east Europeans like Akhmatova," she says. Gaarriye, the man whose very public poetry helped shape his country's history, is in full agreement. Somali poetry is already changing, he says; the memory of days when revolution was kicked into life by chain poems is fading, to be replaced by more peaceful concerns. "We're starting to develop an aesthetic side," he grins, as he slides out to an engagement with another Somali social group and, no doubt, a few leaves of qat to tickle the muse. · Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac "Gaarriye", Al-Saddiq Al-Raddi and Partaw Naderi are touring the UK for the Poetry Translation Centre's World Poets' Tour with events at Ilkley Playhouse tonight, at Glanfa Millennium Centre, Cardiff, on Wednesday; and at the Scottish Poetry Library on October 26.

Now my question to our inhouse Somaliland pundits will this new parliament be more effective than the old one and what should we expect from them? Well, the general expectations are indeed very high. This is a different parliament, a more educated one, one which has the mandate from the people. Nothing was ever going to happen overnight and it could take years for the effects of any legislation to work its way into the culture of the country. So in that regard, I think most of Somalilanders understand that it'll take sometime for the new Parliament to get up and running effectively before any tangable difference is observed. The immediate impact, however, will surely be felt heavily by the UDUB government. No longer will it be allowed to steal the ball let alone running with it out of the stadium. That is what its all about. Personally there are a couple of pressing issues that I would love for the new parliament to put forward. 1. One Is the issue of the "emergency laws" where five to seven men act as marshal courts and sentence citizens without any lawyer or anything, I would like to this completely abolished. 2. Second is the issue of "Radio Hargeysa"; the very first Somali radio first went to air in the 1950s. Radio Hargeisa is regarded as the birth place of modern Somali art/literature and produced most of Somali people's great talents. Together with Hargeisa National Theatre, they were the platform that helped our literature to grow. I would like to see this Radio become a fully government funded Independent Institution much like the BBC. It's freedom from financial institutions such as the city, commercialisation through advertising and other economic means should be avoided as strongly as possible purely to promote this independence. 3. The third issue I would like our new parliament to address is the government's refusal to allow independent radio stations from operating in Somaliland. This does not go very well with our democractic aspirations, so the new parliament should immediately pass relevant laws in regards to this issue. However, my only concern is that, if that scenario were to bare fruit, and both opposition parties agree among themselves, as to who shall be Speaker and the Deputy-Speakers from their bulging ranks; that in a sense, effectively rules out any role for Mr. A. Jirdeh Not necessarily. He can still stand for the position and take his chance. It doesn't mean that every MP will necessarily follow how the other Party members vote. Some might cross the floor and vote for candidates from other parties. That is still a possibility. I agree, Mr. A/Qadir Jirde is a great asset for the new parliament.

^^LOL I am Somali huwan calanka Somalia, ah na wadani jecel dalkiisa Somalia, anuu ma ahi somalidiid ama Somali naceeb Miskiin yaa dalas yaa saaxibul khurafaad. I am just glad that only rotten indivituals share your views. The only place where the Somali name shines like a star, is where I am from. Somalida sharafta leh iyo aduunka oo dhami wa ii qirsantay taa. Laakin adiga, waxaad tahay ayaa iska yar. Misqaala daratan sharanyara/khayranyarah iguma kordhin kartid, igamana dhimi kartid. Hadaad Somalia dooneysid, you know where to go. The people move, not the land. And my Somalinimo is superior to your rotten one. I say, either 5 as 1 or 5 as 1s. If you know what that means. As for your topic... that is about as much a "negative news" (even if in your opinion you think they are as such) you will ever get in regards to Somaliland.

Any copies in english? Usually the English Articles that Haatuf translates to Somali also appear on her sister publication "The Somaliland Times". Previously, all recent publications of the Somaliland Times used to appear online too . But nawadays, only selected (mostly editorial) articles are published on the Haatuf website . As for SSI - I couldn't find their website. Perhaps it still doesn't have one (post - May 27, 2005)

Any copies in english? Usually the English Articles that Haatuf translates to Somali also appear on her sister publication "The Somaliland Times". Previously, all recent publications of the Somaliland Times used to appear online too . But nawadays, only selected (mostly editorial) articles are published on the Haatuf website . As for SSI - I couldn't find their website. Perhaps it still doesn't have one (post - May 27, 2005)

If I am not mistaken your parliamentary speaker said before the elections that he would rather risk his life then see polls take place in the areas that he claimed because of clanism. What happened to that threat of war? Probably all that he could muster were the 3 bandits that ambushed a civilian convey between Yagoori and Oog (Lascaanod district) days before the elections. But again, they never got away anyways, all 3 gacan birleh ayaa lagu soo qabqabtay maanta xabsiga Burao ayay liinta ku cabayaan. So much for khuukhaa iyo buhubaha. On a serious note, the last elections was an improvement to the previous elections. In the 2003 elections, Caynabo was the only district that the vote took place, but 29/09 it covered most of Sool region with the exception of very few places. Even White people (whom they loof to beg) agree! beer doofaar needs not of my mentioning... but speaking of begging, do we need to start this topic?