Suldaanka

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Everything posted by Suldaanka

  1. It has always been the same policy. But Somaliland gives special considerations for two key groups. The locals that inhabit the area and our friends in the international community. Somaliland spends lots of time and effort to win the locals, it is the hardest task. Which is way Somaliland has a lot o carrots and sticks. Kicking Puntland melitia out is the easier part. Dealing with the international community is another issue. But once Mogadishu or Garowe make a mistake, we take full advantage of the mistake. That including Mogadishu sending its Minister to Sanaag region. That sort of act will not go unanswered.
  2. Baroortu orgiga ka wayn. Dhawaaqa iyo dhiilada colaadeed ee maamulka Puntland hada durbaanka u tumaayo, waxay ku eekeed in maalintii Adhicadeeye sameeyaan. Kolkii Garowe kaabiga loo istaagay, inay hada durbaan tumaan waa ku fashilmeen.
  3. Timodheer, MMS wacad ayay ku martay in haylaha (Dharka/Huga) dhigan doonto hadii Gaas dagaalka guul ka keeni waayo. Timodheer, will you keep your promises? It was Kim Kardashian that attempted to break the internet... your attempt will most definitely have an impact on Facebook through the world. xataa Mark Zuckerburg ayaa live so gali doona.
  4. The professor of Geography should know better. These regions cannot have the label "disputed territories" any longer. Somaliland has the capacity to enforce its authority. The benefits of a single authority is already can be seen in Laascaanood and other towns that are fully incorporated into Somaliland system. The small remaining few villages towards Garowe should enjoy the same benefits and cannot be allowed to remain a buffer zone.
  5. Why I believe Timodheer is actually MMS. Suaal fiican ayaa keentay Timodheer: "Hadii aan waxba iska celin wayno, yaa na guursanaya" Bom oo hadana Bom... MMS 2018. MMS's lexicon and style of talking and Timodheer's are a replica.
  6. Reer Laascaanood to Reer Garoowe, dufaantu Garoowe ayay ku wajahantay ee xejista numberka.
  7. At very least, you will never see falsified youtube videos on Somaliland media.
  8. He learned nothing from history. He forgot the modus-operandi of the Puntland folks. He will learn it the hard way.
  9. kick-out from Sool? Your leader, Gaas was begging SRSG Keating of the UN that if MBC were to return Tukaraq back to Puntland control that he will renounce Puntland's claims to the parts of Sool region that already come under Somaliland authority. And that is the majority of Sool region. President MBC rejected the desperate offer and told SRSG Keating that Somaliland is not trespassing into Somalia's terrotiry and Somaliland's land is not for negotiations. The borders of Somaliland will remain the same as those that were inheritted when independence was gained in 1960. So far, Puntland's attempts to regain Tukaraq has proven fruitless. It is in fact replay of Adhi Cadeeye 10 years ago. Puntland is already feeling a lot of pressure both in terms of economics as well as man power and morale. Whereas Somaliland has not even broken a sweat, it is just a child's play.
  10. Beentu lug ayay leeday, lugta si fudud aya loo qabtaa... This is not even Garowe, it is Galkacio. Gadiidka Somaliland are well maintained and uniquely identifiable. When it comes to truth, never relay on Puntland media. Truth is the first casualty in their wishful thinking for a nonexistent victory. For something that is close to facts on the ground always relay on Somaliland media.
  11. Ambassador Abdiraxhman Caabi Farah ilaahay naxariistiisi janno ha ka waraabiyo. Aamin.
  12. No one else is wearing qabyaalad on their sleeves other than Puntland. It is going to backfire spectacularly. Th days of qabyaalad is on its last few legs. Qof kasta interestkiisa ayu hada ka shaqeeya. The jeegaan thing is so 2017. La talaabso sanadka cusub iyo siyaasadda cusub.
  13. After 20 years, Puntland is in a worse position today than at any other time. Today Puntland is at the same stage it was back in early 1990s when tolaaayay General Caydiid ina dhiciya... kakak The difference between then and now is that, this time you are facing a fully developed national army that has all its guns ready. Tolka Sheekh Gaas waa u fatwooday, hadii sanadka maanta ah wax iska celin waayaan, waa ehelu naar. It is not my words btw.
  14. Horta dagaal waa lagu kala qabsan kara baabuur iyo gadiid iwm. Laakin kuwa aad halkan so sawirtay uma eeka ciidanka qaranka gadiidkiisa. Dhamaan ciidanka qaranku gadiidkiisu sumadda ciidanka ayay leeyihiin oo lagu gartaa. The Big truck that has sand colour is most likely Puntland's, Somaliland's army colour is dark green. The APC has camouflage colors which again doesn't fit the standard Somaliland colours.
  15. I concur to some extent. Laakin Dad kale kor ayay u socdaan oo hiigsanayaan, maamulka Puntland hoos ayu u socdaa qabiil ayu miciin biday. Kol hadii tolaayay sheekadii ka marayso, waa laga badiyay si xarago leh.
  16. I find it quite hilarious reading Puntland websites. Xidigtii Oktober beenta inay mataano ku yihiin ayaad mooda. Ciidanka Qaranku wuxu si fudud oo xaragoleh gaashaanka ugu daruuray mar kale kuwo jahawareer ku dhacay ee bisha barakaysan ee Ramadan duulaanka soo qaaday. Catawga iyo cabaadka puntland ee aan joogsi ga lahayn. Bal ila akhriya markale. Waxay ku cadaynaysa inay heerkii ugu danbeeyay ka joogto oo hada wixii laga bilaabo goof qabiil isu badalayso Puntland. Mar hadii Puntland goof qabiil isu bedashay miyaanay ahayn in Gaas xilka u dhiibo madax dhaqamadeedka ileen ayaga dagaalka qabaliga ah hogaamin jiree?
  17. Waa cibaarooyinka samanka. Maamulkii Garoowe inu luga adag ku taagnayn ayay kuu cadaynaysa. Hada goof qabiil ayu isku bedelay. Halkan ka daawo Sheekh Gaas u Fatwo diini ah u sheegay tolkii... Ma noqon doonta "famous last word"?
  18. Key points: 1. Puntland was preparing for the past 5 months - the attack that took place near Tukaraq on the 15th of May. The Somaliland army stationed in Tukaraq is only composed of 4 units - the other 11 units for the Sool region are stationed in other parts of the region. 2. VP Camey comfirmed that the death toll and wounded on the side of **** is laa-cadad walaa xisaab. He confirms that the wounded included folks from Caabudwaaq and beyond. Ala yaa u sheega, meeshu magaalo lagu dhex dagaalami maayo ee waa banaan cad oo geed aad xabadda kaga dhuumata aan lahayn. 3. VP Camey is appealing to the womenfolks for money - and confirms that MJteeniya is unable to sustain the funds needed to defend - let alone wage attack on Somaliland. In any case... Somaliland army as usual will defend its positions very well and when it need be will strike like a well trained cat for its next move. Anywaysm Ramadan Mubarak folks.
  19. Many Somalilanders agree that she needed to be punished for her infidelity towards the Somaliland cause. But what many people differ is the sentencing that she was given. The psychology behind the harsh sentencing for Naciima is two fold. One is to send a message to those who are weeping and cyring on social media that their weeps and cries will only be detrimental to Naciima's defence - hence the more cries the harsher the sentencing. And the other fold being that this is done so in order to deter and make it crystal clear to those in Somaliland who harbour any sympathy let alone open support for Unionism causes should know and understand that they are choosing a life behind bars or in exile. Those in exile like the names such as Prof. Cabdi Samatar, Gen. Jamac Yare, Cabdi xashi, Cismaan Kaluun etc all are missing the most important thing in life - enjoying life in the company of loved ones, family, friends, retiring in their hometown. These are the enjoyments that they had to sacrifice if they want to stick with the Unionism causes. Which in my opinion is a harsher sentence than the 3 year term given to Naceema.
  20. Somalia’s federal government can do little to stop the project THE ancient port town of Berbera in Somaliland, a breakaway state in northern Somalia, is generally a sleepy place. The heat, which can reach 50 degrees Celsius in the summer, stifles even the dogs. Yet visitors will find it buzzing at the moment. Near the edge of town, sand and rubble fill the space where, until recently, there were 19th-century Ottoman traders’ houses. New buildings are springing up. A little out to sea, as half a dozen ships idle in the sun, a barge from Dubai hauls a colossal crane towards the shore. All of this activity relates to a new port being built by DP World, a company mostly owned by the government of Dubai, part of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). At the moment, Berbera’s port is small—used mostly for the export of livestock to the Persian Gulf, and the import of goods to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland. However, over the next decade or so, thanks to DP World, it could turn into one of east Africa’s biggest. The port and another Emirati project, to build a military base in Berbera, are powerful reminders of how money from the Gulf is changing the Horn of Africa. It also risks exacerbating the struggle between Somalia’s weak, but internationally recognised federal government in Mogadishu and its restive, secessionist regions. The Berbera port, which will cost some $450m, is by far the biggest investment in Somaliland since the province declared independence from Somalia in 1991 (in practical, but not legal, terms it is a separate country). It has taken on a new significance since February, when DP World was thrown out of neighbouring Djibouti, where it had operated the main port since 2009. Djibouti currently handles over 90% of Ethiopia’s sea trade, and also hosts French, American and Chinese naval bases. Somaliland officials probably hope to steal some of that traffic. In March Ethiopia announced it had bought a 19% stake in the Berbera port. The project annoys politicians in Mogadishu, who fear losing more of their already meagre authority. So they have kicked back at the UAE. Last month parliament passed a law banning DP World from all of Somalia (something it cannot enforce). On April 8th the authorities in Mogadishu temporarily seized an Emirati plane carrying some $9.6m in cash, apparently intended for soldiers in Puntland, another autonomous state, being trained by the UAE. On April 11th the defence minister announced that Somalia would end a similar programme in which the UAE paid and trained soldiers in the national army, who will henceforth be paid by the (penniless) federal government. Officials in Somaliland are unruffled. The federal government “cannot control even ten square kilometres of Mogadishu”, says Liban Yusuf Osman, Somaliland’s deputy foreign minister, dismissing its objection to the port deal. But the dispute drives a big wedge between the two governments, says Rashid Abdi of International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based NGO. It does not help that many politicians in Mogadishu are thought to have taken money from Qatar, the UAE’s rival, or that Turkey, another rival, is one of Somalia’s biggest foreign investors. Indeed, the government in Mogadishu is a mess, thanks in part to constant manoeuvring by foreign-funded politicians. On April 9th the speaker of parliament, Mohamed Osman Jawari, stood down, having apparently lost a power struggle with the prime minister, Hassan Ali Khayre, and the president, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, known by his nickname “Farmaajo”. A few days before, African Union soldiers had to step in after Mr Jawari’s bodyguards stormed the parliament and ran up against troops loyal to the prime minister. Both sides ostensibly oppose the port in Berbera, but Mr Jawari saw an opportunity to seize more power for parliament by holding a (symbolic) vote on the deal, without consulting Mr Mohamed. The bickering does not help the cause of a unified Somalia. The government in Mogadishu has little to offer the country’s regions. That allows countries like the UAE to swoop in and fill the gaps. Al-Shabab, a terrorist group linked to al-Qaeda, continues to mount successful attacks. On April 1st dozens of Ugandan soldiers were killed by the jihadists in the most deadly raid in over a year. The greater the chaos in the areas ostensibly controlled by federal government, the smaller the incentive for regions such as Somaliland to care what its politicians think. This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "A storm over a port"
  21. Care to share a credible source for this? I know of a link provided by Saalax which I doubt is based on reality. Multiple credible sources would add weight to the claims.