NASSIR

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  1. SOMALIA | Leaders Can Prevent Galgala Conflict from Merging with Civil War TUESDAY, AUGUST 3, 2010 AT 12:27PM The road south of Bosaso, Puntland, Somalia. HELO. WITNESS Somalia’s civil war has raged in the south for some time, but locals fear it might spread farther than it already has. The northeastern state of Puntland, aside from troubling local security issues and humanitarian concerns, has been largely insulated from the war. But at the end of July, a long-bubbling local conflict between a renegade leader from the Galgala Mountains named Sheikh Mohamed Said Atom, and the Puntland government, re-surfaced in a battle in the village of Karin on the road south of the port city of Bosaso. While international media has followed the Somali and Puntland government assertion, denied publically by both parties, that Atom is bringing the civil war to the north on behalf of the Islamic radical group al Shabaab, specialist Mohamed A. Elmi argues that this is instead a local-level conflict that can be solved locally. Too often, Elmi points out, journalists, as well as leaders with access to foreign funding may over-simplify the description of a conflict in order to draw attention. But if this increases confusion and argument on the ground, it may encourage the conflict it seeks to address. **************************************************** http://www.helomagazine.org/somalia/2010/8/3/somalia-leaders-can-prevent-galgala-conflict-from-mergi ng-wi.html
  2. Originally posted by Libaax-Sankataabte: quote: Originally posted by Libaax-Sankataabte: The persistent criticism of the PIS, coming from different communities, is a legitimate concern. No one should dismiss the cries of the locals and their stinging denunciation of the PIS actions as “wining” for such would be seen as legitimizing potential abuse. I have always thought it is never a great design to farm-out vital state responsibilities such as security to self-governing security entities with little or no governmental oversight. Such novelty takes integrity away from the local law enforcement groups and further antagonizes the very communities the state is trying to bring under its sphere of influence. If latest turn of events tell us anything, it is that the very unit the state put its bet on, the PIS that is, is increasingly inept and highly unable to assist the admin get a good grip on security. Instead, the PIS tactics have conjured up, in the minds of many citizens, an image of Puntland which is quite Pashtuni. It is commonly seen as a Blackwater vehicle for sub-clan domination. The unit’s sole contribution, aside from the clandestine raids, has been the estrangement of a number of communities and the disturbance of the always delicate equilibrium of tribal loyalty to the state. That Faroole has no direct control over the core duties of the PIS was never a secret, but what is quite intriguing is the mere longevity of an organization so clearly unable to bring any tangible progress on security to the table. What are the PIS’s real accomplishments? That was my comment on the PIS last year. The same issues still haunt the citizens. What is the solution yaa jamacah? [/QB]Excellent point, LST.
  3. ^Che, the emergence of of numerous nominal Garaads pose nothing but division within the community. I fear the same internal problems that our brothers in Sool region have endured for so long is waiting for us to deal with. Had we placed our interest before the central government in Mogadishu by adopting a decentralized form of governance, we would have been in better position this time. We have the right institutions in place like district councils that are elective bodies and operationally independent in their capacity to raise army and collect tax and institute a law enforcement agencies, however, the fat elites and their generals stand in the way of an independent Maakhir. Anyway, The division has already spread and seeped in as to endanger the social fabric of the Maakhir community and it's because of the neighboring Admins (SL & PL) that perpetuate, finance, promote and use these Garaads as political agents in an attempt to extend their influence. Duke, who told you that he is the most powerful Garaad. Perhaps to Puntland he is the most influential. The sad truth is that he hails not from a major clan that can dent our inevitable march to self-rule, peace and progress. Puntland is betting on the wrong horse.. Naxar, the powerful sultan of Maakhir, Sultan Said Sultan Abdisalaan is neither SL nor PL. He still has the ultimate veto power on any decision (economic or political) relavant to the region.
  4. Abtigiis, Ethiopia seems to be building a coalition against the ONLF power base in order to split the organization and diminish its influence. I think the leadership must change its old strategy by reaching out at the grassroots level. They should also start building a large internal coalition base, methinks.
  5. an ONLF-Ethiopia accord, which can singly-handedly make peace more sustainable, especially if a third party mediates such a peace settlement. Very good recommendation!
  6. Faisal, a regional senior expert penned this fine piece. He seems to be questioning the authenticity of Ethiopia's committment to the peace deal as many of our contributors here, but Faisal reminds us of the past pitfalls of similar deals that failed, the state of emergency under which the region was ruled and the deep misdeeds and mistrust that can hamper the desired outcome of this deal. ---- How Sustainable is the Peace Accord in the Somali Region of Ethiopia? By Faisal A. Roble August 03, 2010 The local news media and the day-to-day life in Addis Ababa have been markedly buzzing with a well orchestrated fanfare to commemorate a peace accord which the government of Ethiopia concluded with the United Western Somali Liberation Front (UWSLF). The two sides signed a peace accord on Thursday, July 29, 2010, comprising five intertwined articles (Articles 1 through 5) at the lobby of the posh hotel of Ghion in the presence of representatives of the Ethiopian government, UWSLF, African Union, and the United Nations, among others. UWSLF is only one of several insurgent groups fighting for the independence of the Somalis in the Eastern provinces of Ethiopia. The region is home to over 4.5 million Somalis. Another less important accord has been officially signed by the end of the first week of August in Washington DC between several prominent individuals who openly defected from the main rebel group, the ****** National Liberation Front (ONLF), and an Ethiopian delegation. The ONLF defectors would be represented by Mr. Salahudin, who until four years ago was a member of the executive committee of ONLF, whereas the Ethiopian side will be represented by a combined delegation consisting of Ethiopia’s Federal government officials and by Mr. Abdifatah Sheikh Abdullahi, chairman of the Somali National Democratic Front, the ruling party of the Somali National Regional State. In order to boast the membership of those supporting Salahudin’s side for the occasion so as to give clout to Mr. Salahudin, the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington has reportedly invited this weekend to Washington DC about 20 individuals who all are legal residents or naturalized US citizens, some travelling from MN, San Diego, Denver, Colorado, and the greater Washington Metro region. These invitees are individuals who hail from the region. All the travel expenses and expensive hotel plus a daily expense of $250 would be covered by the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington DC. According to the peace accord document signed at Addis Ababa’s Ghion hotel, the government of Ethiopia agreed to grant amnesty to all leaders and prisoners of UWSLF. Moreover, the government also agreed to rehabilitate and integrate Front’s soldiers in to the community. Abay Tsahaye, a TPLF high ranking official who spoke on behalf of the government underscored some of the tenants of the accord in that the “UWSLF on its part agreed to stop its state of insurgency and make a definitive shift from its former position and abide by the constitution.” He added “the peace deal gives substantial guarantees to nations, nationalities and people of Ethiopia including full rights of self determination up to secession.” The peace accord affords Mr. Abdi Mohamed Omar, the new president of the region both challenges and opportunities. A major challenge, among others, is how to accommodate the personal and political ambitions of the members of UWSLF. But an unprecedented opportunity for the new president, a man known to be charismatic with higher acumen for broad-based politics, would be running the region at this time with multiple peace accords. His administration comes on the heels of the outgoing, and unpopular former president, who was an unimpressive baby face child man, Dawud Mohamed. Although the copy text of the accord suggest that amnesty has been extended to UWSLF in exchange for denouncing the insurgency that the front has carried for “the last eighteen years,” as Sheikh Ibrahim, chairman of UWSLF, put it, the government of Ethiopia in return would re-commit itself to article “39” of the constitution, which calls for “substantial guarantees to nations, nationalities and people of Ethiopia including full rights of self determination up to secession.” In the coming weeks, community members in the Diaspora and those at home would vehemently debate the inner meanings of each instrument in the accord. For example, some may wonder whether UWSLF simply run out of will and energy to carry the resistance war that Somalis in this region have carried out for their independence. Others would pontificate and dwell on the untrustworthiness of the Meles government and its real motives in the accord. Others may be disappointed with Sheik Ibrahim’s comment on referencing a period of only “eighteen years” of resistance, completely and conveniently neglecting a history of unabated resistance for almost a century and a half that his people waged. But those who have been lately debating about the meaning(less) of life in the Diaspora may find consolation in the articulate words of the chairman and his reasoning why he gave up the barrel of the gun in order to curtail any more inflictions on and save the lives of his community. This reductionist and revisionist view point about the Somali struggle for equality and its human rights could emerge as the real causality of the Ethio-UWSLF accord. The most vexing debate would center on whether Meles and his ruling EPRDF are recommitting their government to the observance of their own constitution (article “39,” in particular, for example). In the last 20 years, the Ethiopian government has made the constitution, particularly the right of the Somali nation, mockery and let strongmen like Abay Tsahaye irk Somali leaders at will. A robust re-commitment to and observance of the “rights of the Somali nation including and up to secession,” a corner stone in the initial Transitional charter which Somalis signed along with many other nationalities, like the Oromos, may even woo other powerful and larger insurgents. A case in point is an ONLF-Ethiopia accord, which can singly-handedly make peace more sustainable, especially if a third party mediates such a peace settlement. The challenge is whether Meles and his government can muster the moral power and political commitment necessary to negotiate an honest and sustainable conflict resolution in the Somali region. So far, Meles has failed in the test. Are we witnessing a sustainable historic resolution to the Somali question in Ethiopia, or the accords signed between Ethiopia and UWSLF represent a quick fix to an intractable question that has haunted the region since the Somali region had been illegally annexed into Ethiopia’s feudal empire state? It remains to be seen whether this and upcoming accords will usher in a new era of openness, tangible policy reforms, good governance, respect for basic human rights and release of tens of thousands of unlawfully detained civilians in the Somali Regional State, which has been languishing under undeclared state of emergency for the past four years; where State-orchestrated economic embargo is still in full force in the eastern zones of the region; where civil rights are completely stifled and collective punishment is exacted by Ethiopian security apparatchik, with impunity. We have in the past vainly travelled this route, but let us hope this time could be different. Faisal A. Roble Email: Fabroble@aol.com Wardheernews.com
  7. Read Samuel Huntington's post cold war essay to understand the source of all this fuss or better yet the constructivist theory can explain how cultural wars are created and perpetuated to advance some ideal goal of global domination. Basically, Huntington saw the economic integration,(Saudi exports more barrels of oil to China than the United States) technology exchange and military cooperation of the Confucian-Islam civilization. The west had to immediately act, under-cut this natural process, establish military bases all over the Middle East and South East Asia, and advance the globalization of Western culture and products , not to mention the Westernization of the countries of the former Soviet block and Latin America.....
  8. Duke, The Garaad is well-known and well respected individual but can he afford to alienate his community for the sake of advancing the interest of some instrumental faction leaders like Faroole? An elder or Garaad like him is better suited to be a neutral, a peace-maker and straightforward with his intentions. What is that he can gain from the support of Puntland that he can't from Dhahar?
  9. Otherwise, the ONLF struggle will only produce a result that is similar to the SNM one. It will produce a somali-hating, clan-worshipping new generation. Well said..
  10. Garowegal, to compare Farah to Bile is an honor and an ideal for his future competition. We need more aspiring professional athletes on international stage. Even if the records tilt on the side of one athlete, it does not mean that the other is trivialized. They both raise the good image of the nation. Don't you feel proud when an international press carries a good news of something Somali and only Somali? Ibti, respect the legend.. More Farah would have represented his country of origin if it were functioning and peaceful.
  11. Chief, saxib, qoftaan heesaheeda ciyaar maahan. She is now the modern day of old Saado or Kinsi Xaaji Aadan. That Qaaci is probably the microphone that was too close not to adjust to its normal pitch.. I guess. Listen to this remix http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DUtEyptkrsk
  12. Thankful Just to clear any misunderstandings between us, I do not support the man and his activities in the region. I think it is dangerous given the anarchic situation of Somalia. And I believe the long-standing issue of Galgala and Bosasso can be resolved if one genuinely attends to the root causes, which the international media often hides. However, according to the opinion of experts in Arabic that I read from the prestigious Somali forum (NGONGE, SOL), Mr. Atam said the same thing in both instances of the interview. (Though Paltalk is unprofessional and hardly unreliable source since it can be manipulated and has no accountability compared to VOA). The context under which the word "al-Shabab" was used was different and he DISAVOWS any type of connection, knowledge or responsibility of their radical agenda. Atam is considered a Sheikh or someone who knows about the religion of Islam, but he is considered to be a moderate one like Sheikh Shariif. Overall, he said in the VOA interview that his disagreement with Puntland is a local issue that has nothing to do with global security. He specifically files grievances against the crude paternalistic policies of Puntland such as nepotism, land expansion and economic sanction that the adminstration imposed on the farmers of Western Bari region. He said no vehicle is allowed in and out of the region or local businesses to sell or export their produce through the port of Bosasso. Xudeedi, I agree with Koora-Tuunshe. The Galgala and by extension that of Puntland admin will resolved by Gen. Ilka-Jir and the Elders. Keep the good work.
  13. Hunguri, It was Abdullahi Yusuf who urged him to seek the support of his lineage as to become its undisputed Garaad perhaps to challenge the Grand Sultanate House. I am glad though the major sub-clans are the guardians and the pillars of this house, which is why our intra-clan cohesion is strong. It's high time that Politician Cabdillahi Cali Ciid look to the interest of his community. His unwavering loyalty of Puntland makes him blind of the complicated reality we face. He is an outspoken politician but he has to remember he can't always side with Puntland. He supported the Majihan exploration deal, travelled with Abdillahi Yusuf to Mogadishu and assumed on his behalf a bigger role in the affairs of tolka with regards to that reer Mogadisho.. “Reer Puntlanow aayihiina katashada,hana isku dayina inaad cidkasta qancisaan. Waxaan maalmahaan aad u maqlayey kuwo calankeena Cusub wax ka sheegaya…Oo maxaa Calankeena & danaheena uga Gidhiish ah…Waa wax lalayaabo…Annagu waanu tashanaya Calankeenana dhibaato makeenayo ee wakaas kii Soomaaliyaba waanu wadanaa”Ayuu yiri Garaadka oo khudbadiisu dhinacyo badan taabanaysay. Cabdilahi Ciid. His latest comment @ Buraannews.com
  14. Originally posted by Libaax-Sankataabte: Nassir and Jacphar, I think you brothers may not have all the facts here, hence your downbeat comments. The brother who set up this admin sacrificed his comfortable life n Minnesota to advance some sort of "kaladambayn" for a district known for its militias and anarchy. It is a monumental achievement considering the odds and the circumstances. Even the New York Times did a profile on the work this man has done. We discussed this on SOL in the past. NEW YORK TIMES VIDEO I agree LST on his monumental work and good examples. If he believes in Somalinimo and Unity, that is all that matters.
  15. The Galgala Conflict and its Long-term security Implication on the Region
  16. Interestingly, President Yoweri rightly believes that "SL" and "PL" are fiefdoms created by rebels. He also believes they lack the organizational/functional capacity to restore, reconstitute our collapsed state, or bring peace to it. Africa must rise against Al Shabaab terror By Yoweri Museveni July 31, 2010 Somalia seems to be suffering on account of a confluence of three factors:A failed government under Siad Barre that could not defeat or keep under check the various rebel groups; incapable resistance groups to that government of Siad Barre; and, more recently, the infiltration into the area of reactionary ideology from the Middle East (what some people call extremism or fundamentalism) Source: Daily Nation Read it via Link
  17. Originally posted by Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar: At least calankii qurxoonaa la babinaayaa. . Calankeena ma ogola in Somaliya la jar jaro. Waa total opposite. It's like a desecration. Tuulada Cadaado hada ma dowlad calan leh miyaa?
  18. Norf, I think it's an opinion piece similiar to Dr. Pham's policy recommendations. Actually, I have read him write critical of Kulmiye and Dr. Gaboose. If Islamists swell the ranks of the ruling party, it won't be a bad image for SL. Turkey is a good example. Btw, several popular "Somaliland" sites like QaranNews & SomalilandNet have carried this piece in their Opinion section.
  19. Originally posted by -Femme Fatale-: Sorry to be a party pooper, but really hate the cavalier way people toss the word 'rape' around. The 2nd meaning of it is act of plunder..but I see where u coming from..
  20. Originally posted by Cowke: Nassir it will be interesting to see how ethiopia deals with silanyo. I think they may ask him to re-shuffle the cabinet a bit and get rid of a few guys and I think Silanyo will do it. But that will open a nest-egg of troubles especially with the odweyne folks. So either way the ball goes it doesn't look rosy at all. I don't think he will reshuffle his cabinet even looking at Awdalites' demand. It's lean and efficient cabinet, filled by heavyweight, veteran politicians and experts.
  21. Originally posted by Temujin: I like Nimco Dareen's version better. She is easier to look at too. It looks a nice Qaaci.