Dr. Ga'mey is visiting his hometown and no PL militia can dare disrupt his delegation

Duke, If you can't grasp the Somali articles you post, then it's a waste of time to teaching one of his own mother tongue let alone debating on this issue. Faroole's mouthpiece Garoweonline has published a press release calling Atam's group a different than we get accustomed to hearing from them. It was just early of this year that mouthpiece reported Atam was injured and fled to Bur'o town - celebration of an early win in a complex issue of human disaster.

Thankful, I don't think Atam is the victor here. But you should support the peace process even if Puntland doesn't like it.

Gen. Duke, The whole issue is interrelated , therefore, people's interest and wellbeing comes 1st before Range & Faroole. The peace conference is promising thus far and has the potential to be the roadmap for Truth and Reconciliation efforts. This is the News you posted and it acknowledges the broad terms of the Galgala Agreement. It even raises false alarm bells that "Somaliland" is barging into the natural progress of the peace initiative btw Puntland and Sheikh Atam. Posted by Pi on July 27th, 2011 Hargeysa(puntlandi) Madaxweynaha Maamulka la baxey Somaliland, Siilaanyo ayaa waxaa soo foodsaarey cadaadis siyaasadeed oo uga imanaya G.Awdal iyo walwal uu ka qabo dhaqdhaqaaqa nabadeed ee puntland ka wado gobolka Sanaag. Siilaanyo wuxuu saaka u direy Sanaag wasiirkiisa Horumarinta Miyiga Maxamud Jamac Gacamey oo isagu ah nin kasoo jeeda deegaanka, ujeedada safarkiisuna waa inuu ka hortago Wada hadalka nabadeed ee Puntland kula jirto Shiikh Atam.

Timur, lol what a flimsy counter-argument response!

Very sad indeed!

Thousands of angry Somali farmers gathered at WFP distribution centers across Somalia to protest, sometimes violently. In an attempt to calm matters the WFP promised an investigation which in due course announced that yes the WFP had done the Somali farmers wrong and promised they wouldn't do it again. (July 25, Asmara - Eritrea, Sri Lanka Guardian) The World Food Program (WFP), one of the U.N.’s biggest aid agencies, has a very nasty history in Somalia. Back in 2006 just as Somali farmers brought their grain harvest to market the WFP began the distribution of its entire years grain aid for Somalia. With thousands of tons of free grain available Somali farmers found it almost impossible to sell their harvest and faced disaster. Thousands of angry Somali farmers gathered at WFP distribution centers across Somalia to protest, sometimes violently. In an attempt to calm matters the WFP promised an investigation which in due course announced that yes the WFP had done the Somali farmers wrong and promised they wouldn't do it again. Then in 2007 just as the Somali grain harvest began to arrive in local markets the WFP once again distributed its entire years grain aid, only this time with the Ethiopian army there to protect it. With a four year long on and off again drought since afflicting most of Somalia you could say the WFP helped put the nail in the coffin of Somali agriculture. Small wonder then why the Somali resistance, “The Youth”, Al Shabab, has since kicked the WFP out of most of southern Somalia that they control. It was only a couple of months ago that the WFP had cut the minimum survival food rations for the one million or more Somali refugees it had been feeding by 70% due to a “funding shortfall” yet today they would have us believe that they are desperately concerned for the survival of the Somali people suffering from the drought? The WFP is one of the very few aid agencies allowed to operate in the ****** next door to Somalia in Ethiopia. They run a few “show case” distribution centers and have provided little or no aid for 4 years to over 90% of the ****** suffering from the “The Great Horn of Africa Drought”, the worst in 60 years. This is also the area where the Ethiopian government is fighting a decade long counterinsurgency against the ****** National Liberation Front (ONLF). The WFP’s cooperation in withholding food aid from the areas where the guerilla fighters operate is part of a classic counterinsurgency strategy, “if you can’t catch the fish, drain the lake”. A couple of months ago a WFP team in the ****** was returning to their base and made the mistake of taking a short cut off of the Ethiopian approved travel routes and came across an Ethiopian paramilitary unit carrying out their everyday practice of burning, looting, murder and mayhem in a village accused of being supporters of the ONLF. Apparently they tried to turn around but it was too late and the Ethiopian death squad opened fire, killing some of the WFP team and wounding the others. The wounded were trucked off to the local Ethiopian garrison town and thrown into the prison there. Almost at once the Ethiopians announced that ONLF “terrorists” had “ambushed” the WFP team, “murdered” some, taken the rest “hostages” and that the Ethiopian military was in hot pursuit. Two days later the ONLF launched an attack on the military base and prison holding the WFP captives and freed them and the other political prisoners detained there. The Ethiopian military immediately brought in helicopter gun ships to pursue the ONLF and the freed prisoners but were unsuccessful and the WFP staff managed to make it to safety. The ONLF subsequently delivered the freed hostages to the WFP expecting the truth of the incident to be told and the real criminals to be exposed. To this day the WFP has remained silent about the details of the incident and has not condemned the murder of their staff by the Ethiopian paramilitary death squads. The freed staffs families live in areas controlled by the Ethiopians. To many burnt villages, to many slaughtered families, keep ones mouth shut or your loved ones will meet the same fate. How would the world even know if you spoke out and your family was murdered, the Red Cross, Doctors Without Borders and just about all the other aid agencies besides the WFP having been kicked out of the ******. End of story. While some 10 million Somalis living in the ****** in Ethiopia are the victims of a drought and food aid blockade the WFP remains silent, complicit in genocide. World Food Program, angle of mercy or angel of death? You be the judge.* Thomas C. Mountain is the only independent western journalist in the Horn of Africa, living and reporting from Eritrea since 2006. He can be reached at thomascmountain at yahoo dot com

Listen Here

Wafdigan ayaa ahaa mid aad usareeya oo loo soo diray gobolka Sanaag waxaana hogaaminayay Wasiirka Dhaawacmay Mudane Gacamay iyo Taliyaha ciidamada aaga Sanaag Col. Muuse Jaamac waxana ay safarkoodu maalinimadii shalay kasoo bilaabmay magaalada Ceerigaabo. Intuusana Wafdigu halkaasi kasoo ambabaxin waxaa uga waramay Safarkooda Mudane Maxamuud Siciid Gacamay oo u hadlay Sidan

Wasiirka Deegaanka iyo Hormarinta reer Miyiga ee Soomaaliland Prof. Maxamuud Siciid Gacamay oo shil gaari ku dhaawacmay Dhahar (SPR)- Wasiirka Dalxiiska iyo Horumarinta Deganka ee Somaliland Mudane Maxamuud Siciid Madaxey (Gacamay) ayaa shil gaari ku dhaawacmay meel 170Km u jirta magaalada Ceerigaabo, xilli uu safar ugu soo jiray si uu usoo booqdo degmada Dhahar. Wasiirka ayaa xaladiisa caafimaad haatan ay kasoo raynaysaa iyada oo dhaawacu ahaa mid kasoo gaaray madaxa, oo ay sababtay muraayada hore ee gaari oo dhaawacaasi ka danbaysay. Waxaana ku weheliyay dhaawaca wasiirka, dhaawacyada Darewalka iyo mid kamid ah ilaalada Wasiirka oo lagu magacaabo Carab Gurey Warsame. Col. Caydiid Axmed Nuur oo ka mid ahaa wafidaga Wasiirka ayaa SPR uga warbixiyay sida uu shilka U dhacay.

Taleexi, totally agree! No other choice left. "By any measure this government, the TFG, has been a total failure. An unelected authority whose remit runs to a few square kilometres of the capital, Mogadishu, it has been invisible during the current crisis. Its 550 MPs, paid for by international donors, have spent the past seven years squabbling over stipends and titles while bankrolling the hotels and conference centres of Djibouti and Nairobi." Daniel.

Let me say this, conflict is inevitable when an element of inequity in resource distribution or power structure exists within a state or neighboring regions, It also arises out of a desire to thwart perceived or real threat and to defend one's territory against foreign aggression and exploitation. PL behaved like a colonial force when it bribed self-nominated politicians and elders and signed concession agreement on Majihan and Dhalan areas of Al Medo basin without ever consulting the natives.* So what happened? Natives of the land (Western Bari) rose to defend their resources, which they succeeded in achieving to disrupt the ongoing drilling project. This conflict was first ignored by the press as nothing more than a minor clash among nomads in the desert. Few weeks later, when it came out apparant that hiding the truth could bring more harm than good, Range Resources Inc stopped its operation and decided to put it off untill the area is secure enough from native insurgents.* Change of administration, strategy and tactics. Puntland showcased a smooth power transfer that quite mimicked its rival admin in Hargeisa. The incumbent Ade Muse was squarely defeated because he presided over an admin that could not defeat small but determined insurgents on the outskirts of the commercial city (Bosasso) . PL's loss of Las Anod was *not considered serious enough in the radar of critical interests at stake. In fact, the Las Anod was thrown into the backburner in order to attend to the Galgala issue. The latter issue was so momentous that the Garoowe admin was promised a very lucrative contract and with initial downpayments at a ceremony, of upgrading the small airports of Garoowe and Boosaaso. The decision to ultimately resolve Galgala & Majihaan through harsh and brutal violence Theoritically, there are three methods disputants may resolve a conflict. One is the decision to ultimately secure a military victory. It is a method the international community discourages and avoids very often. The other method is through peaceful negotiation, which the current admin of Faroole is secretly pursuing to cover up both his failure to settle the issue and his false labels or defination of the conflict. Like a perfect tempest, things seem to be taking drastic toll on the admin in Garoowe. Given the protracted nature of the assault on Galgala and environs and Atam's resurgency, Faroole now understands the only way to restore normalcy is through leverage mediation. But that exigency raises the specter of all lies manufactured to sell the narrative of terror coming back to haunt him, not to mention a restitution for and property destroyed.*

Faafan, war bal magac soomaali leedahey horta la imow.

xiinfaniin;736747 wrote: ^^A reasonable analysis that is, except that it is unlikely that alshabaab will be chased away by mere clannish forces. It will take a legitimate national army to effectively defeat alshabaab, and HOLD the land for considerable time. So this Azania gimmick is nonstarter for the most people. People are finding hard to even pronounce it let alone understand what it stands for. Well said Xiin.

Ngonge, I remember we have had discussions in the past on this issue & my position affirms my support of this governing model known as the building blocks . I'am for the devolution of power into state and regional levels. JB, In that case, DamallaXagare and environs geographically fall into the Haded valley, Shimbirale, Carmaale & Xiingalool are one and the same. It's a region that is facing a demographic explosion, according to international agencies . Thus, the creation or formation of an independent and strong institutions of governance is highly essential to accomodate the needs of the native inhabitants. I am for it 100%, but it's a difficult and long journey to break free with the old status quo since it disturbs others in this hostile environment.

"The queues of panicked people in dust-blown camps, carrying two-year-olds weighing as little as new-borns, are the victims of an acute failure of international policy. A quick rehearsal of the past two decades of Somali history reminds us that we've been here before. In the 1990s' conflict, drought and famine led to a global media outcry and a massive UN response in Somalia with 30,000 foreign troops on the ground and 40 international NGOs in the south-central region where the starvation is now worst. Humanitarian assistance which ignored local politics and needed military force to be delivered was abandoned as an approach in 1995 after helping to embed a war economy that has persisted to this day."

By Daniel Howden THE INDEPENDENT July 15, 2011 After 9/11 it no longer mattered to the West what happened to the Somalis as long as their suffering was contained and radical elements neutralised Monday, 25 July 2011SHARE PRINTEMAIL The explanations offered to us along with pictures of starving children in the Horn of Africa follow several well-worn threads: we are told the famine is the product of the worst drought in 60 years; that the early warning systems designed to detect crises and steer international response have failed; and, most pervasively, that it is a product of our own indifference. In its purest form there is an almost puritanical quality to the last explanation which suggests that British self-indulgence in domestic affairs such as the phone-hacking scandal or football's summer transfer window has somehow prompted the food crisis in East Africa. The response has been alarm, fundraising and its necessary assistant, guilt. Almost completely absent has been any call for an understanding of what has really happened. The return of famine – not food insecurity, or shortage, or malnutrition – but actual starvation after a near 20-year absence is not the result of a failure of generosity, but a failure of politics. Related articles Famine victims refused access to Kenya's showpiece refugee camp Search the news archive for more stories At the centre of this crisis lies Somalia, which has for the last decade been among the top ten recipients of humanitarian aid globally. The cycle of drought in the Horn of Africa is now predictable and, to a great extent, manageable. Much has been learned since the 1980s and the poor rains across northern Kenya and Ethiopia have been prevented from creating an outright famine by the assistance programmes already in place in those countries. The vast majority of the dead and dying have walked out of very specific areas of Somalia. The queues of panicked people in dust-blown camps, carrying two-year-olds weighing as little as new-borns, are the victims of an acute failure of international policy. A quick rehearsal of the past two decades of Somali history reminds us that we've been here before. In the 1990s' conflict, drought and famine led to a global media outcry and a massive UN response in Somalia with 30,000 foreign troops on the ground and 40 international NGOs in the south-central region where the starvation is now worst. Humanitarian assistance which ignored local politics and needed military force to be delivered was abandoned as an approach in 1995 after helping to embed a war economy that has persisted to this day. Outside intervention since then has been incoherent, contradictory and often disastrous. What was seen as a humanitarian crisis in the 1990s came to be seen as a threat to international security after 9/11 and the longest case of total state collapse was talked up as a breeding ground for terrorists. Policy towards Somalia was governed by the logic that it no longer mattered what happened to Somalis as long as their suffering could be contained within their borders and radical elements could be neutralised. Neighbouring Ethiopia was encouraged by the US to invade six years ago and overthrow a local Islamic courts' movement that had brought comparative peace to Mogadishu but was seen as dangerous by Washington. The ensuing occupation was catastrophic, spawning the extremist Shabab militia that is now understood to be the biggest obstacle to feeding starving Somalis. Two years ago the head of those toppled Islamic courts, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, was invited to return to head the internationally-recognised transitional government who, by that stage, needed an African Union military force to protect him from his own former youth league members in the Shabab. A bloody stalemate followed between forces loyal to Sheikh Sharif and the Shabab, who call him an international stooge. By any measure this government, the TFG, has been a total failure. An unelected authority whose remit runs to a few square kilometres of the capital, Mogadishu, it has been invisible during the current crisis. Its 550 MPs, paid for by international donors, have spent the past seven years squabbling over stipends and titles while bankrolling the hotels and conference centres of Djibouti and Nairobi. Six months ago the TFG was told that donors would pull the plug on it unless the politicians could make some positive impact on the lives of their people. Instead, while the famine was brewing, the Somali president and the parliamentary speaker engaged in another pointless power struggle which ended with them giving themselves a one-year extension in office – to which the donors, including Britain, meekly assented. While continuing support for the illusion of central government under the TFG, the Shabab were listed by the US as terrorists, which facilitated a complete withdrawal of international aid from the areas of south-central Somalia under the militia's control. The extremists in Shabab have made a terrible situation worse by threatening aid workers and trying to extort money from humanitarian agencies. But the decision to freeze all support to Shabab areas is rightly seen by many senior policy experts as a dangerous politicization of aid and a failure of humanitarianism. Belatedly this mistaken approach has been recognised and emergency aid is beginning to arrive. But thousands of ordinary people will die as this mistake is messily undone. The policy of containment in the face of the world's most failed state has clearly not worked. Neither has the forlorn support of a corrupt and fictional central government. And yet these failures are almost entirely absent from coverage of the food crisis. In their place we are told a simpler story of starving Africans in need of Western charity, which is mercifully free of context. This is often relayed through celebrity ambassadors who have "gained perspective" during brief visits to neighbouring areas. This wilfully uninformed approach – which also ignores British generosity, both individual and governmental – is thought to be the most the mainstream can digest. The false expectations it creates will foster apathy and cynicism in the future. There are no simple solutions: what is needed is a comprehensive review of international engagement with Somalia. If you want to help starving Somalis, by all means give money to alleviate genuine suffering. Give a day's pay, but also give a little time to understanding what has actually happened in the hope that we are not doomed to endlessly repeat past mistakes. d.howden@independent.co.uk

Call for UN troops in Somalia criticised Mary FITZGERALD, Foreign Affairs THE CHIEF executive of Concern has criticised as “grossly irresponsible” a call by the head of Goal for UN troops to be deployed to Somalia to ensure the delivery of aid to famine-stricken areas. Goal chief executive John O’Shea has issued several statements in recent weeks calling for military intervention as a means of addressing the crisis, and admonishing the UN for not doing so. “The UN knows that only the deployment of a peacekeeping unit in Somalia will avert appalling loss of life – but they chose not to act,” he said. Tom Arnold, who travelled to Somalia last week, said the proposal risked inflaming an already challenging security situation. Last week the UN-declared famine in two pockets of southern Somalia, both of which are controlled by al-Shabaab, the Islamist militias affiliated to al-Qaeda. The group has banned several agencies, including the UN’s World Food Programme, from operating in territory under its control. Last week it accused the UN of exaggerating the crisis and appeared to renege on a recent pledge to allow humanitarian access to the worst-hit areas. “I think [the proposal] doesn’t at all understand or take into account the complexities of politics within Somalia at the moment,” Mr Arnold told RTÉ Radio’s News at One yesterday. “It really would be inflammatory. “I think a lot can be done to improve access to hungry people without talking about sending in external peacekeepers. I think it would be utterly counterproductive at the moment and I am extremely annoyed by it. “I have no problem with John’s passion for feeding hungry people – of course I think we all share that – but it’s about how you go about it. I think this would not help . . . I don’t think it makes sense. If you were to bring in at this juncture external troops, I think the place would get a lot more dangerous.” A handful of aid organisations, including Concern, Trócaire and Oxfam, work through local partners in several parts of Somalia. “If some agencies have got sufficient trust and relationships to operate there, I think it is because they take account of local political sensitivities,” Mr Arnold said.

Ngonge, he is acknowledged to have won public trust at least in a trust-deficit place, the capital of the nation.

Former US ambassador to Ethiopia and Burkina Faso David Shinn says logistics are only part of the problem The United Nations has urged “massive” action to save millions of people in the drought-stricken Horn of Africa region.* One challenge for the international community is logistical – getting enough food to areas that need it as soon as possible. “There are fairly good food stores in certain areas that can be brought to the scene immediately,” said David Shinn, former U.S. ambassador to Ethiopia and Burkina Faso. Shinn is currently an adjunct professor of International Affairs at the Elliot School of International Affairs at George Washington University in Washington, D.C. “The problem is over the longer term where more food is going to be required than I think was originally envisaged,” he said.* “It will be necessary to identify and transport to the region significantly larger quantities of food to ensure famine does not extend around the area. “ More challenging is getting food to areas of Somalia held by the Islamic militant group al-Shabab. According to the United Nations, the group controls more than 80 percent of southern areas where there are 500,000 malnourished children. Two regions in southern Somalia are hit by famine: Bakool and Lower Shabelle Al-Shabab has had a rocky rapport with aid agencies. Last year, it kicked out Western aid groups that refused to meet several demands, including a ban on women operating on the ground. Earlier this month, militants said they would allow groups to return to feed those affected by drought. Then, late last week, the group changed its mind, and denied there is famine in Somalia. Going against policy Another challenge is the U.S. policy that bans any type of material support to the rebels, including “taxes” imposed on relief agencies. “There was a certain willingness by parts of the international community to ‘wink and nod’ if they felt the conditions by al-Shabab were not that onerous. *The U.S. was less willing to do that. It has declared al-Shabab to be a terrorist organization and it has threatened the security of the U.S. So, [the U.S. government] did not want to be in a position of directly or indirectly supporting al-Shabab. It was taking the lead on this issue,” said Shinn. Security is also an issue, though Shinn rejects introducing any U.N. or AU troops into the area, a move “which could create a bigger problem than the one that already exists there.” The answer may lie in part with the rebels. “The best solution,” said Shinn, “is to extract a commitment [from al-Shabab] that there are no conditions. In the interest of keeping Somalis alive, which would seem to be in their interest, too, [the rebels should allow] the international aid agencies and the NGOs to go in to ….feed Somalis and be left alone." Shinn said a failure to allow humanitarian relief “makes them look bad as if they have no ability to control events in the territory they have seized.” He said it would also likely mean more Somali refugees heading for Dadaab and other camps in Kenya and Ethiopia. Political will Oxfam has accused the international community of “willful neglect” in its response to the famine. The aid and development group says the spreading drought and famine had been anticipated for months, but that donors are $800 million behind in their commitments to fight the drought. But Shinn said the public doesn’t understand the logistics involved in moving large quantities of food on short notice through a long supply chain. “It is very easy,” he said, “to sit back and pontificate about what’s required and when it’s required, but it’s not always easy to do that… and these are fairly fast-moving events. Even though this problem has been known for months, I don’t think the magnitude was known earlier on and the international community may have been caught off guard.” On Monday, U.N. agencies pressed for $1.6 billion in aid for East Africa over the next year, with over a fourth of that to be delivered within three months. Last week, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton announced an additional $28 million in humanitarian aid to Somalis suffering from hunger. *That comes on top of $431 million in U.S. emergency assistance to the Horn this year.

Taleexi;736393 wrote: Haani guntay ka tolantaa. Good move I believe it is. Go Xadeed go! Indeed this is great move. Charity begins at home. One must take take care of own backyard.

Hay’adda UNICEF oo Agab Waxbarasho Ugu Deeqday Dugsiga Liibaan ee Xingalool (Sawirro) Written by Said A. Hanafi Print E-mail Add comment Xingaloolnews.com Hay’adda Qaramada midoobey ee* UNICEF ayaa soo gaadhsiisey Dugsiga Hoose Dhexe Liibaan ee Degmada Xingalool agab waxbarasho oo ay hay’addu ku caawisey waxbarashada Degmada Xingalool. Deeqdan waxbarasho ee ay Unicef ku caawisey Dugsiga H/dhexe Liibaan Xingalool ayaa isugu jirtey kuraas iyo miisas loogu talo galay labo fasal oo ka mid ah iskuulka si ay ardeydu wax ugu bartaan. Guddoomiyaha waxbarashada Degmada Xingalool isla markaana ah maamulaha Dugsiga Liibaan Mursal Siciid Cali ayaa mahad celin ballaadhan usoo jeediyey hay’adda Unicef tallaabadan wax ku oolka ah ee ay qaadday si ay u taageerto waxbarashada degmada isaga oo ku dhirrigaliyey in hay’adda* iyo hay’adaha kale ee ku hawllan waxbarashada ay dadka waxqadab la taaban karo u sameeyaan gaar ahaanna goobaha waxbarashada oo aaney jirin dawlad ama wasaarad si toos ah u daryeesha. Masuuliyiinta hay’adda ayaa hore u ballan qaaday in ay qalabeyn doonaan fasallada Dugsiga H/dhexe Liibaan oo ka kooban 8 fasal, waxaana qalabka iminka soo gaadhey dugsiga loogu talo galay labo fasal oo kaliya. Deeqdan waxbarasho ee soo gaadhey Dugsiga Liibaan ayaa ah tii ugu horreysey oo noocan oo kale ah tan iyo markii la aasaasey Dugsiga H/dhexe ee Liibaan bilowgii sannadihii sagaashameeyada, waxa uuna Dugsigu intaa ku soconayey taageerada hagar la’aaneed ee dadweynaha ku dhaqan Xingalool ay isla garab taageen hawl wadeennada waxbarashada Degmada Xingalool. http://www.xingaloolnews.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/Xing.jpg[/img]

Timur, Hate is a disease. Cure yourself now that your clan enclave is begging for a peace treaty.

Ururka Horumarinta Xingalool (HDO) oo Muujiyey Hawl Karnimo iyo Waxqabad (War murtiyeed) Degmada Xingalool ayaa waxaa si rasmi ah uga hawl gala urur lagu magacaabo Hingalool Development Organization oo magiciisa loo soo gaabiyo H.D.O, ururkaas oo ah urur ay ku bohoobey dhalinyarada degmada Xingalool gaar ahaanna intooda ku hawllan waxbarashada. Masuuliyiinta ururka ee Degmada Xingalool ayaa shalay marti qaad u fidiyey Mudane Maxamuud Xaaji Maxamed (Jiinje) oo ah xubin ka tirsan jaaliyadda qurba joogta ah ee reer Xingalool iyo waliba Mudane Axmed Shaakir oo ah macallin ka tirsan Dugsiga H/dhexe Liibaan isla markaana ka mid ah hawl wadeennada webka XingaloolNews.Com Afhayeenka ururka Xamse C/qaadir (Xaambuuse) iyo Maxamed Cabdi Budhcad aya halkaa kasoo jeediyey hadallo koob kooban iyaga oo ka warbixiyey ururka wakhtigii la aasaasey iyo waliba hawlaha uu u hayo bulshada ku dhaqan degmada xingalool. waxa uu gudoomiyaha ururku sheegey inuu yahay ururkani mid ay ku bohoobeen da’yarta ku hawllan waxbarashada ee degmada xingalool iyagoo cududa ugu weyn ee ururka ka dhex muuqataa ay tahay ardeyda Xingalool Secondary wax ka barata, waxa uuna gudoomiyuhu intaa ku daray in ay sameeyaan waxbarasho bilaash ah oo ay u didiyaan dadka danyarta ah iyo waliba dadka waaweyn ee aan hore fursad waxbarasho u helin. Ururka ayaa ku shaqeeya qaab iskaaa-wax u qabso ah iyagoo iska ururiya lacag si loogu fuliyo hawlaha ururka, waxaana arrintaa si weyn usoo dhoweeyey Jiinje Xaaji Maxamed oo tilmaamey in aanu marnaba fileyn horumarkan iyo sida weyn ee dhalintu ay isu xilqaameen. Jiinje dhiniciisa waxa uu ballan qaaday in dhalintu hadii ay hawlaha halkaa kasii wadaan ay jaaliyadda qurba joogta ka heli doonaan dhiirri galin iyo taageero wixii ay karaan, isaga oo intaa ku daray in jaaliyadduba ay tahay dad u danqaday sida dhalintan oo kale deegaanka isla markaana waxqabad ku ballamay. Kulanka ayaa si farxad iyo reyreyni ku jirto kusoo dhamaadey iyadoo gabdho iyo wiilalba xubnaha ururku ay u mahad celiyeen booqashada iyo wakhtiga ay usoo hureen xubnaha maanta booqashada ku yimi xarunta ururka HDO ee Degmadan Xingaloo. Dhanka kale waxaa shalay soo baxay war murtiyeed ay soo saareen qaar kamid ah*dhalinyarada reer Xingalool*oo ku sugan intooda badanin dalka dibaddiisa*kuwaas*oo ku dhawaaqey in farac cusub oo uu ururku leeyahay ay ka hirgalinayaan wadamadda ay ku sugan yihiin, waxaana lagu* shaaciyey war murtiyeedkan ay soo saareen ujeedooyinka loo aasaasey ururkan iyo waliba hawlaha uu ufulinayo buslhada reer Xingalool. War murtiyeedka ayaa lagu magacaabey wakiillo uu yeelan doono ururka*ay k ubohoobeen dhalintu *kuwaas oo jooga qaar ka mid ah dalalka qurbaha iyadoo aaney meesha ka maqneyn wakiillo ku sugan maamullada Somaliland iyo Puntland.