By*Rasna Warah* (email the author) Posted* Sunday, August 7* 2011*at* 13:23 The season of giving has started — and it not even Christmas yet. Leading international aid agencies, including the United Nations, Oxfam, Save the Children and Islamic Relief UK, have launched massive campaigns to save the thousands of Somalis who are facing hunger in their own country and in refugee camps in neighbouring Kenya and Ethiopia. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has asked donors for $1.6 billion in aid for Somalia and the World Bank has already pledged more than $500 million towards the relief efforts. The appeals for food aid have been accompanied by heart-wrenching images: children with swollen, malnourished bellies, emaciated mothers with shrivelled breasts that no longer lactate, campsites bursting at the seams with hordes of skeletal refugees. Almost all the large humanitarian aid agencies are rushing to the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya to witness, photograph and film the crisis. We have seen these images before — in the mid-1980s when Mohamed Amin filmed the famine in Ethiopia that triggered the trend of rock stars becoming do-gooders. Since then, famine has become the biggest story coming out of Africa — and one of the biggest industries. Media-savvy aid agencies Images of starving Africans are part and parcel of fund-raising campaigns, as are journalists. As one leading humanitarian official told the BBC’s Andrew Harding, the UN can produce endless reports, but it is only when the images of starving people are televised or placed on the front page of newspapers that politicians take action. The problem is that the story that they see or read is not as impartial as they would like to believe. More often than not, it is told by aid agency staff on the ground or independent filmmakers. News organisations that do not have the resources to send reporters to far-flung disaster zones such as the camp in Dadaab, have entered into an unholy alliance with aid agencies, whereby the aid agencies’ spokespeople — wearing T-shirts and caps bearing the logos of their respective organisations — “report” the disaster via satellite to international audiences. Even when journalists are present on the ground, they rely almost exclusively on aid agencies’ version of the disaster. The narrative about the famine in Somalia has, therefore, become both predictable and one-sided. Dutch journalist Linda Polman believes that the “unhealthy” relationship between journalists and aid agencies does not allow for independent, objective reporting, and is often slanted in favour of the agency doing the “reporting”. Media-savvy aid workers fully exploit the eagerness with which journalists accept their version of a disaster or crisis. On their part, says Ms Polman, journalists “accept uncritically the humanitarian agencies’ claims to neutrality, elevating the trustworthiness and expertise of aid workers above journalistic scepticism.” This non-nuanced, simplistic story about African disasters has foreign policy implications, says Karen Rothmyer in a discussion paper published by Harvard University’s Joan Shorenstein Centre early this year. “Top US officials responsible for Africa policy who begin their days with media summaries focusing disproportionately on Africa’s problems are unlikely to see the continent’s potential.” The cosy relationship between aid workers and journalists has thus distorted the way Africa is reported. Journalists often do not get to the heart of the story or take the time to do the research into the causes of a particular crisis. Africans do not feature much in their stories, except as victims. “In public affairs discussions the term ‘starving Africans’ (or ‘starving Ethiopians’ or ‘starving Somalis’) rolls from the tongue as easily as ‘blue sky’,” wrote former aid worker Michael Maren in his 1997 book The Road to Hell. “Charities raise money for starving Africans. What do Africans do? They starve. But mostly they starve in our imaginations. The starving African is a Western cultural archetype like the greedy Jew or the unctuous Arab.” In a recent phone conversation, Ms Polman told me that the “starving African” story is not just the easiest to tell, especially in a continent that does not generate much international media coverage, but is also the most “politically correct.” After all, who in their right mind would want to be accused of doing nothing for dying people?

Where is Farmaajo?

Lol@somaaliina, dowlada lagama hadli karo miyaa mar hadduu Abti Shariif u sareeyo. Sidee dalka loo badbaadiyaa, mise weligiin dowlad la'aan baan ahaaneynaa?

Aaliyyah;739426 wrote: Good answer Nassir. Insha'allah ducada hala badiyo... Alshabab was causing a lot issues within the city, even thou like u said the TFG has its own shortcomings and we shouldnt solely blame Alshabab..laakin markay shabab shekada ka baxdo bal aan aragno waxay la yimadaan...anaga kolay nabad iyo xasiloni aya nala wacan saad sheegtay xamar dalko dhan ayeey sameenasa oo wa casimadeeni.. salaam Inshallah, waan arki doonaa bal waxey soo kordhiyaan. Aniga koley waxey ila tahey fursad badan baa la siiyay dadkaan madaxda noo ah. Wax hor'umar ah waa laga sugayaa. Even being a good example would have rallied the nation round them.

Dabrow;739421 wrote: Its uncalled for more troops. Somali problem has allways been that we fail to grasp the bigger picture. A better proposal is training Somali forces and let them fill the spot. Well you might be aware of the defections of many well-trained "national" army units simply because they had not been paid regularly. Corruption continues to paralyze all efforts to revive Somali statehood. Those AU-trained "national" army either defect or sell their weapons to the rebels. In fact, without a transparent system of payment, it's almost impossible to retain the troops or build their morale. We need honest technocrats and leaders whose loyalty transcends clan loyalty. Otherwise,

^ Aaliyah, Mogadishu serves to be the symbol of our nationhood. The whole country bleeds when the capital bleeds, so we have to hold both TFG & AMISOM accountable , in these tough times , through active engagement. With limited help, AMISOM has done fulfilled its mission - to protect key government installations and revenue-generating infrastructures. Whereas the TFG leadership is riven by division, lack of vision or tangible action to attend to the ills and corruption that oftentimes interfere with the normal functioning of the government, AMISOM is going the extra mile to secure the whole city and to provide essential public services. I think the al-Shabaab excuse is no longer warranted for the failure of the two Shariifs to fulfill their obligations, let alone weaning this nation off its troubles.

I read this live reporting from the Daily Telegraph, These people that I have been listening to as they go past are on their mobile phones, calling their friends, saying, 'when are you getting to Enfield?' Clearly an awful lot of people aren't from this borough. There seems to have been a very well organised campaign over social media to try to engineer trouble here in Enfield. It has almost become a self-fulfilling prophecy. There is no element of injustice that they are here for. They are here quite simply to cause trouble, to hurt local businesses and shops. This is nothing more than illegal criminal behaviour and I just hope that if the police conclude their investigation, that they do make arrests and those that are guilty receive a serious punishment from the courts. 20.05 Nick de Bois, Conservative MP for Enfield North, said there is no repeat of last night's violent scenes in the town.

[iWith a little more donor support, international forces can help drive al-Shabab out of Mogadishu.[/i] BY AMB. BOUBACAR GAOUSSOU DIARRA Tuesday, July 26, 2011 In the early hours of a June day, a black Toyota four-by-four tried to run a checkpoint manned by Somali government forces in the capital of Mogadishu. The soldiers opened fire on the vehicle, and a brief firefight ensued; when the dust settled, it soon became clear that the Somali troops had killed Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, who was both a founder of the Somali extremist group al-Shabab and the leader of al Qaeda in Somalia. This success represents a stark reminder to us all that the African Union's mission in this benighted country is of immediate consequence to the security of the whole world. What's more, it reflects a fundamental, and often overlooked, truth: Slowly but surely, we are bringing security to the Somali people. For too long, Somalia has been synonymous in the international lexicon with "lost cause." This image, however, is woefully out of date. Recent battlefield successes by joint African Union and Somali government forces have fundamentally changed the picture in Mogadishu. For the first time in two decades, there is now a real opportunity to restore security and calm to the city's long-suffering population. It could quickly unravel, however, unless backers of our efforts step up their support -- and soon. The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) has 9,000 troops serving in Mogadishu in support of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia. Our forces have been deployed in Somalia with support from the United Nations since 2007 -- longer than any other international assistance mission in Somalia. In recent months, these troops have taken much ground from the al Qaeda-linked al-Shabab, which seeks to overthrow the internationally recognized government and impose its radical Islamist ideology on the Somali people. Our efforts to defeat al-Shabab have gained momentum throughout the past year. In February, Somali government forces supported by AMISOM troops seized control of key positions in northwest Mogadishu, including the former Defense Ministry, which had served as the extremists' main logistical and operational base in the city. In May, AMISOM again supported government forces in an operation to drive al-Shabab out of western Mogadishu by consolidating our hold on Hodan district and squeezing the extremists out of Bakara Market, the city's commercial hub. The operation has already resulted in the capture of the Damanyo Military Camp in the west and Wadnaha Road on the southern fringe of Bakara Market, which had long been closed to civilian traffic by the insurgents. The impact of these operations cannot be overstated. With the joint force on the verge of securing Bakara Market, we will soon sever this source of illegal revenue for the extremists. Bakara sees sales of millions of dollars per month and therefore represents a major financial stronghold for the insurgents. Once the operation has accomplished its objectives, the roads will be reopened to civilians, increasing the flow of goods and traders to Bakara Market and facilitating the return of some measure of normalcy to many parts of the city. These gains are part of a steady advance our forces have been making since last summer. At that time, we controlled only a small portion of Mogadishu, situated around the airport and seaport -- journalists regularly referred to the areas under our control as "a few square blocks." We now effectively control two-thirds of the city -- some 16 square miles -- with more than two dozen security outposts scattered throughout the city. More importantly, this has created a relatively safe haven for 80 percent of the estimated 2 million people who live in Mogadishu's southwestern neighborhoods. Our expanding presence has pushed al-Shabab out of much of Mogadishu. By the end of the summer, 3,000 more AMISOM troops will be joining those already in Somalia, following last year's decision by the U.N. Security Council to authorize an increase in our troop strength. The Somali Army, which is also steadily gaining strength and effectiveness, has also launched an offensive against the militants in the southern regions of the country, forcing the extremists to divert their resources from the city to the hinterland. Amb Diarra with the Chairperson of the AU commission As the push to secure Mogadishu continues, AMISOM must prove that it can not only drive out the extremists, but that it can deliver the fruits of peace to the Somali people. To this end, we provide free medical care to more than 12,000 people every month at two AMISOM hospitals in Mogadishu. Our troops also provide over 60,000 liters of safe drinking water per day to civilians living near the AMISOM camps. Admittedly, these efforts aren't nearly enough, but the potential for more humanitarian initiatives -- by both AMISOM and international agencies -- is increasing as more and more territory falls under the authority of the Somali government. Working with the Somali government, AMISOM will soon take on a number of new projects in Mogadishu. AMISOM will continue to determinedly extend the area that the Somali government controls, enabling other organizations to deliver the emergency aid needed in this time of crisis. Despite AMISOM's limited mandate and resources, we are providing emergency medical assistance to tackle a measles outbreak in a camp of displaced Somalis that has sprung up near the airport. Meanwhile, our police component has established a training program, which has offered instruction to nearly 3,000 Somali police officers, and our political division remains hard at work on training the nascent Somali civil service, and the difficult tasks surrounding the burgeoning peace process. In the coming months, AMISOM's troop strength will reach 12,000. Burundi and Uganda, currently the mission's main troop contributors, plan to deploy yet more forces. Other African countries, including Nigeria, Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Djibouti have also pledged troops. But this is not enough. We hope the United Nations will in time agree to the African Union's proposal to further expand the AMISOM troop ceiling to 20,000, which our ground commanders say is necessary to drive the extremists out of Somalia. AMISOM forces, of course, simply could not operate in Somalia without the array of resources of the United Nations and bilateral supporters. The mission, however, is still lacking in a number of areas. We have no combat aircraft; in particular, we need helicopters to support our forces on the ground as they advance. We also need a sophisticated mortar radar system that would help us more accurately target the insurgents, who routinely use innocent Somalis as human shields. Such a system would minimize the risk of inadvertently harming the civilian population. NATO routinely deploys these systems whenever its forces are active in similar theaters, such as Afghanistan. At some point, we also hope countries with more advanced militaries that support our mission will take it upon themselves to establish a naval blockade and a no-fly zone over Somalia. These requests were contained in the African Union's proposals forwarded to the U.N. Security Council in October 2010, but the council has yet to take a decision on the matter. Virtually everything we do at AMISOM revolves around donor support. If that support were to stall now, amid our biggest gains to date, the results for Somalia would be disastrous. The extremists, now on the brink of defeat, would regroup and renew their campaign of terror -- not just in Somalia, but as they have shown, across the region and potentially the globe. Somalis in the newly liberated areas of Mogadishu would suffer further from a lack of basic aid. Recurrent challenges, like the ongoing drought, would take an even harsher toll on the country. And the best chance Somalia has had in a generation of stabilizing and building toward a positive future would slip away. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Boubacar Gaoussou Diarra is the special representative of the chairperson of the African Union Commission for Somalia and the head of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).

Mr. Nuune, Al-shabab’s sudden retreat from the ruined capital has actually caught the world in total surprise -- a group, which has aspired to build the African wing of global Islam through brutality and force, suddenly departs. Some expressed a grim outlook of their departure, something that would herald a power vacuum and the return of warlords. There has already been a serious concern about TFG leaders who don’t appear to be moral agents but rather enjoy the impunity to steal and appropriate public funds. Since the last episode attests to the fact that troops loyal to the TFG looted sacks of grain and killed innocent people, I think the prospect for the government to facilitate relief efforts and aid destined for the drought-ravaged IDPs in the camps of Mogadisho remains to be a big challenge.

Zack, it's only 1 week old, but that is only one phase of the plan to increase the current level of troops Amisom has in Mogadisho into 12,000. AMISOM wishes to win international support for a 20,000 peacekeeping forces that can liberate southern Somalia from the tyranny of this group. We know Shabab has taken beating and lost strategic areas against Amisom before its retreat.

Great News... Amisom plans to increase its strength to 12,000 troops in the next couple of months with the addition of soldiers from Nigeria, Djibouti, Guinea and Sierra Leone, along with expansion of the Ugandan and Burundian contingents, Mr Diarra noted. Simultaneously, Amisom is seeking to prove that it can not only defeat Shabaab fighters but can also “deliver the fruits of peace to the Somali people.” Amisom wants to increase its troop strength to 20,000, the level needed for victory over Shabaab in all of Somalia, the AU official indicated. Source: The East African, July 31

Great News... Amisom plans to increase its strength to 12,000 troops in the next couple of months with the addition of soldiers from Nigeria, Djibouti, Guinea and Sierra Leone, along with expansion of the Ugandan and Burundian contingents, Mr Diarra noted. Simultaneously, Amisom is seeking to prove that it can not only defeat Shabaab fighters but can also “deliver the fruits of peace to the Somali people.” Amisom wants to increase its troop strength to 20,000, the level needed for victory over Shabaab in all of Somalia, the AU official indicated.

San Diego Somali Community Responds to the Drought Victims in the Horn By Ali Artan August 06,, 2011 The innate resilience of Somalis is tested once again. Somalia as an anarchic country has championed all sorts of negative media exposure. It has been associated with high-seas piracy, international terrorism, and endless violence as a result of its political upheaval for the last two decades. The writ of a Western-backed nominal Transitional Federal Government (TFG) does not extend its authority more than few blocks in the capital city of Mogadishu. Hardly ever has there been a tumultuous time in the ancient land of frankincense and myrrh -- still in abundant supply. Hosting foreign guests, in addition, is culturally held supreme and the story gets a fair coverage. While all other man made predicaments were happening in the background, the worst drought in sixty years struck parts of southern Somalia and forced an approx: 3-4 millions exodus in combination of IDPs and Refugees into the neighboring countries according to the UNCHR. Not to mention that the UN and other international bodies were hesitant at the start associating the drought with the term “famine” but after media picked up the story and unbearable images were played continuously via TV sets around the world. The magnitude of the tragedy was too big and powerful to be ignored. And as a result of, many NGOs, Somali Diasporas, governments and standalone acting individuals have stepped up and attempted to divert or at least contain the deteriorating situations of streaming refugees. The largest open-air prison in the world is a name dubbed by political pundits of the Horn as the Dadaab Refugee Camp in Kenya. This camp was already overcrowded and hosted the largest influx of refugees from Somalia’s never-ending civil war. Then the drought came and forced more influx to seek refuge in Dadaab. Hodan Nalaayeh, the founder of the Somali Refugee Awareness Project, recently returned from Dadaab Refugee Camp. She confirmed the dire situation in the camp and added a human catastrophe is in the making in front of our eyes. International community should help now and not wait when it is too little, too late. San Diego Somali Community in particular the Somali Youth League in collaboration with the American Relief Agency in the Horn of Africa (ARAHA) had created an ad hoc committee in no time and brainstormed about how they could help to those who are less fortunate back home. The committee recommended a number of ways to raise funds and assist those effected by the drought. Some of the recommendations have been implemented for instance back to back cascaded two weekends of car wash and the result was astonishing; other activities of more fund raising are in the pipeline like banquet dinner on August 12, 2011 at East African Community Center and, please refer to the flier, and Walk for Dadaab Refugees. Its time and place is to be determined. Abdulmalik, the Chair of the SYL of San Diego, Hodan Ugas and others have given interviews to the local media for awareness purposes of the drought victims. There is a consensus among many circles that Somalia’s protracted predicament needs a long-term solution. Some say expecting different outcomes from the same inputs must be insanity at its finest. All concerned parties, Somalis, international community and neighboring countries, should assist and facilitate the emergence of a viable government with strong institutions that can protect not only its citizens but fight piracy, dismantle the hardliners and negotiate those who are willing a genuine reconciliation. Ali M. Artan Email: aliartan@yahoo.com ________________________________________________________________________________

Must the BBC tell, for the world to notice Zenawi’s crimes? By Muktar Omer August 06,, 2011 Introduction On August 05, 2011 a joint undercover investigation by BBC Newsnight and the Bureau of Investigative Journalism presented evidence that the Ethiopian government is using billions of dollars of development aid as a tool for political oppression.* Here is the full transcript of the programme: Ethiopia using aid as a weapon of repression. This piece is in written in reaction to this report. The Ambassador’s refutations By itself, foolishness is not exactly a crime. Provided it goes camel-herding into the sandy jungles of Wardheer. Provided it tills fertile land with brute force. And provided it knows its location and confines. It is not an admonishable crime, provided it remains profoundly modest, silent even. With such deportment, it could in fact pass for wisdom. It is when it yells, that it becomes insufferable. It is when it wears the garb of impudence, that it becomes nauseating. Abdirashid Dulane Rafle’s, Ethiopia’s Deputy Head of UK mission, refutations of the BBC’s report “Ethiopia using aid as a weapon of oppression” ripped open his hairy head to reveal to the world its penny-worth innards. Abdirashid Dulane PM. Zenawi It didn’t add any substance, even by way of sensible falsehood, to the discourse. His redundant ‘this allegation is a rehash of old lies’ is little more than a courtesy bow by a women whose lower garment accidently snapped before a watching gallery. *No one is invoking standards of the nunnery to judge Abdirashid. We are simply asking him to be properly qualified for what he has voluntarily chosen to do in his little life, namely to be the devil’s advocate. Did he produce a single hole in the BBC report? No. Does he hear the weeping widows? Does he see the orphaned sons spilling sob-tales in refugee camps? This is to let off some stream, and to curse the man who is convicting his own mother. Aid as a weapon of oppression That Meles Zenawi is using the billions of dollars Western donors are giving his regime to oppress political opponents is without doubt. That Tigray People’s Liberation Front’s (TPLF) rule emanates from the barrel of the gun is, again, beyond gainsay. Sired by the gun, it is neither surprising nor unexpected that the TPLF seeks to gain by forgery legitimating governance credentials, ethos and language through the gun and by starving those who refuse to vote for it. What is surprising is the West’s pretense that it doesn’t know this. * Anna Gomes, the Head of EU observer mission, gathered first-hand information during the 2005 bloody Ethiopian elections and is today touring European capitals to tell what she witnessed to the listening. Human Rights Watch, ICRC, NGOs and the UN have been issuing series of reports about the political oppression, aid misuse and torture in Ethiopia. The US, through its annual State Department reports, spoke again and again of political repression, unlawful arrests, crackdown against the media and civil society in Ethiopia. So, why would Stephen O’Brien, the UK International Development Minister, say "we take all allegations of human rights abuses extremely seriously and raise them immediately with the relevant authorities including the Ethiopian Government, with whom we have a candid relationship? Where there is evidence, we take firm and decisive action.” Where is the evidence they have acted on previous reports by all the global institutions I lined up above and reputable media organizations such as the New York Times?” It is a matter of historical fact that Western powers shore up dictators who acquiesce to the demands of prescriptive, overweening imperialists. Western aid in Ethiopia is not helping poor people. It is prolonging the misery of hapless Oromo civillians and Amhara dissidents. It is sponsoring ethnic cleansing in the Somali region. The veil of hypocritical ‘humanitarian’ decency needs to be perforated and with it the West’s pretense to ethical punctiliousness. Whose money is used to unleash the ‘Liyu’ Police – a Janjaweed-type murderous militia, onto the Somali people in Ethiopia? What the BBC reported about Somali region is the tip of the iceberg. Thousands of civilians are killed each year by Zenawi’s military and paramilitary. Did the BBC report the gruesome story of women in Fiiq Zone, whose private parts charred after pepper was stuffed inside their reproductive organs? Must the BBC tell for the World to notice? Tells of atrocities are told by refugees that escape Ethiopia on a daily basis. Should the world ignore these cries for help and continue to sponsor a killer regime? Must the BBC and white journalists from the cold continent that finds anorexia sexy tell it, for the world community to notice the horror stories told every day by victims of Meles Zenawi’s violent regime? Should Britain and the West issue statements of ‘concern’ only when such snapshot reports come out? The answer to all of these questions is no. * It is time a serious rethink of policy towards the current Ethiopian regime is made, by the West. It is time the West recognize a people to whom avenues to peaceful protest, assembly and expression are closed, will take up arms against an unjust, oppressive system. Like in the Somali region of Ethiopia!! Muktar Omer Email:muktaromer@ymail.com ________________________________________________________________________________

An aid campaign initiated by the Turkish Directorate General of Religious Affairs involves sending SMS in return for 5 Turkish liras (TL) by writing the message "AFRICA" to all operators. , Turkey , the size of Ethiopia or perhaps smaller aspires to help the African continent. At least be specific and realistic in your altruistic assistance.

^I didn't say that unless you would want to turn your own assumptions into mine.

It's a setback the Afghan and U.S Governments would contain from as far as domestic support for the long war is concerned. Afghanistan like Somalia can't be left to it's own device.

^What you mean? And do you think this incident reverses the political gains made by the Obama admin in the context of the upcoming election.

Source: The NY Times

The rebels’ departure from the capital offers no guarantee that Somalia’s weak transitional government, which has let innumerable other opportunities slip through its fingers, will be able to gain control of Mogadishu, or that the city’s population will rally behind the government. The Transitional Federal Government has been propped up by millions of dollars of Western aid, including American military aid, but its leaders remain ineffectual, divided and by many accounts corrupt. ...As the nation faces one of the worst droughts in 60 years, many analysts are pessimistic that the government will be able to meet even the needs of the people in the capital. On Friday, government troops looted sacks of grain and killed several people during a riot over emergency food in a refugee camp. ... Mogadishu residents said that emissaries of various warlords were beginning to identify bases in the neighborhoods that the Shabab had just vacated, which could spell another problem for the troubled government. ^Let's pray it doesn't happen again.

burahadeer, From what I read in the past, all data of oil exploration and geological study point to Al Medo and Nogal basins as the most prospective. Berbera and other areas of potential oil and mineral deposits come not that significant. Read "The Irrelevance of Somaliland: One of Multiple entities emerging from the wreckage of Somalia". In it, you'll find a quoted article from the Petroleum Economist.

All credit goes to the AU troops for this forced withdrawal by the radicals.

^It's as usual geopolitical game.

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