Tolstoy, it is an admirable article. I haven't read an article with such a powerful message and anylitically high caliber in a long time.

Crazy Somalis

Scenarios Of Coming Wars Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar — --- — 20 February, 2005 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- “And we made from water every living thing; will they (the scientists, the atheists and the agnostics ) then not believe?†Holy Qur'an, Sura Anbiyaa (21 ), Ayat 30. "And Allah has created every animal from water" (Al-Nur[24]:45 ). Deconstructing Some Euphuisms Peace Keeping Force: Unadulterated nonsense. If the warlords are able to disarm peacefully, they will also be able to keep the peace, and there will be no need for a peacekeeping force. If the warlords don’t disarm peacefully then what is required to disarm them is not a peace keeping force, but a robust force which will make peace forcibly and act as the armed security agent of the incipient state until such a time that sufficient national force can be reconstituted. In other words forcibly disarming the warlord will take a war and an army. If that army is from another it will be an Occupation Force by necessity not a Peace Keeping Force. Let us call a spade a spade. Sometimes truth hurts but it always allows for clarity of thought. IGAD Peace Keeping Force: Complete Orwellian misnomer. Uganda is offering a force of 2200. Kenya is offering none. Sudan, Djibouti and Eritrea are sitting on the fence so far and are likely to contribute only a nominal force, if any, for reasons that will become clear later. The proposed force is therefore an Ethiopian Force. Ask and ye shall know Ethiopia has been shy about placing a number on the size of troops it will provide for the “Peace Keeping Forceâ€. Ethiopia has its own strategic rationale for keeping the size of their contribution elusive. We can develop a rough estimate however by considering two numbers. The first number is 1600: that is the length of the Ethiopian Somali border in kilometers. No body will ever know or count the number of Ethiopian troops that will crossed or have already crossed 1600 km of unguarded border in some unmonitored dark corner of the world. The second number is 20, 000; the number of troops president Abdillahi Yusuf requested. The Homeless President may be a bad dude but he is by no means a foolish one. And no one can doubt that he knows a thing or two about military and warlord matters; he has worked exclusively in these two fields of endeavor for all of his life. It is not only the size of Ethiopian force that is not known, the answers to other crucial questions remain shrouded in mystery; what is the mandate of such a force? What will be its rules of engagement? Who sets these rules up? This pacification force, will it be led by Somali officials or by Ethiopian generals? What mechanism will be instituted to prevent abuse of the local population by a poorly disciplined fighting force? Who will be responsible for punishing the individuals in that force who act outside the rules of engagement? Who will determine when it is time for them to leave? If the Occupation Force decides to transform itself to a Colonial Force will Somalis be left with any legally binding recourse to kick them out? If the Occupying Force decides to create its own puppet government in a small town in Somalia that will repeatedly authorize its stay (an age old colonial tactic ) will Somalis have a mechanism that can side step such a puppet government, like an internationally organized referendum for independence. Somalis have signed treaties with the European colonialists in the 19th century. Now Somalis are about to lose their sovereignty once again, for a short time as the proponents of Ethiopian led IGAD force hope and a for a very long time as its opponents fear. Either way is it not wise to conclude an international treaty to safeguard the existence of a Somali nation in the future? Shall we not remember the metaphor of the camel and the tent. Would it not a much better situation if the Somali people ask for UN trusteeship for a limited term instead of calling in an old enemy turned suspect-ally to take over? Ethiopian Motives Ethiopia’s commitment to the issue of finding a solution to the Somali crisis is difficult to over state. They have spent time, effort, cash and they have occasionally engaged in intimidation and subterfuge to bring about the election of their man to the Somali presidency. Since his election Ethiopians have made it amply clear their commitment to provide the necessary muscle to force the establishment of their solution on the ground and by force if necessary. This level of commitment should raise a red flag in any healthy mind. Meles Zenawi, the man who makes all the decisions that matter in Ethiopia, has studied medicine before joining the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF ) in 1974. He is by no means devoid of benevolence. However no one I know is naïve enough to believe that his determination to resolve the Somali crisis is based on the love and care he harbors for the Somali people. It is important for Somalis to understand Meles Zenawi, his motivation and the context that dictates his behavior. Meles Zenawi has already committed the cardinal sin of the vast majority of Africa’s rulers. He has allowed himself to be irreversibly fixed to the seat of power. This has condemned him to the futile effort of preserving his power at the expense of the development of an institutionally based state power that can weld together his nation that remains badly fractured by ethnic and linguistic rivalries. One could imagine that his foray into Somali politics represents an externalization of his internal problems and an effort to rally Ethiopians around his rule. And why not, all strong men before him have bought time with such a maneuver. But even though he faces an assortment of armed opposition groups scattered around in his country and threatening mayhem Prime Minster Zenawi is not as yet desperate enough to resort to this last ditch maneuver. Zenawi presides over a nation of 67 million that has become the poster child of poverty, and whose name has become synonymous with hardship, starvation and shocking statistics. He is aware that some 80% of his population is dependent for their survival upon rain fed agricultural and pastoral subsistence economy. He is also aware that periodic failure of rainfall, which has devastated his nation for centuries, is indeed becoming more frequent driven by global climate changes. Droughts have accelerated from a baseline of one every 15 years a century ago to the current rate of one every 2-5 years. The infamous drought of 1984 was quickly followed by others in 1987, 1991, 93, 99 and in 2004. There is a population explosion on foot as well; with a growth rate of 2. 5-3. 5% the Ethiopian population is expected to double by the year 2025, and this is happening in era in which there is less and less water to go around. Thirst, water, draught are nightmares that haunted all Ethiopian rulers. And now it has multiplied by several degrees and it has become for them a nightmare that happens at night and during the day as well. In spite of the centuries old thirst Ethiopia is rich in water resources. Ethiopia’s Lake Tana and its blue Nile is the source of the 80% of the Nile water that reach the great and ancient nation of Egypt. Yet Ethiopia is prevented from extensive utilization of this water by the force of treaties concluded in 1929 between Great Britain and Egypt and between Sudan and Egypt in 1959. The waters that follow from the highlands of Ethiopia have enabled the rise of successive civilizations in the banks of the River Nile and its delta. The life of Egyptians is dependent entirely on the Nile’s water. Egypt is experiencing its own Population explosion. (Growth rate 2. 5%, current population 70 million expected to double in 2025 ) The Egyptians need much more water than ever before. They can tolerate no further decrease in water supplies for that would essentially mean death, and they have repeatedly made it clear they may as well die fighting. Meles Zenawi knows that all conflicts in Ethiopia, the internal insurgency, his war with Eritrea, the land locking of his nation even his own rebellion against the old order have all been stoked and kept burning at one point or the other by nations down stream to the blue Nile. Indeed the only time the Egyptian made 7. 92 mm Rifle (Hakim ) was pressed into service was against Ethiopia in the first Somali/Ethiopian war of 1964. At least in the current environment and in recent history the water argument between Egypt and Ethiopia has been a Zero Sum game. Ethiopians of all political stripes are astounded that they are expected to abide by treaties between Britain and Egypt in which they had absolutely no part. Somalis do understand the Ethiopian’s dilemma. They had experienced a similar problem themselves whereby they are learning to live with the Anglo-Ethiopian treaty of November 29, 1954, a treaty in which they had no part in its negotiation or signature and in which Somali territories of Haud and Reserve Area were given to Ethiopia. But that is old history. Water Wars Zenawi is determined to use the Nile water to pull his people out of poverty. He believes that Egypt will prevent his attempts in anyway it can. Recently he expressed the opinion that Egypt may indeed be arming itself for a war in East Africa. (See Addis Tribune Feb 11, 2005 ). Boutros Boutros Ghali (Former UN Secretary General, former Egyptian Foreign Minster ) shares Zenawi’s worries and warns “competition for water resources could provoke wars in Africa and the Middle East†(See BBC Feb 2, 2005 ). Meles Zenawi also knows that a direct war on Ethiopia will be highly ineffective, given the distance and all. A much more effective strategy for Egypt is to remain with the old approach of keeping Ethiopians perpetually unhinged by internal and regional conflicts. The Oromo Liberation Front, ****** Liberation Front, Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict, Amharic nostalgia, tightening the land lock status and many other levers of destabilization could be tweaked to bring pressure on the Ethiopians and to have some control on their attempts to quench their thirst. Somalis on their part must come to understand that t is impossible to appreciate Ethiopian motives without considering the problem of thirst. Terms that Somalis need to learn include riparian states, Nile Basin Initiative, the 1929 Anglo-Egyptian Treaty and 1959 Egyptian Sudan treaty. Such an understanding is important because Somalis whether they like it or not are an integral part of the Nile equation. Zenawi may have indeed reached the conclusion that having his “men†in power in Somalia or at least having a strong hand in the politics of Somalia will be the best protection for his back as he turns around west to drink from the Nile. Egypt and other forces are already players in the field. There will be other moves in this dance. The chessboard is now the disintegrated territory of the defunct republic of Somalia. Expect that the Ethiopian-Eritrea conflict to warm up. Expect that Sudan and Djibouti will sit on their hands (with a lot of encouragement from up north ) and that Ethiopia will be left alone holding onto the tar baby. All this is also part of the Nile equation. The players are out there, the field is Somalia and Somali tribes are the chess pieces. Somali Beneficiaries Ethiopian intervention in Somali politics will breathe fresh life into the dying fiery brand of Islamic fundamentalism represented by Somalia’s El Itixad El Islami in Somali society. It will transform this group from hand chopping marginality to the absolute center of Somali political power. Any invasion of Ethiopian forces will awaken the dormant nationalism of Somalis that becomes a factor only when an external enemy is at hand. The forces of nationalism will merge with those of Islamic fundamentalism and breathe fresh legs to the fundamentalist behemoth. Al-itahd is the only political organization that has a national fellowship and infrastructure that reaches beyond the tribe. Al-itihad also has the ideological basis and the secret cell-based structures that can readily fight and succeed in guerilla warfare. This dark force will be able to appeal to powerful imperatives of tribal honor, Jihad and Somali nationalism all at the same time. Little Amirs will crop up in villages and towns and cities and rural areas. Foreign Salafists will pour into the lawless country. You think Abu Musab Al-Zerqawi has prospered under American occupation of Iraq, just watch Al-itihad go after the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia. You just watch. The warlords are opportunistic predators; they are not driven by an ideological imperative or any deep seated believe system. In other words there is nothing that they would die for. They will yield to a more powerful force after initial resistance of testing the mettle of the opposing power. They will have to feel the pain first before they relent though. One should know that they will sacrifice many foot soldiers and all the civilians necessary but only if their territory of dominance is challenged. The Ethiopian army will stay out of their way when possible, bypass them at other times and give them a choice they cannot refuse when absolutely necessary. Ethiopian forces are unlikely to pass beyond one or two Somali regions close to their border. Their main objective is to secure a base for building a Somali force under the nominal direction of puppet regime. It will be this Ethiopian sponsored and guided †Somali force†that will then fight and subdue all other Somalis who oppose Ethiopian dominance. The whole project in Ethiopia’s current thinking will be paid for by others as a loan or grant to a Somali state leaving Ethiopian in a win-win situation. The general principles of Ethiopia’s strategy will coincide with Abdillahi Yussuf’s three pronged plan (see my previous article the Homeless President ) and may take few years before the Mogadishu problem is tackled. Somali tribes are no match for the army of a nation-state. No tribal structure anywhere in the world has been able to withstand the organizational structure of even the weakest state. Tribes could be readily set against each other for relatively mundane matters like revenge, tribal bride, corruption etc. Somali tribes are wild and lawless they are peaceful and complaint with orders whenever faced with state power. Eventually Ethiopia will be driven out of Somalia. Somalis will remain under a brutal regime of local viscous Amirs or under equally vicious secular Warlords. The water wars will continue. And the Somali territory will remain a proxy field of Nile battles. Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar abdijowhar@yahoo. com

Macalimuu, So many of us would interpret your vision as regressive to the Somalia's ambition for viable government. Why would you want to convey vile presentiment that elicit paroxysm of rage. I can only think of its precursor as nothing but hatred you have for our future Somalia. You are as well driven by inveterate rejection of this government. You advocate the present status quo of Mogadisho where unknown sect of Islam thrives as a way to assert its hidden ideologies, warlords control strips of patchworks, demolished houses and infrastructure continue getting worse.

Qorshel, thanks for responding on my behalf. lol Horn, i know how Gedonians sound. They are within the spectrum of southern accent. I mean it that the whole southern accent, starting from South Mudug to as far as Liboi Dhobley, have range of phonetic sound different from the standard form of Somali accent in which most our standard written language seem to have common characteristics. You shouldn't theoritically confuse the word 'accent' with dialects. In The south, there are plethora of dialects, very distinctive in nature, but they are distinguishable from the standard form of our common accent in which you'll find them in books and the Somali media. Hence, there is Gedo dialect, Kismayo dialect, Merka dialect, Mogadisho dialect and so on. But they all are under the umbrella of Southern accent.

I listened to one of the interviews of Gen. Cadde. I was indeed surprised of his southern accent. The man sounds like I used to be. He grew up in Xamar. How amusing it to have a Puntland leader with Southern Accent. He speaks like Reer Xamar.

inaa lilaahi wa inaa ileehi raajicuun. My Allah take him to paradise.

SOMALIA: Ethiopia to participate in peacekeeping force, says minister 18 Feb 2005 13:11:08 GMT Source: IRIN ADDIS ABABA, 18 February (IRIN) - Ethiopia reiterated on Thursday its readiness to send peacekeepers to neighbouring war-ravaged Somalia, saying the troops would be part of a wider peacekeeping force. "We have decided to participate in the peacekeeping force of [the] IGAD [intergovernmental Authority on Development] in Somalia," Bereket Simon, information minister, told IRIN. "We will contribute in every aspect to the force." The Nairobi-based interim Somali government, led by Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, had requested for the African Union (AU) to send in a peacekeeping force to help restore law and order in the Horn of Africa country and protect the new government. The peacekeepers would help disarm thousands of armed militias that roam the country carrying more than two million small arms, according to estimates by aid workers. Yusuf also wanted them to train 30,000 Somali soldiers within a year. The AU, in turn, mandated the IGAD, which includes Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda, to provide initial troops ahead of a larger-scale AU force. Uganda has also committed to sending troops, while Kenya has promised observers. Djibouti President, Ismail Omar Guelleh, was quoted as saying on Al-Jazeera TV on Wednesday that his country had been requested to be part of the peacekeeping force that would participate "in the restoration of peace in Somalia". Currently an AU-led mission comprising military experts from IGAD-member states and the Arab League is in Somalia assessing the situation before recommending the mandate and size of the force and where it should go. Before the mission arrived, however, thousands of protesters in Mogadishu took to the streets to say they did not want foreign peacekeepers from neighbouring countries to be deployed in Somalia. The transitional Somali government was established in October at the conclusion of lengthy talks in Kenya, sponsored by the IGAD. It has, however, remained in Kenya since then, citing the precarious security situation in Mogadishu. Under pressure from the Kenyan and western governments, the interim government announced recently that it would start relocating to Mogadishu from 21 February. Prime Minister Muhammed Ali Gedi is, however, expected to leave for Mogadishu before that date. Matt Bryden, a Horn of Africa analyst for the International Crisis Group, told IRIN on Thursday: "The TFG [transitional federal government] needs to start moving decisively to Mogadishu and to make it clear that the deployment of troops from neighbouring states is off the table." Somalia ceased to have a functional national government after warlords overthrew Mohamed Siyad Barre in 1991, reducing the nation to clan-based fiefdoms. The northern area of Somaliland declared itself independent, while the northeastern region of Puntland, led by Yusuf at the time, declared itself as an autonomous region. Somalia lost a 1977 war with Ethiopia over control of the southeastern ****** region, largely inhabited by ethnic Somalis. The two countries share a 1,600-km border.

Taliye ku xigeenkii Ciidamada CID Puntland Col. C/casiis Cilmi Dhooley oo xabsiga loo taxaabay Todobaakii hore iyadoo lagu soo eedeyey Khiyaamo Qaran iyo khalkhal gelin Amniga Magaalada Bosaso..february 17, 2005 Boosaaso: (dhahr.com) Col. C/casiis Cilmi Dhoolay oo ahaa ruug caddaa si weyn loogaga haybaysto deeganadda Puntland isla markaasina dembi baarista ku talaxtagay , horayna u ahaan jiray Taliyaha Ciidanka Booliiska Gobolka Sanaag ayaa Todobaadkan waxa loo taxaabay Xabsiga Garowe , iyadoo amar ka yimid Hogaanka Sare ee Booliska Puntland lagu xiray . Waxaa la sheegaya in Taliyahaasi lagu soo eedeeyey inuu wado shirqoolo , khakhal amni iyo khiyaamo qaran iyo weliba isagoo la sheegayo inuu u shaqeeyo Maamulka Somaliland , waxana lagu soo eedeeyey inuu aabubulay kooxo budhcad ah oo dhallinyaro ah oo khakhal ku wada amniga Magaalooyinka Waaweyn ee Pl , kooxahaasi oo dhibaatooyin u geysta shacbiga , goobaha amaanka iyo Boob ay hantida dadweynaha ku wadaan . Kooxahaasi lagu eedaynayo inuu Odaygu abaabulay oo uu ka danbeeyo falalka waxshinimada ah ee amniga wax u dhimaya ayaa waxay si weyn uga jiraan Magaalada Bosaso ,kuwaasi oo lagu magacaabo YAA QOWMANAA , YAA QAAFIRIIN iyo kuwo kale oo lagu Magacaabo CIYAAL CARIGGA . Kooxahaasi ayaa dhibaatooyin lixaad leh ku haya Magaalada Bosaso , iyagoo isu laaya si raxanraxan ah , isla markaasina dhagaxtuur ka wada halkaasi , balse waxaa ilaa hadda la qabtay Madax sare oo Dhallinyaradasi ka mid ah oo loo taxaabay Xabsiyo Gobollo kale si rabshadooda looyareeyo . Waxaa jira warar sheegaya in Odayga Lagu been abuurtay oo arintaasi lagu xiriirinayo aysan waxba ka jirin , arinkaasi soo eedaynta iyo xarigga Sarkaalkaasi Denbi baarista ahna waxa ka danbeeyey ayaa la sheegayaa Niman uu horay denbi ugu soo oogay ah inay ciidamo ka aabaabulayeen Deegaanada Gobolka Sanaag , kuwaasi oo la yiraahdo Madoobe Cabdi Gurey iyo Bootaan oo isaga hadda ka hor arintaasi lagu xiray . Si walba ha ahaatee mar aanu la xiriirnay Booliska Xarunta Garowe , waxaa naloo xaqiijiyey in uu C/casiis Cilmi Dhooley lagu hayo huteel Si xabsi guri ahaan ahna uu ugu jiro maadaama uu ahaa oday usoo shaqeeyey Maamullo kala gedisan , isla markaasina waxay sheegeen in Boolisku Baarayo arintiisa sida uu sheegay Taliye Xigeenka Booliska Puntladn Gaashaanle Sare Cali Gacamey . M farxaan Qaranimo dhahar.com

Somali Women in the Diaspora: Women in Minneapolis By Yasmeen Maxamuud December 28, 2004 Traditional Somali history has not been kind to Somali women and has often associated the term “Naag†with their weakness. All the demise of the family would be associated with the limitation of women. A countless number of proverbs as well as Somali poems has traditionally portrayed women as weak beings that are not to be consulted for a great deal of family affairs. ( Nin naagi u talisay tagoogahuu ka jabaa) (Man who takes women's order breaks the shin). History's injustice to Somali women has overlooked the fact that they are strong, resilient, adventurous, tolerant and embrace change with ease. These exceptional traits have always been tested throughout history, but more so in the aftermath of the civil strife that has resulted in the influx of refugees all over the world. The measures Somali women undertook across the board and the creative solutions they embarked on to bring their society out of the demise inflicted by colonialism, tribalism and a dictatorship is nothing less than a miracle. Their mental and moral strength to withstand traditional oppression has prepared them to endure harsh environments such as the challenges of resettling in a Western culture very different from their own. In the US Somali women found themselves in a foreign land in the early 1990s as a result of the civil unrest that ensued in Somalia . There were many obstacles marshaled against them as they found themselves at the realm of a new life. Being called immigrants, burden and culturally unfitting, they endured all the negativity that is associated with new immigrants in America . They arrived in groves with limited language skills, no education, and a lifetime of gender bias against them. These women were only equipped with their God given minds, the will and ingenuity to survive and the want to have their families realize the American dream. They quickly figured out the systems of this country to make it work for them so they could help their families here and abroad. Among the countless number of impediments against them such as limited work experience and the grim job prospects as a result of their status as women coming from a traditionally male dominated society where women did not work outside the home; never stalled their desires and goals to achieve. Although many were traumatized by the civil war and have witnessed rape, killings and torture by different faction groups, they gave grieve no time. Instead they went to work to contribute to their families here in the US and those devastated by the civil war in Somalia . Viewing every job as a prospect to improve their lives, these women literally threw themselves at double shift factory jobs, janitorial services and other odd jobs. Those who could speak some English went to work at retail establishments and as clerks in business offices. They organized their finances to make sure money was sent home to their relatives on a continuous basis. As a result hope has been restored for many families as children went back to school, families began to eat and life began to resemble normal. The Somali culture is a community oriented giving, and generous culture where families lift each other by the boot strap and assist each other selflessly. This magnificent unique element is what has saved the whole country from extinction. Somali women in the Diaspora were at the forefront of such generosity. Now that the groundwork has been laid for their future, a group of Somali women of diverse statuses and age groups have come together in a social gathering organized by Zainab Mohamed of the Confederation of Somali Communities in the Brain Coyle Center in Minneapolis Minnesota . The aim of the gathering was to discuss the past, present and the future of these extraordinary women. I posed questions of various degrees to these women. Khadija Axmed a middle aged woman was astonished by moving escalators, and men wearing earnings when she arrived in America . Jewelry such as earrings is only worn by women in Somalia . Others said they were confused by the heavy snow they encountered; they were confused by its mere appearance. They have never seen anything like it. Canab Maxamed a single mother and a very strong hard working woman in her forties thought if there was a way to transport the cold, pleasant looking snow to the dry, drought stricken climate in Somalia as rain or anything resembling it, is a sign of prosperity in the Somali culture. Maxamed mesmerized about the good old days when the situation was more stable in Somalia . She expressed her gratitude for having the opportunity to work and take care of her family here and at home. She is excited about the future prospects for her children in the US . They have an opportunity to go to college here and hopefully give back to their community. These women may have encountered difficult situations upon their arrival to a new land with an entire different culture, the struggle of learning a new language, the cold weather and hectic lifestyles that cuts into family time, but that has never swayed them from working as hard as they could to realize an opportunity never known to them. Their strength came from the grim reality of realizing the need to bring stability for their families. The goal for these women has always been to accomplish decent living for their families here and abroad, one which many are still working hard to realize. Khadija Xirsi a woman in her fifties lost her job because she did not comprehend the need to inform her supervisor when she left the premises to go for a doctor's appointment. This certainly was her first job in America and the last as she is unable to secure employment due to lack of experience and language barrier. These women may seem simple and yet there is nothing simple about their achievements and the lives they touch on a daily basis. Displaying their multi colored religious/traditional garb and while adhering to religious and traditional practices they are defiant to adapt to a new foreign culture and yet are part of the American melting pot. They are part of the American work force by day and businesswomen or students by night. They are grateful for the peace and prosperity this country offers them and despite the many cultural, religious and language divergence; they are a constant in their community. Challenging American popular culture, they add a flavor of multiculturalism to the mix to achieve their American dream. They are unapologetic for being different and have forced mainstream American culture to accept them as law-abiding taxpayers and major contributors to society and demand respect as such. They tackle multiple tasks and preserve the cultural and religious obligations for their families. Some are rearing children often alone as single mothers, others support husbands through education and businesses endeavors and through it all maintain the family unit in an environment often hostile to their own culture and religion. And yet others travel to Dubai and Bangkok on business trips to supply local businesses with merchandise. These women are the strength, stability and serenity in their communities. Next time you encounter one of these women in what you may view as odd looking multi colored non western clothing, remember you are in the presence of a pious, dignified, proud and divine women that do not internalize the limitations set by their adopted country as a minority group or those set by traditional Somali culture as women. The successes these women have achieved are not without controversy as some in the community perceive the economic independence and personal freedom these women have gained as detrimental to the Somali culture. More and more Somali women in the Diaspora are assuming roles traditionally held by men and the ultimate price these women pay for their new function in society is a backlash and alienation by their male counterpart who often associate their achievements as too aggressive and not conforming to traditional norms. Although the lack of support from the males is disheartening, they keep moving forward hoping to gain allies and approval from their community as a whole, as the community begins to realize the overall added value of their hard work. It may seem these women are all work and no play, but after a hard days work, women in Minneapolis reward their hard work by gathering in social circles while attending multiple celebrative events such as weddings. One may dismiss these events as vain and waste of precious time and some in the community even view them as a contributing factor to a changing Somali culture where women are having too much fun. These events however are networking events where women meet to forget their daily struggles and entertain with their peers while conducting business transactions and while exchanging imperative community information. Coming from a conservative society where mixed celebrative events are not the norm, Somali women prefer these exclusive settings where they can let their guard down and relax while catching up with current events. They dress in elaborate elegant traditional attires called “Diric†or “Guntiino†and they adorn the outfits with matching lavish jewelry. They dance to tunes from the latest music remake of old Somali songs modernized by new artists. Nostalgic of more peaceful beautiful Somalia , these women escape their exile momentarily and speak of the desire to have peace and unity in the country of their birth. The hope for the future of Somalia may lie with these women as their encounter with each other defy tribalism and as they are less inclined to shun each other on the basis of tribal affiliation. These extraordinary women across the Diaspora are the common thread that sews multiple communities across many Western societies. On the issue of politics and the instability that still persist in Somalia, these women unanimously agree on the need for women in the Diaspora to have their voices heard. They say they are tired of the current situation and are mistrustful of the political leaders that continue the calamity of the country. They collectively agree women in the Diaspora need to unite and have a unified voice to have affect on social and political change in Somalia . Among the group, I met with young women in their twenties who are students at the local University. These young women are very outspoken and extremely expressive in their feelings of the situation, as it presently exists. One young woman, Nimco, voiced her desire to take a positive active role in the forces that bring about change in Somalia by taking a proactive role to restore the country back to functioning state. She expressed her desire to return to a safe country and since she has never known a peaceful Somalia ; her children should have an opportunity to have a stable safe environment in Somalia . She said she is tired of being in exile and will personally get involved to bring about change. She was very unapologetic and very ambitious on her responsibility as a Somali female. Nimco is not a lone voice, she certainly represents the younger generation who have the advantage of formal education coupled with cultural independence. This group is undoubtedly one to watch for in the coming years, very patriotic, intelligent and progressive in their approach to bringing about change in Somalia . They want to keep the idea of a United Somalia alive and are not disheartened by traditional categorization of women which has hampered any political ambitions for women in the past. The chaotic situation in Somalia has brought to life a diverse group of women professionals, poets, artists, activists, politicians, humanitarians and no doubt controversial figures such as Ayan Hirsi whom many loathe for her bizarre view on Islam. These women are not docile, and are active in their respective communities to bring about change at the local level. Somali Women are an important segment of society, and play a crucial role in the country's development. They should be recognized for their commitment to the stability of their communities and be given an opportunity to have a voice to bring about positive change in Somalia . Many wonder what the newly established government in Somalia will mean for Somali women. There are disappointments among the women as they witness the further marginalization of women especially as women were given only 8% of the parliamentary seats instead of the promised 12%. Many of these parliamentarians obtained their seats by compelling their male tribal leaders to afford them a seat and by constantly campaigning for their seats, not an easy task since that involves taking a seat away from a male clan member. Although the parliamentary cut is disappointing to many, the fact that Somali women are being afforded an opportunity to have a voice albeit a limited one is an exhilarating and promising prospect and one no doubt these strong women will use to benefit the society as a whole. There is also a Ministerial position given to a woman to head the Women and Family Affairs Ministry. History will judge and all eyes are on the current government, but as far as Somali women are concerned it is no longer business as usual. --------------------------------------- This article is part of an on going research based on interviews, observations and focus groups. Yasmeen Maxmuud is a writer and an activist Email: Yasmeen_Maxmuud@yahoo.com

Galkacyo is booming city after Boosaaso. Kaneeco kulahaa, ma wax kala weyseen ad ku caysaan magaaladda. somali miryooley.

Yes pacifist, this article is so touching and elaborative. From the Article I encountered a 16-year-old Somali girl residing in the Minneapolis area to observe and query the psyche of a 16 year old. I questioned her on the most important aspects of her life as a 16-year-old young woman. She confessed to loving going to the Mall, shopping, dressing up, hanging out with friends, talking on the phone and listening to music. Responsible tasks such as homework and household chores took a backseat to the aforementioned for this 16 year old. I then proceeded to ask her to define the terms espionage and conspiracy and if she knew what those terms meant. With a blank face and a nervous smile, she asked me if it were a title of a new movie, not a surprising mix up for someone that age. Although a 16 year-old girl residing in the US immensely differs from one growing up in Somalia, the comparison offered here is to clearly parallel the naïve, immature and nonchalant attitude most 16 year-olds possess.

Abu Ghuraib in Hargeisa By Yasmeen Maxamuud , feb 07, 2005 Part one of a two part special report Maxkamadiinii gabar lagu habsaday gadatay dhiigeeda Go'aankeedii nacasnimo ma waan gobi ka shuureynin Ma golayaashii iyo guurtigibaa garasho naafoobay Ma goblamay Cigaal ficii xun waa laga gadoodaaaye…… Ma wedydinaan gabdhaha sharaf u hayn garasho yeelkeede Samsam is a 16-year-old Somali girl charged with “espionage†and “conspiracy†before her release on Feb 2, 2005 . Samsam was jailed in a Hargeysa prison on August 15 by Somaliland authority in an environment very similar to the ghastly, outrageous and inhumane Abu Ghuraib . Before we dive into the details of why a 16 year-old Somali girl charged with such a harsh sentence, let me take many of you readers back to the time when you were 16 years of age. No, doubt it must have been a time when many were being treated as adolescents and not yet full participants of adult society. For most 16-year-olds in the United States of America and other European countries, music, movies, shopping Malls and sports reign supreme. With this in mind, I encountered a 16-year-old Somali girl residing in the Minneapolis area to observe and query the psyche of a 16 year old. I questioned her on the most important aspects of her life as a 16-year-old young woman. She confessed to loving going to the Mall, shopping, dressing up, hanging out with friends, talking on the phone and listening to music. Responsible tasks such as homework and household chores took a backseat to the aforementioned for this 16 year old. I then proceeded to ask her to define the terms espionage and conspiracy and if she knew what those terms meant. With a blank face and a nervous smile, she asked me if it were a title of a new movie, not a surprising mix up for someone that age. Although a 16 year-old girl residing in the US immensely differs from one growing up in Somalia, the comparison offered here is to clearly parallel the naïve, immature and nonchalant attitude most 16 year-olds posses. With this as a backdrop, imagine what Samsam Axmed Ducaleh had to go through when she suddenly found herself at the center of every human violation known to humanity. Rape, torture, beatings, and electric wiring became a daily attack the 16-year-old could not escape. This is no doubt a scandalous, shameful and inhumane treatment of great proportion and a perplexing deliberate step by the Somaliland authority that has many scratching their heads with wonder and dismay. What has provoked the Somaliland authority to commit such a vile human rights violations against a 16-year-old child defies cultural norms known to Somalis as well as every human rights code created against child abuse. Like any other young impressionable naïve teenager, Samsam planned her trip to Hargeysa after she has met some young women from Hargeysa who invited her to look them up the next time she was in Hargeysa, and that they were residing in the home of the Vice President of Somaliland. Samsam left Boosaaso in a taxicab and proceeded to venture out to meet her new friends in Hargeysa. She asked the taxi driver to take her to the home of the Somaliland Vice President Axmed Yusuf Yasin. After Samsam and Omar, the driver, arrived at the gate of the VP's home, they were met with the guards who asked Samsam to state her business there. Samsam proceeded to inform of her desire to meet up with her friends who were residing at this home. At that point the VP himself was dispatched to see if he knew this young woman. As he began to encounter Samsam, the VP was startled by what he saw, namely a young woman wearing a Hijaab. After the VP himself personally questioned Samsam and after she confessed to her business at his house, he began to get nervous and asked his guards to strip her of her garb, which according to many reports made him nervous. The VP is said to posses a suspicious self-doubting nature and many think he is a “fooxiye,†meaning he is a suspicious being who looks for answers in the supernatural. As such, Samsam's garb delivered one of his suspicious episodes as he confessed to seeing her in his dream the previous night and that she was sent to assassinate him. Axmed Yusuf M/Xigeenka S/L He immediately ordered that her garb be removed and the guards proceeded to violently remove her garb. Samsam at this point was very upset by this personal breach and proceeded to hit the men with her shoe, a customary behavior that many Somali women or girls who are attacked or violated would embark. This is when Axmed Yusuf Yasin, the VP of Somaliland personally ordered that Samsam be taken into custody at once; the ordeal for this 16 year old girl began after such a command was given by the second most powerful man in the Somaliland authority. Samsam was born on August 14, 1988 . She is the daughter of Nadiifo Jibril and the late Axmed Ducaleh. She was born in Dhahar, a town in the Eastern Sanaag region. Her late father married her mother in Dhahar. According to her brother Abshir Ciise Ilaaq who resides in Minneapolis , Samsam was a high school student, in the 11 th grade in Boosaaso at the time of her horrendous ordeal. She is a practicing, religious young woman who proudly wore the religious Islamic garb. Although Samsam exhibited a very young age and though she was unarmed, the guards became suspicious of her to have concocted a plan to kill the VP. Accompanied by the driver that had brought her from Boosaaso, the two, according to African Rights Director Raaqiya Oomar, were immediately taken to CID (Criminal Investigation Department) headquarters all the while Samsam and Omar the taxi driver were being maltreated through torture and beatings. Samsam and the driver were later taken to Hrgeysa central police station. Samsam confessed to being raped at the police station, after she was taken out of the facilities and raped repeatedly by at least six officers, while also receiving beatings and torture. The driver also confessed to being beaten and tortured by the CID officers. After 25 days of hell at the police station, they were transferred to Hargeysa prison where Samsam received more torture and beatings to make her confess to the alleged crime of espionage and conspiracy. Her young life has been destroyed and the future is very grim for Samsam due mainly to the violence of rape on her young body. As a young Somali female, her virginity, traditionally the pride for any young Somali woman and the prerequisite for any future marriage, has been totally destroyed and her family name and dignity defamed by this violent exploit, which has been committed by full-grown men. They have decided to infringe her and punish her for reasons bizarre and disconcerting to many. Samsam has been pushed into a hellhole unbeknownst to her and until now suffers from the repeated assault, rape and torture she received while being detained. Her health has deteriorated, as she was committed to solitary confinement unable to see family and friends. She has not been taken to any health facilities to cure the many horrific aftereffects of the punishment she has received from the Somaliland authority. The reason why her health is not tended to is mainly due to the fact that the Somaliland authority is afraid of what will be found on this most destroyed and violated body. Samsam has suffered much ill treatment while in prison; she was raped repeatedly, beaten and electrical wire hooked to many sensitive parts of her body to make her crack. These electrical wires have caused grave damage to her left breast, causing her left nipple to fall off. All this abuse was an attempt to make her confess to crimes she never committed. The boastful confession of the head of police Maxamed Cige Cilmi that he was personally present at the examining room where Samsam was being inspected for her horrendous experience, in his own word, Mr. Cilmi said: “I as the head of the group was present at the time of the examination and no evidence of rape has been found.†He further added, “It is evident that Samsam is not a virgin†evidently and according to her brother Ilaaq, this is a poor tactic to lessen the effects of the violence against this young woman. Mind you, the examining doctors were handpicked by the Somaliland authority, and a male member of the authority namely Cilmi or any other should not be present at the examining room to afford the victim at least some dignity and privacy, as well as to yield the case some objectivity. He bombastically confessed to know that Samsam was neither raped nor a virgin and that she is at least 20 years of age. One wonders what gives Cilmi the qualifications to make such a statement. Obviously this head of police is in dire need of training or some information session to inform him and his staff that neither he nor his staff, while holding this child hostage, should be present at the examining room where the victim was receiving inspection for rape and torture. This speaks volume of the lack of accountability and transparency of Somaliland 's authority. Samsam has been violated and her rights taken away once again by the dishonorable display of her body to a viewing male public to simply disqualify her claims against the authority that violated her brutally. According to Samsam's brother Duuje, whom we contacted in Boosaaso for this article, Samsam was never seen by any doctor to attend to her many wounds, and the one time the Somaliland authority claimed to have examined her, Samsam was substituted by another decoy young female who exhibited no evidence of rape or torture. The Somaliland CID has used many inhumane and appalling torturing maneuvers. Just before her sentencing, Samsam received further bruising and torture when her legs where tied by shackles that restricted her movements and caused much pain to her legs, all part of the torture strategy to make her confess to the alleged crime of espionage and conspiracy. As a result, Samsam is still limping from one leg, and according to her brother, Ilaaq, is now almost unable to walk and requires assistance. The torture marks are also visible on her upper legs, a clear evidence of the painful beating she took on the thigh area of her legs according to Duuje. Boqor Cusmaan Ow Maxamuud, “Buurmadow,†was afforded the confidence in September 2004, to proceed and objectively investigate the case for both Samsam's family and Axmed Yusuf Yasin, the VP after the case has generated much negative publicity for the Somaliland authority and as they attempted to rid themselves of this heinous case by traditional means. Boqor Buurmadow(WDN) “Buurmadow†proceeded to investigate the case with some independent doctors to examine Samsam. The doctors found all the evidence of rape, torture and other vile means of abuse to Samsam's body as well as some brand new beatings and torture marks on her body that were being hidden by the authority. According to Buurmadow and his group, in fact all the said torture, rape and beating to Samsam's body was true and no doubt existed and that she suffered in the hands of the Somaliland authority. His attempt to resolve the case through traditional mediation has been rejected by the VP Axmed Y. Yasin, who began to blame Buurmadow for examining Samsam and making the results of his objective examination public. Mr. Buurmadow's effort has been translated by the authority as a further embarrassment to them, after he revealed the wounds on Samsam's body through a number of photographs he provided to her family. Four lawyers who have been hired by a coalition of human rights organizations in Somaliland found themselves in the jailhouse after they continually challenged the judges' poor and political handling of the case. The lawyers also contested the prosecutor's lack of evidence to charge Samsam. The judge immediately found them in contempt of court, and ordered a three-year sentence for each. Samsam was sentenced to 5 years imprisonment; she was left to represent herself at the start as well as the end of the trail. Amnesty International and other human rights organizations found the trial to be grossly unfair and point to the fact that no evidence has been produced to substantiate the charges of espionage affecting security of the state. The judge on the case dismissed Samsam's rape charges immediately. Amnesty International has received no reply from the Somaliland authority and is concerned about the failures of the court to respect International standards of fair trail, particularly the non-admissibility of statements obtained as a result of torture. Other cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment, the right to legal defense representation, the right of lawyers to perform all of their professional functions without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference, and the right to trial by a competent and impartial court . Imagine the trepidation and the paralyzing feeling of Samsam's mother, Nadiifo Jibril, on her first encounter with her daughter Samsam. The horrific picture of Samsam encompassed by armed men welcomed Naadifo. Samsam looked into her dear mother for answers. Unfortunately, Nadiifo could offer none. Samsam was asked to sign some papers by force as evidenced by the presence of the intimidating armed soldiers. Her mother pleaded with her to sign whatever they wanted to assure her freedom. Nadiifo has been continuously harassed and roughed up by the authority anytime she inquired into Samsam's condition and the reason behind her imprisonment. The pro-Somaliland media has ignored the issue altogether for fear it may contribute to the already existing negative publicity. It is deplorable and altogether disheartening that the media in Somaliland is pro-government and seems to somewhat purposely leave out any issue it may reckon damaging to the authority. The media seems to be taking it is cue from the remnants of the Siad Barre regime. After all, the top officials ordering this deplorable abuse have received their best training as NSS officials, the Gestapo-like security forces during Siad Barre's regime. How ironic is it that the Somaliland public has voted into office individuals that run their country with an authoritarian iron fist . While doing research for this article I came across other media outlets that have filled the void created by the Somaliland media to inform the public and create awareness on the Samsam saga, through editorials and Radio programs. An editorial piece by WardheerNews referred to the Samsam court sentencing as a “Kangaroo court†a fitting labeling in my opinion. WardheerNews persistently and unsuccessfully called on the Hargeysa authority to release Samsam. These journalists have continuously informed the public on any updates on the topic throughout the grueling period. Another group that have committed many exhausting hours to create awareness through much digging, phone calls and relentless inquiry to the Somaliland authority as well as family and other concerned parties are the Agabso.com volunteer journalists through the Codka Beehsa Radio broadcast out of the Minneapolis area. The many requests made by various Somali human rights organizations, activists, traditional elders and concerned citizens have all fallen into a deaf ear. Instead, Hargeysa choose to throw a defeating slap on the face of justice and maintained a mediocre court environment, confirming the incompetence of the prosecutor and the presiding judge. A group of concerned citizens/activists in Minnesota has taken the necessary steps to file a lawsuit against the VP of Somaliland Axmed Yusuf Yasin who according to this group is a US citizen. The suit was filed in a Federal Court in Minneapolis MN . The case of Samsam Axmed Ducaleh vs. Axmed Y. Yasin states the many human rights abuses and violations against Samsam and has attracted the attention of many local lawyers who will vigorously pursue the case on a pro bono basis. On a subsequent follow up article I will try to investigate the following: 1-The bases of the filed lawsuit and the details of the lawsuit 2-How will this law suit affect Axmed Yusuf Yasin, the VP of Somaliland? For example will he serve any prison time if he is found guilty, can the American legal system go after him for the human rights violation he committed against Samsam even if he is not in American soil, etc I will also attempt an interview with Samsam to personally share her saga and her life after the incarceration. By Yasmeen Maxamuud, E-mail: Yasmeen_Maxmuud@yahoo.com

Don't heed to the format text of this article. It is an opinion from Back Home....... ........................................... Somali Federalism: (by xaaji muuse muruq) The new word on which the newly created government excessively utilizes and abuses, is "federal". However, before we jump on the bandwagon, it is necessary that we examine its validity in regards to Somalia, the forces behind the idea,who will benefit from it and finally its application towards Somalia. Federalism is feasible after two or more sovereign states or peoples decide to unite. Bearing in mind that there are, separate local governments, proportional parliamentary Representation, wealth sharing, fair economic distribution on one hand, national defense and foreign affairs departments, on the other to name a few. Therefore, to federalize Somalia, we have to look back and see the post colonial era and establish to the reader, the fact that there was indeed a union between British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. And to that end, I shall say, right there and then, federalism was pragmatic, however, promoting a federation between two or more autonomous states based on the "temporary federal constitution" without openly and clearly stating, that the intentions are, a re-union between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia as a block, is rather absurd, with other implications and hidden agendas. Puntland and Ethiopian connection: Puntland is a north east area of Somalia, that since 1998 had local government with a relative stability, booming economy and potential offshore and inshore energy reserves. Puntland also claims its domain stretches beyond the colonial borders and all the way to sanaag and sool, which Isaqi , Warsangeli and Dhulbihante inhabit respectively, claiming that those borders don't exist anymore. Athough there is a small percentage of the latter clans who claim that they are Puntlanders, nevertheless, it was unfortunate that the southern Somalis accepted Puntland's claim without consulting the Warsangeli suldan,elders and Dhulbahnte Garads and elders. Furthermore, puntland leaders intentionally convinced other Somalis, with the help of Ethiopia, to divide power on clan basis rather than regional one. Those leaders with their cohorts (Ethiopians) created an ill intended party named SSRC led by Abdillahi Yusuf simply to marginalize Hawiyya power and to make them ineffective as members of any government. It has been already reported in the Mogadishu political circles, that SSRC dealt a Hard blow to USC. Abdulahi Yusuf's plan to minimize and marginalize potential powers in all Somalia didn't stop there, but shed a light and paved a way for him to create a rift between RRA and accordingly put Their leaders in two categories; the Ethiopian group (Abdilahi Yusuf's SSRC) and the group that doesn't fit the Ethiopian criteria, for facilitating its conquest. Ethiopia's non-existent marine outlet, and the apparent Djabouti triumph as a regional economic and political power with the successful appeal of President Gouleh towards the Americans is a real threat to the Ethiopians directly and to the Kenyans indirectly. Therefore, one should explore all venues on which we could find all possibilities pertaining to the Ethiopian involvement and its payoff. Berbera is a potential port to serve Ethiopian imports, but the fact that Berbera is not as deep port as Djabouti and the logistical problems it would encounter (ONLF) paved the way for an all out effort on the part of the Ethiopians to try to disintegrate Somalia and explore numerous Somali ports, whether old or newly built ones, like the joint plan of Puntland and Ethiopia to create a deep-water port in Garacad, Mudug region, construct a roadway to Ethiopia and the permission to have its troops come in to protect Puntland as whole and their investment, with the full intent of both parties to ignore the rights of Somalis as a sovereign nation. This is done, my fellow country men, by misusing federalism to serve both groups on our expense. Assuming that my elaboration is correct, the inherent idea is that Ethiopia succeeded in trying to make the re-emergence of powerful Somalia impossible and the sad reality that there, is on the part of Puntland, those who would conspire with the enemy just to get their way on the expense of our beloved Somalis and both Somalia and Somaliland. There is a game,a very simple game in nature, yet too illusive for the Somali leaders to comprehend. A game in which if you participate you loose, and if you don't it is a guaranteed loss. A game that is so simple, the Ethiopian cab drivers in Washington DC, would poignantly call Somalia the sixth district; derived from the fifth district or "kiilka shanaad". I don't have a bias towards Puntland, for they are my kinfolks, however it is my duty as a Somali to tell whose plan was it and why. Some would immediately come to total denial that Puntland is not responsible, but remember tokenism should not come into play, because those Hawiyya participants in this game are SSRC members. Conclusion: Somali federalism is an Ethiopian product, which is actually proper to apply it to Ethiopia rather than forcing it on us. It is intended to compromise our sovereignty and to take our pride to the bottom. Our neighbors always felt and openly implied how inferior we are, and sadly with the progression of these events, that would soon become a reality. Our morale hit rock bottom. The Somalis in Gashaamo said no to Ethiopian tax, but the crystal ball lady Next door, told me that I would soon pay it in Erigabo. The Somalia that the late Gemal abdulnasir thought would guarantee the flow of the Nile, can't even guarantee the sovereignty of Baraawe. SSRC, Puntland and the independent Freelancers are all enjoying the fruits of this conspiracy. And to this, I shall say that, the simultaneous Ethiopian meddling in Somali affairs and the emergence of SSRC, put a stamp on the long-term Ethiopian dominance in the region and the short-term SSRC leadership of the so called Transitional Federal Government respectively. The application of this idea of federalism on Somalia, in this way, has a different and ugly significance aimed and geared towards the gradual disappearance of the nation as a sovereign one. However, at the right circumstance and time, it would positively serve all Somalis to re-unite again under a good and patriotic federal government. But hope is coming. Asha, zakariya, Muse sudi, Barre Hirale, Saransoor, Mohamed O Jees, Osman Ato, Ali Basha, Jiniboqor,Xaabsade and so many others, are still alive. And there will be a Somaliland that will disengage from its politics of indifference towards Somalia, a Somaliland whose people would exercise their sense of forgiveness and would value being a Somali, for I am Somali-somalilander. By: Xaaji Muuse Muruq Damala Xagare Sanaag

Southern Somalia, The Killing Zone Mogadishu (HAN) February 11, 2005 --This is not the first time he has drawn attention to himself, but Yalaxow, one of Mogadishu’s notorious warlords, vowed to keep Mogadishu “The Kill Zone†it has been for years now. He vowed not to cooperate with the African Union (AU) in its attempt in bringing African troops to secure Mogadishu. For all the enough and apparent reasons that the AU, or the world for that matter, has agreed to send troops in order to save Mogadishu from the grip of Yalaxow and his likes, Yalahow contends that the foreign troops will bring AIDS to Mogadishu. Give me break! Will you? Over the years since the collapse of the government in Mogadishu, tens of thousands of Somalis lost their lives and Yalaxow and his gutless militia contributed to the death of many residents in Mogadishu, if not to most of the day-to-day problems. Yalaxow and his militia are responsible for a countless dead bodies on the streets of Mogadishu, where innocent people, young, old, men and women, were slammed with bullets that torn their bodies, bored holes in their lungs or tunneled through their hearts, left them dead and naked on the streets of Mogadishu, where survival is redefined as killing your neighbors and even brothers and sisters. They were the sons and daughters, fathers and mothers of someone. They died in vain; their souls were gone with a blink of the eye. Yalaxow is not only still walking on the streets of Mogadishu alive, but also gained power to the highest ranks, the Trade Minister, a post that he desperately campaigned for with the promise that he would control his armed men in Mogadishu when the new government moves in. Knowledge, intellect, experience in government, wisdom or integrity were not required for the post. And that very much described the former soldier warlord, Yalaxow. Did AIDS kill those innocent Somalis that Yalaxow ordered to die? Does he really care if all he calls his enemy died tomorrow from bullet wounds or AIDS? There are those who are dying today in many parts of the country from all kinds of diseases, both curable and incurable, including AIDS. Given this desperate, life and death situation on the streets of Mogadishu, does it really matter what one dies from? A bullet to the head is a guarantee thing anyways, sometimes prescribed by Yalaxow and his cohort. For years now, Yalaxow has been in the middle of different conflicts, where he and his men facilitated the unfortunate consequences of lawlessness and the destruction that culminated today’s “Kill Zone†in Mogadishu. He failed to grasp the importance of peaceful coexistence, and that survival for any society, above all else, means interdependence, pushing aside individual egos, embracing group differences and making societal mutual interests a priority, all which are treats crucial to mankind and his civilization as a whole. Unfortunately, Yalaxow and his cohorts in Mogadishu put their egos above all other mutual interests, where for more than two decades now, they persistently continued their Darwinian notion of the survival of the fittest. For long time, Yalaxow perused what has become the norm in Mogadishu for the last two decades, the infamous lifestyle of war lordship where killing, extortion, torture and intimidation are the means to power and wealth. He resisted respecting human lives or the law and order of the society, he openly and publicly refused supporting the idea of government in its totality; and left no stone unturned to undermine the Arta initiative, established relationship with Ethiopia, who supplied him with shipments of heavy machine guns, AK-47 and M-16 assault rifles as well as grenades and other weapons and ammunition, with which he constantly used, and even as late as of today, to kill and torture innocent Somalis in every corner of Mogadishu and its suburbs. Not only did Yalaxow succeeded to mastermind an atmosphere of unrest and chaos in Mogadishu in order to dissemble Arta initiative and Abdulkassim’s ill-advised move to Mogadishu, a tactic that he is still capable of employing when Abdillahi Yussuf arrives Mogadishu, but he made it no secret to his extortion and kidnapping tactics against the UN workers when he repeatedly ambushed them, and in 2001 orchestrated the captivity of four aid workers by his militia. He accused the UN staff for, in his words, “sneaking into the country without informing any of the faction leadersâ€. In as late as June 2004, Yalaxow and his militiamen destroyed and confiscated equipments belonging to Somali journalists, who were both harassed and denied their rights to collect information. This is how he came to power and Somalia is expecting him to lead the Ministry of Trade. Trading human dead bodies? May be! This is the same Yalaxow who once, speaking of TNG, said, “ The only way we could accept an international force to come to Somalia is if they are going to disarm the terrorists and Abdiqasim Salad Hassanâ€. He continued saying, “It is true that we, the faction leaders, share some views and we differ on some. However, our common objective is to remove the so called Arta Governmentâ€. Today, yet again, he vehemently rejects the agreement that the parliament, of which he is a member, signed and agreed upon to send foreign troops to secure Mogadishu in order to disarm him [Yalaxow] and his cohorts. However, this behavior of Yalaxow is nothing new. He countless times refused to honor his own signature before by breaking out of agreements, where many times peace agreements were brokered between these warring factions in order to bring stability to the streets of Mogadishu. He even violated ceasefire agreements as late as last year, during IGAD peace talk mediation in Kenya. This doesn’t draw a good picture of a guy or a trustworthy record of a man, who could guarantee loyalty to Abdillahi Yussuf. His action so far fell far short of the promise that he made to restore order in his untamed militiamen, if and when the new government arrives in Mogadishu, the Kill Zone. Yalaxow believes in his heart that war is the only answer to his long dream, power, extortion, and why not? Crime pays off in Somalia. Abdillahi Yussuf is the president, isn’t he? The same applies to Yalaxow, who even lost his own brother in these war, but yet never succeeded to bring himself to a crucially needed critical debriefing of what his madness is all about, or at least to smell the blood of his own people on the streets of ruined city of Mogadishu. Even the death of his own brother in these aimless wars failed to help him gnaw on things or internalize and analyze this madness, as he lacks the human behavior that guides us into the state of mind of questioning our conscience in times of uncertainty. Even as a trade Minister in this new warlord government, he lacks stewardship to understand that peace is the only way out of this madness, and that his initial responsibility is to see to it that his militiamen do not violate the very agreement he himself signed, to guarantee that the new government and its AU forces relocate in Mogadishu peacefully. His biggest problem is fear! Nowhere is the divergence among the warlords and the tendencies to break apart are more visible than in Mogadishu warlords. They trust neither each other nor Abdillahi Yussuf. Now that he is being forced to join hands with his long-time rivals, other warlords, in a search for a mutual defense against their own respective arsenals, and to radically change their behaviors towards each other and towards the rest of the innocent Somalis, Yalaxow is nervous. The notion of peace and disarmament spells insecurity for him, a fear of losing control, a fear of being subjected to the law of the land, where criminals like him should have been in jail, where courts evolve towards legal system in which jurists strive. Real Courts (Not the so-called Islamist Courts in Mogadishu), with their elements include independent judges presiding over trials in the presence of unbiased jury, using established legal precedents to arrive a just verdict. A jury of his peers that have no interest in the outcome of the trial except to see that justice is done. Courts where truth would have eventually emerged and he would be hung high for the crimes he committed against his own people, some he even knew them by name, close relatives, his own Abgal brothers and sisters. Today he sides with the radical Islamists that control Mogadishu courts, a corrupt fundamentalist group of Taliban sheikhs, who brought shame to Islamic communities everywhere, and more so to Somalis, by their recent horrendous actions against dead bodies, ---graveyard skeletons, savagely exhumed from their resting places and scattered on the streets of Mogadishu, The Kill Zone. Worse yet, there was no united uproar of condemnation from the peace-loving Somalis either, as we have become sensitized and to some extent numbed by our unfortunate state of affairs for the last two decades, where we chose to keep our heads in the sand; vow to silence when it comes to matters of national importance. We even failed to join the rest of the world in their respective but united voice of condemnation of Islamist Courts in Mogadishu, because of their most inhumane, barbaric, un-Islamic and embarrassing actions they have taken against the graveyards where these skeletons were resting in peace. They even ordered a death warrant for anyone that dared to investigate or expose their evil ways. In The Kill Zone, nowadays, even celebration of New Year has been redefined as a crime against Islam, and that anyone accused of singing “Sanad Waliba Hoodiyo wuxuu Hadimo Leeyahay, Waa Laga Helaayoo Hadhow Lagu Xusuustaa†will be dragged to jail or flogged into a torture chamber to induce fear, where no one escapes punishment. One thing certain, nonetheless, is that AU troops are on their way to Mogadishu and it is a matter of time before these warlords and vagabonds, Sheikhs and all, are subjected to the law of the land. By: Ali Bahar - mailto:aib_1@yahoo.com

I found this valuable info. I will post each topic and subtopic as summary. A Pastoral Democracy A STUDY OF PASTORALISM AND POLITICS AMONG THE NORTHERN SOMALI OF THE HORN OF AFRICA I.M Lewis Introduction I T HIS book is a study in the pastoral habits and political institutions of the northern Somali of the Horn of Africa. Like many pastoral nomads who range far and wide with their herds of camels and flocks, the Somali have no indigenous centralized government. And this lack of formal government and of instituted authority is strongly reflected in their extreme independence and individualism. Few writers have failed to notice the formidable pride of the Somali nomad, his extraordinary sense of superiority as an individual, and his firm conviction that he is sole master of his actions and subject to no authority except that of God. If they have perceived it, however, they have for the most part been baffled by the shifting character of the nomad's political allegiance and puzzled by the fact that the political and jural unit with which he acts on one occasion he opposes on another. 1 Few societies can so conspicuously lack those judicial, administrative, and political procedures which lie at the heart of the western conception of government. The traditional northern Somali political system has no chiefs to run it and no formal judiciary to control it. Men are divided amongst political units without any administrative hierarchy of officials and with no instituted positions of leadership to direct their affairs. Yet, although they thus lack to a remarkable degree all the machinery of centralized government, they are not without government or political institutions. In the first place the key to Somali politics lies in kinship. All northern Somali political units are based on kinship and are composed of men who trace descent through males to a common male ancestor from whom they take their corporate name. Political affiliation is thus determined by agnatic descent and political divisions correspond to differences in agnatic origin. Ecology and Clan IT is impossible to reach any understanding of Somali political relations without having some knowledge of the country and of the climatic conditions which limit their economy and patterns of territorial dispersion. Accordingly, I begin this analysis of political organization with an account of the main ecological and climatic factors to which the grazing movements of the northern pastoralists have to conform. And in a later chapter I discuss the modifications wrought in the pastoral territorial organization by settlement in towns and trade villages and by the adoption of cultivation. As a whole the environment is not promising. Northern Somaliland is for the most part a semi-desert area of low rainfall and scrub bush. The annual precipitation in many places is less than four inches, although on high gound it is generally more, and in some parts attains as much as twenty inches. The distribution of rain is thus uneven and for the major part of the country cultivation, under the present conditions, is impossible. It is only the richer soils of the highlands in the west of the British Protectorate and Harar Province of Ethiopia which, with their relatively abundant rainfall, allow sorghum to be grown in quantity. In these favoured regions mixed farming is practised and, as will be shown in Chapter IV, here there is some development of a sense of attachment to territory. But this is not found elsewhere. For the barrenness of the greater part of the country has led the majority of the northern Somali to live as nomadic pastoralists, rearing sheep, goats and camels, and less commonly, cattle. Cattle husbandry is really only important in the cultivating regions where it is associated with agriculture. And it is the husbandry of camels, sheep and goats, which characterizes the northern Somali economy. The monotony of the seemingly endless wastes of bare plain which make up much of northern Somaliland is broken in many places by massive and magnificent mountain ranges, particularly those which sweep from the northern escarpment to the Pastoralism and the structure of Grazing Encampments I F clans and larger lineage-groups are fairly regular in their displacements through the seasons from year to year, the same cannot be said of the nomadic hamlets and camel-camps which are the basic units of movement. The apparent regularity at the level of the clan is thus only a generalization from the more irregular pattern of movement of its component units. That movement at one level appears different in character to that at another may seem paradoxical, but it is, after all, only a matter of the various levels of abstraction which we adopt in description. With its flocks of sheep and goats, the nuclear family is called ḥaas . This term connotes weakness: it refers to the demanding water requirements of the flocks, and to the fact that the family consisting of a mother and her young children is primarily thought of as a group particularly vulnerable to the exigencies of the climate. The word raas is also used. This expression refers to the internal perimeter at the base of the nomadic hut and denotes the nuclear family as a group living in, and moving with, the nomadic hut ( aqal ). Each married woman, periodically accompanied by her husband, moves with the hut and burden camels necessary for its transport. Ideally two or three camels are sufficient for the transport of the nuclear family, the hut, and all its effects. Not every family, however, possesses enough burden camels to move it comfortably. And in these circumstances, close agnates generally, and cognates and affines, share camels when required to do so. The loading and un-loading of the camels, and the erection and dismantling of the nomadic hut with its curved wooden supports and grass and skin coverings, are women's work. In these tasks a wife is assisted by other women--as well as her daughters --who happen to move with her. And although all this is strictly the province of women, when haste is called for, men do not hesitate to lend a hand. Settlement and Cultivation I IT was shown in the previous chapters that within the territory grazed by a clan, although primary lineage-groups are not geographical units, people of the same lineage tend to camp side by side where they are temporarily gathered in a region of pasture. This distribution which brings people of the same lineage-group together with their livestock, particularly the camels, in which they have a collective interest is especially marked in time of war. The same tendency for lineages to provide nuclei of settlement is found also in the villages and towns which to some extent demarcate the nomadic movements of the pastoralists, and in the cultivating centres in the north-west of Somaliland. The villages (sg. tuulo ) and towns (sg. magaalo ) which are the centres of trade are widely scattered and vary greatly in size from minor settlements of less than a hundred permanent inhabitants to the larger towns such as Hargeisa with a population of about 30,000-40,000, Jibuti with about 30,000 (of whom 15,000 are Somali), and Berbera with a population which fluctuates between some 15,000 and 30,000. Galkayu, the largest town in northern Somalia, has a municipal population of only 8,000 persons. Town populations fluctuate with the seasons. The number of their inhabitants is generally greatest in the dry months when they attract nomads from the interior as temporary settlers. In the rainy seasons the movement is away from the urban centres when temporary town-dwellers are drawn out with their stock to the pastures. The population of the ports also varies with the trade winds. From October to March during the north-east monsoon when the coast is open to dhows from Arabia, the Persian Gulf, and India, Berbera sometimes attains a population in the region of 30,000 people, while in the south-west monsoon this may drop below 20,000. Clanship and the Paradigm of the Lineage System THE preceding chapters have shown how the possession of livestock is tied to agnation and how clanship is the political principle regulating competition for sparse resources. It has been necessary to devote considerable space to the structure of the local units because these are based on political clanship. In later chapters we shall be concerned with the processes of social control; with the means by which lineage political relations are regulated. But before we can proceed further we have to examine the principles of lineage segmentation and the way in which lineage segments are articulated in the lineage system. Thus it is clanship and the morphology of the lineage system which form the subject of this chapter. Somali politics are founded on the implicit values of agnation supplemented by the explicit bonds of contractual agreements amongst agnates. It is political contract which calls forth, marshals, and formalizes the implicit bonds which unite men of the same lineage. Political relations at every level of lineage segmentation have generally this two-fold character. In the following chapter I shall show how contract ( ḥeer ) is superimposed upon agnatic kinship ( tol ) to form political units whose members are united in the payment of blood-wealth and common political responsibility. This process is most binding and occurs most commonly with the dia-paying group; but as occasion demands it is also applied at other levels of segmentation within the general field of clanship. CLANSHIP AND CONTRACT CLANSHIP and contract are fundamental principles in the constitution of Somali political units. For clanship alone does not explain political solidarity, nor does contract act by itself except in exceptional cases. It is only in terms of the two taken together that it is possible to understand the political institutions of the northern pastoralists. Thus where agnatic kinsmen are parties to a political contract Somali speak of tol ḥeerleh , 'agnates bound by treaty'. To understand how these two distinct principles interact and jointly contribute to the political solidarity of groups it is first necessary to consider the meaning of the word ḥeer . This word usually translated 'custom' has more specific connotations. 1 Its closest equivalents in English are compact, contract, agreement or treaty in a bilateral sense. Thus several men or parties are said to be of the same ḥeer ( waa is ku ḥeer ) when their relations are regulated by an agreement, either directly entered into by them or accepted as a legacy from their ancestors. 2 For contractual obligations may be entailed by a prior agreement binding the ancestors of persons or groups. And agreements can be contracted into and contracted out of. AUTHORITY AND SANCTIONS L ACK of any stable hierarchy of political units is characteristic of the Somali social system. In conformity with this, there is no formal hierarchy of political or administrative offices. Each of the main orders of segmentation--dia-paying group, primary lineage-group, and clan--does not have a specific office of leadership associated with it. At every level of lineage allegiance, political leadership lies with the elders of the group concerned, and only at the level of the clan is there sometimes the special office of clan-head. The position of the 'Sultans' who often, but by no means always, lead clans will be considered presently. At every level of segmentation, all adult men are classed as elders ( oday , pl. odayaal ) with the right to speak at the councils (sg. shir ) which deliberate matters of common concern. Traditionally only sab bondsmen (Midgaans, Tumaals, and Yibirs) are excluded from direct participation in the political affairs of the noble Somali lineage to which they are attached. But now-adays, through employment in government service or trade in towns, some sab have amassed considerable wealth and have increased their status sufficiently to gain admission to the councils of the lineage of their traditional Somali patrons. In principle, all adult males have an equal say, since all can speak in the councils of their group. Naturally, however, the opinions of different men carry different weight. Here status differences refer to wealth, inherited prestige, skill in public oratory and poetry, political acumen, age, wisdom, and other personal characteristics. Religious knowledge and piety, as evinced through such meritorious acts as pilgrimage to Mecca, and the regular observance of the daily prayers and obligatory fasts, earn a man respect and prestige. Although the formal distinction is made between those who devote their lives to religion ( wadaad ) and those whose lives are primarily taken up with. Force and Feud T HE northern Somali are essentially a warlike people who readily engage in battle or raiding to redress wrongs and injuries, to release pent-up enmities, to acquire or maintain honour, and to gain access to natural resources or to conserve their rights over them. The aim of aggression is not so much to subjugate enemies completely as to establish political ascendency. Somali wars are thus not properly wars of conquest, except in the limited sense of often giving the victors temporary grazing or watering rights in a particular region. While livestock are seized as booty and many raids made solely to loot camels, captives are rarely taken in battle since Somali have little use for them and do not seek to humiliate their adversaries in this fashion. 1 In a society such as this, where fighting potential very largely determines political status, feud and war 2 are instruments of power politics; they are the chief means by which the relations between groups are regulated. For ultimately, even under modern administration, the rights of groups are effectively protected only by force. In the form of collective vengeance, selfhelp is cannalized by lineage affiliation and given structural definition through the complementary principles of clanship and contract. With some exception only among the cultivators, outside and over and above dia-paying groups no impartial power except the Administration exists to control relations between lineages. In these circumstances, the ease with which individuals and groups resort to violence within the Muslim community and contrary to the principles of Islam has to be viewed in the ecological context of acute competition for sparse resources, and in the abrogation of individual responsibility through group loyalties. Nationalism and Party Politics T HIS account of the contemporary structure of northern Somali politics would be incomplete without some discussion of the new political movements to which allusion has been made in earlier chapters. Before concluding with a brief examination of the theoretical implications of the Somali system therefore, I discuss some of the main trends in recent political developments. For the historian and sociologist their significance lies in the close structural similarities which they display to the all-pervasive traditional system. For Somali party politics reveal very clearly the interplay of traditional lineage loyalties. Indeed, one of the main effects of the establishment of legislative bodies (in 1956 in Somalia; and in 1957 in French and British Somaliland) has been to provide a new medium for the expression of these traditional political forces. Nationalism and the new movements, have not superseded or replaced the traditional organization of society; they have merely supplemented it and extended its scope. To understand their structure it is necessary to go beyond the immediate geographical and cultural limits which we have so far observed. It is essential to deal not only with the northern pastoralists, but also with the cultivating Digil and Rahanwiin tribes of the south. For these southern communities play an im- portant part in the modern political scene in Somalia. In their case the traditional barrier to the extension of national patriotism stems largely from the territorially based local interests which distinguish their political system from that of the northern pastoralists. For in southern Somalia, as has been observed, local contiguity to a considerable extent replaces the lineage and contractual attachments of the nomads. Since, however, the Digil and Rahanwiin make up only a minority of the entire Somali population it is chiefly the northern pastoral mode of life and political assumptions which challenge all attempts to create an .....

Thanks for posting, this is good developemntal plan. I found this info on infrastructure renovatiion. ....................................... HAFZA is responsible for developing and operate several free zones throughout Puntland to operate autonomously from the Puntland State and the Federal Republic of Somalia for 99 years with a potential extension for a further 99 years. Regions & Sea Ports Hafun and adjacent suitable mainland areas Eyl Port Gara’ad Port (Rail link to Werdeh, Ethiopia) Bossaso Port Las Qori Port Airports Bossaso Airport Garowe Airport Badhan Airport Galkayo Airport Las Anood Airport HAFZA

Human rights situation in Somalia improving: UN The United Nations independent expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, said Monday that human rights in the chaotic Horn of Africa nation is improving. Addressing a news conference in Nairobi at the conclusion of the 13-day mission to Somalia and the region, Alnajjar called on the new Somali government to set up a truth and reconciliation commission to bring war criminals to justice and to act as a deterrent to future perpetrators of human rights violations. The expert also called on the UN and the international community to provide the new interim government and civil society with assistance in the area of human rights during the process of reconstruction. "The human rights situation in Somalia is now more hopeful than before. I came back with some hope and urge the transitional federal government to actively pursue the integration of international human rights norms and standards into the reconstruction of its legislative and judicial branches," Alnajjar told reporters. The human rights expert who visited Hargeisa, Garowe, Bossaso and the tsunami-stricken peninsula of Hafun in Somalia, noted that unless human rights become a cornerstone of the interim government's agenda, the long-term stability of the country cannot be guaranteed. The independent human rights commission will redress the suffering of millions of Somalis who lost either their relatives and or livelihoods during the many years of conflict and bring those responsible to justice, he said, noting that he had raised the issue during a meeting with Prime Minister Ali Mohammed Ghedi earlier. During the mission, Alnajjar met with members of the interim government, local authorities, civil society organizations and international community including representatives of the donor countries in an effort to investigate the prevailing human rights situation in the Horn of Africa nation. "Though much has been done to support the Somalis affected by the tsunami, I urge the international community to remain steadfastly engaged with the nascent Somali transitional federal institutions in other sectors," Alnajjar said. He said the international community should study the possibility of providing boats and fishing gear, and improving the infrastructure to facilitate the transportation of fish to markets. He reiterated that the drought, flash floods and unseasonably cold weather which have decimated livestock in the northern regions in the past years, have destroyed the livelihood of the many Somalis who depend on livestock for their survival. "It is imperative that we all seize this opportune time to build institutions of integrity that ensure the rights of each Somali are protected," he added. This is Alnajjar's fourth annual fact-finding visit to the country since being appointed Independent Expert for Somalia by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan in June 2001. By People's Daily Online

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Nuune, thanks for the work. Here is a link of WADANI SONGS

Our human resource, our people, is at total waste. Since the start of the bloodshed it is estimated over half a million Somalis have died. The life of a Somali has become worthless where scores die daily from hunger, easily curable diseases or pointless killings. Millions of Somalis have scattered to all corners of the world or are internally displaced leaving in precarious life and indignity. Somali has become a byword for anarchy, destruction and failed state. Majority of the people rely for their daily survival on handouts from aid organizations and the support from relatives in the Diaspora. A whole generation has grown up in darkness without knowing national authority, law and order, education and health services in place. Those in the Diaspora are growing under alien cultural heritage endangering their identity. Socially, the morals and the fabric of the society have weakened after enduring such a lengthy period of state of anarchy. Excellent point. I liked this paragraph.

Sharmaake was a true leader.

She definately sounds very intellectual in her speech.

Somalia is back CNN

I really smell the final resolution to our conflict. Somalia is back Somalia is back.