Thank you for the long essays, esp Oodwayne and S-Warrior. You have answered most of my questions, but i would like to delve into the subject deeper should time permits. I have been quite busy with school. Hopefully, i will respond with my own critique.

This is probably a best way to look at the need for a Guurti assembly, or is it incompatible with the region as far as history is concerned? Doesn’t Garoe have a police force responsible for security? Since it does, then what was the reason for sending in the presidential guard instead of the police force? Furthermore, why was the administration so quick to use guns instead of diplomacy? The bloody incident in the central Garoe exposed a weak administration and its lack of proper procedural protocol. When armed militiamen captured Parliament House, it was the duty of the police to engage the militias, not for the presidential guard to interfere. The militiamen, while armed, neither shot nor killed anyone but were there to express their grievance against the injustice incurred upon “some†ministers, while others are given the green light. Puntland prides itself as a region where law and order reign supreme; yet, the president’s personal security forces were quick to break the law. Because of poor judgment on the part of the administration, several families lost their loved ones. Also, the people of Garoe have guns and could’ve responded violently against the presidential guard’s murderous tactics. But, as with the whole of Puntland, the mediation and wisdom of the Issims, or traditional elders, was given priority. As the Issims of Nugal region calmed the tense and potentially volatile situation in the Capital, the president called in more heavily-armed reinforcements to encamp himself in a “Green Zone†not unlike the American one in Baghdad! Why did the president reinforce his personal security forces if he’s not guilty of anything? What does he have to fear today that he didn’t have to fear the day before the bloody gun battle in Garoe?

This article first appeared at India’s National Magazine in 2002. I find it extremely insightful and eloquent to revisit as its information seems to be current and you will find that interesting in latter passages. The author's constructive criticism touches many points both genuinely and falsely made by politicians, warlords, Ethiopia, and groups favorable to the Islamic rule in Somalia as though they are competing against each other in order to draw both political and financial support from Europe and America’s current foreign policy. But his main intention is to render useless and wrong the idea that Somalia could be the next home for Al Qaeda. SATAN CALLING Will Somalia be the next to suffer a visitation? God forbid. Nuruddin Farah AS a child growing up in the Muslim-dominated Somali Peninsula, I was brought up to believe that for a good while before and after the holy month of Ramzan, Satan is locked away in a place from where he could spread no sedition amongst good folks. I have lately been wondering if it is time that I revisit this myth with a view to assess or revise it, given the recent horrors with which the world has been made familiar - a terror that has caused the death of so many innocent persons. But do kindly take note that when I use the concept 'Satan', I am employing it in the pre-Islamic meaning of the Arabic root-word "shatana", from which I derive a secular notion of the term. In my translation of it, I render it as "the one who spreads sedition" or "the one who opposes the will of the community". Defined thus, you can work out for yourself the Satan that will fit the bill in the present context. The spreaders of sedition have evidently been busy, proof enough that Satan was not in chains a fortnight before the blessed month as I was taught to expect. But then again, it seems that he will not be under lock and key a fortnight or a month after the Islamic or Christian festivities. Meanwhile, he has been very much on the loose, visiting havoc on the world's innocent, and choosing to reveal his wicked intentions in different guises, all of them unpalatable. No wonder everyone wants to know where Satan is headed next. SCOTT PETERSON/GAMMA LIAISON Children playing around the remains of a U.S. helicopter which was part of a United Nations-led peace-keeping mission in Somalia in the early 1990s. Some people in Somalia believe that the present U.S. kite-flying strategy with regard to Somalia represents the lust to take vengeance on the Farah Aideed-led faction that drove the U.S. out of Mogadishu in October 1993. The pundits predict that he will call at a Muslim country. However, no one knows for certain where his first port of call will be. Is it to be Somalia, a land of grief with no effective national authority; Sudan, where one of the spreaders of attrition has once been based; Iraq, often described as an Arab nation and an untouchable at that; or Yemen, where he is said to command a strong following? Apart from speculation, no one has the slightest idea what the spreaders of sedition and those in hot pursuit of them will do "once Afghanistan has rid herself of Osama bin Laden and his associates". The supposition that the spreaders of sedition will "relocate" to Somalia is based on the assumption that the country is faction-ridden and that there is no central authority on which the international community can rely on to flush them out, hunt them down, or bring them before the law courts. The United States and its allies, having remained impervious to and neglectful of Somalia's destruction, must think hard about the consequences of their actions before firing a missile. Because, any such ill-advised overkill will doubtlessly cause more grief in a land that has not enjoyed peace for over a decade. Is Somalia to be invaded, because the U.S. is intent on the "eradication of terror" as claimed by the primary sponsors of it? Even according to America's own intelligence, the Al Qaeda cells found in Somalia are far less active or cohesive than those in Italy, Belgium and Britain. A U.S. intrusion into Somalia would destabilise the fragile peace that has been achieved in the country, where a transitional authority with the mandate to establish a permanent, all-inclusive government for the whole nation has been finally created after years of strife. Unless, as some Somalis believe, the U.S. kite-flying strategy is a weak, primordial lust to take vengeance on the Farah Aideed-led faction that drove them out of Mogadishu in October 1993. I hope not. Anyone with sufficient knowledge about Somalia would agree with me when I state that it would not be possible for bin Laden and his associates to find refuge among Somalis. We have enough problems of our own making, and do not think it wise to court the problems of other folks from elsewhere. As it happens, we are dealing with the fragmented nature of our society, with its many warring factions, each with its own acronym, each letter representing its leader's self-delusion. What is more, the men at the head of these murderous factions are untrustworthy, what with their shifting alliances and the fact that each will point a censorious finger at every rival, whom they describe as associates of Al Qaeda. Do not be fooled by the misinformation the self-declared faction leaders dole out; there is no truth in much of what the warlords say. In a significant way Somalia is like Afghanistan in that no single political or religious movement has been able to unite its quarrelling warlords for any length of time. A quarrelsome lot, Somalis take delight in informing on or engaging one another with venomous concern. War-making being addictive, we live in times of pestilence and suffer from the contagion of self-hate. As a result of this, we consider it our primary business to discover who our enemies' friends are, what they are up to, with whom they are plotting, against whom and why. I cannot for the life of me imagine a bin Laden or one of his associates finding a hiding place for even a single weekend in a land where everything is an open secret. Nobody who carries a prize-head worth so many million dollars on his shoulders would be foolish enough to seek refuge in a land where treachery among the political elite has been unequalled anywhere else in the world. He had better find his peace elsewhere, in a land where loyalties are more permanent and where he would be less likely to be sold for a tuppence. Moreover, I doubt very much if there are more than a handful of my countrymen who are prepared to lay down their lives for Islam, well aware that the Almighty has supplied the faith with many other volunteers from other parts of the world eager to do a martyr's bidding. I doubt too that Al Qaeda would raise enough recruits among Somalia's unemployed lumpen to fight under his banner. Many a Somali might not hesitate to die for his clan family or for financial gains, but not for an abstraction, which is what, in the final analysis, religion is to the barely literate. Nor is there sufficient evidence to support the claim made by an Ethiopian diplomat based in Washington that "there is a connection between Al Ithihaad and Al Qaeda." But the question we need to ask ourselves is why, according to a U.S. official, are "the Ethiopians a little too enthusiastic" for Somalia to be bombed, when the U.S. "intelligence review has concluded that the Al Qaeda presence in Somalia is at a very low level"? On my way back from Europe a little over a week ago, I picked up an Arabic newspaper, Al Hayat of December 11, in which an equally far-fetched link is drawn between the militia of the Islamic courts and bin Laden's network. This is what I call rabid sensationalism. Where is the proof? Anyone familiar with the Islamic courts, created to bring about some semblance of order among the unruly militiamen in Mogadishu, knows the claim to be false. In that edition, Al Hayat devotes half a page to a hand-drawn map, marked as if to guide the U.S. missiles to where the al-Barakat banks and the Islamic courts training camps are. Al Hayat is sadly wrong and the information given is highly dangerous and misleading. It is my thinking that "the little, low level presence" of Al Qaeda, as U.S. intelligence sources put it, could quite painlessly be rooted out without destabilising the fragile peace prevailing in the land. A large-scale invasion by the U.S. and its allies, or bringing on board the "attritionists" baked by the clan-based armed militia, will only make Somalia more unstable, a fertile ground where the spreaders of strife will increase in number and grow in strength. I hold this apocalyptic view, as in Afghanistan too the armed militias enjoyed the backing of various clandestine external forces while the rest of the world remained indifferent to its implosion. I suggest that the international community support Somalia in its effort to regain sovereignty over its entire territory, and that everything must be done to make sure that peace reigns supreme. The warlords will lead us nowhere but to a dead-end, where anarchy rules. And I am sure that this will not be to the benefit of our good neighbour, Ethiopia. With peace reigning supreme, we can regain our strength and flush the spreaders of sedition out of our country. And when at long last Satan-in-the-guise-of-war calls, we will be able to reply, "Wrong number!" and then hang up on him. Nuruddin Farah is the winner of the Neustadt International Prize for Literature in 1998. His novels include From a Crooked Rib, A Naked Needle, and the trilogy Sweet and Sour Milk, Sardines, and Close Sesame, known collectively as Variations on the Theme of an African Dictatorship. Link--Terrorism and War

Originally posted by Sophist: Anyway, you get the gist of what I'm trying to say - the enemies of Islam are poised, ready and well funded and will stop at nothing to ridicule, distort and bad-mouth our faith and convince our youngsters of being ashamed of their Muslim heritage. It's time the motives of these people were exposed, obviously we do it with civility and dignity. I'm not advocating any lynchings or burnings of KFC's - but it's time we wised up. Thanks brother Sophist. It is time we open our eyes. There is no doubt they are fully funded.

For apparent reasons, House of Elders can stand as a bastion of strength when an internal instability is inevitable or when the balance of power seems to be hanging over the cliff, for instance, the recent incident when Gunmen loyal to the minister of planning Farole stormed the city hall of the parliament in Garowe in which three persons were killed. Prof. Said Samatar explains it, "How the Italians managed to impose a semblance of order on the Somalis for eighty years remains a matter for astonishment--no doubt by methods that would be considered extraordinary in this human-rights-sensitive age. Italians, please, do come and re-colonize us again. The long-necked Somali lasses are there, still waiting for you. (Mama mia, come dolce, Khadija!â€) On a serious note: while the British neglected British Somaliland by merely using it as Aden's “butcher shop,â€(a supplier of meat to their Aden garrison), British development energies being spent in nearby Kenya, the Italians, by contrast, made a serious attempt to develop and modernize Italian Somalia. They created the vast banana plantations and varieties of citrus fruits that in time came to constitute Somalia's leading export earner. To this day Somali bananas remain the wonder of culinary connoisseurs. Then why, one should duly ask, does Somaliland republic enjoy a semblance of peace and stability that has eluded Italian Somalia? The answer is as simple as it is discouraging: Ex-Italian Somalia is too changed to leave an effective role for the traditional institutions of elders and shirka, or assembly, debates and too unchanged to accommodate modern methods of governance. She is stuck in a limbo, between the rock of pre-industrial outlook and attitudes on the one hand and the hard place of half-baked modernization on the other. " What are your suggestions? The Ex-Italian Somalia and its system of rule, which doesn't take into consideration the contribution of the elders into the polity, might be the source of our thriving warlordism. The elders can act as clan intermediaries on the peace-building aspect of our fragile states and might influence public policy makers Since we can't eliminate problems associated with the destructive paradigm of our clan segmentation that in turn spawn division and disintegration, could we then invite elders in to the discussion. This was a remarkable idea and whoever came with it first time deserves national recognition. Some of us may ask questions like how can we invite the Guurti into our conciliatory negotiations when they have had no educational background or work experiences related to processes of state formation and nation building? I do not know how the system of Guurti works in Somaliland but I am sure they are knowledgeable and have been very helpful in overcoming clan hostilities. Besides, given the power to appoint a political candidate the Guurti should influence the activities and decision making of the government. "Formally, the role of the elders is to ratify, reject or propose amendments to laws passed by the House of Representatives (HoR). The *** must approve all laws, except those on financial matters. The *** will base their assessment in compliance with religion and tradition, bearing the security of the nation and population in mind. However, apart from the formal role of the Guurti in the legislative process, their role as a non-political mediator of conflict is still respected, although†Somaliland

This is one of the readers' comments. It sounds like a self-deprecating humor but he is serious about the nuclear power of U.S and its will to use depleted uranium anytime it wishes. I was somewhat surprised at his comment. He was responding to this article: The U.S. radiates civilians and soldiers with depleted uranium "this is just further proof of the fact that the awesome power of american military forces should never be opposed. you must be insane to go against such devatating firepower. i for one am convinced that american forces are completely undefeatable. it is far better to listen to america and work towards peace than to subject yourself to such destruction. please people. listen to america. to oppose them is to die. it is bad enough that american forces defeat their enemies so easily but even after our loss we will keep on paying for our stup.dity for years. i hope Iran wakes up in a hurry and listens to america before they are completely destroyed. it is impossible to defeat america. we should listen and obey rather than fight a losing battle."

Inshallah, I plan to build great school and library.

What have you done for Somalia? By: Mohamed Mukhtar February 28, 2006 Chairman: A warm welcome to all of you to this unique meeting and as you have noted the title of the meeting is “What have you done for Somalia.†This is the first time a meeting of this nature is being held since the demise of Siad Barre government. I thank each of you for taking the time to be here in order to address this important gathering and present your contribution to the destruction of this country. Regardless of what others may say, you deserve every commendation for your unwavering stance to participate in the annihilation of the Somalia society. Since we are pressed for time, I will give each one of you one minute to tell us how you have contributed to the dire situation that Somalia is in. Politician: A friend of Bill Clinton was once asked “How does Bill Clinton say I'm about to hurt you?†And the friend replied “He says trust meâ€. This clearly shows Bill is a true politician like me. As I ask Somalis to trust me even after all these events. They are still hoping that I will somehow revive the Somali nation although I have let them down more than 13 times to reconcile the warring Somali factions. Warlord: My name speaks for itself and I don’t need to present my case. But for the record, I have made Somalia a war-torn country with no prospect to pull itself out of a fatal dive towards state failure. By the way, if the previous speaker’s hero is Clinton, mine is George Bush and you know why. Businessman: It is said, “Anything good in life is either illegal, immoral, or fattening.†To make something good for myself, I made Somalia a damping ground for the shoddy and low-grade products and toxic waste. The current charcoal trade is booming and desertification is going well. Warlords claim that they are antigovernment, but we are the true power that makes sure that the best Somalis can have is a paper government and not a functioning government. This means no red tape, no taxation and certainly no control. Those who advocate for market liberalisation and less government involvement wish to have our model. Diaspora: In the initial stages of the civil war in Somalia I used to finance the warring machine, but now even warlords are too tired to fight. Therefore, I comment on Somalia’s plight from a position of detached safety mainly cafés in Europe and North America. Khat trader: The civil war would not have lasted this long without my effort. Khat bleeds dry the limited hard currency available inside Somalia. For example, I make Somalis inside Somalia to spend $300,000 a day on Kenyan khat. Imagine life without “Marqaan†– excitation. I let khat users believe that they will have feelings of bliss, clarity of thought and energy, but majority of them end up becoming aggressive and paranoid. Khat causes health and social problems. The health problems range from depression to mouth cancer. The social problems can be from family breakdowns to distorted beauty. A mother said, “It is disheartening to see your son who cannot smile because he lost his incisors.†My destruction is not only confined to Somalia, I export khat to wherever Somalis are. A local magazine from London once wrote, “In some parts of London six out of ever 10 people in mental health units are Somalis with many of them having a linkage to Khat abuse.†Pharmacist: The fifth Code of Ethical Behaviour for Patients says, “Never ask your doctor to explain what he is doing or why he is doing it.†But since you are the stakeholders I am willing to share what I have done for this country. First let me introduce myself, I am an experienced phoney pharmacist since there hardly are any qualified pharmacists or registered nurses in the country. I import expired medicine from different parts of the world, which affect 300,000 people annually. I rename the country of origin of some products because Somalis trust European products over Asian products. I tell them that human beings and animals can consume the same medicine. Headache is headache whether you are a man or a donkey. I give no instruction as I tell them to consume as much as they like. NGO: Occasionally, I ask myself if Somalia has gone completely mad. And then I say, “Who cares? Where is the next grant coming from?†My role is simple. Aid is channelled through me and that means I am in a position to make money, to influence and to play the role of a government. Why should I want a Somali government reinstalled? I spend most of my time visiting here and there and then I get back to my heated/air-conditioned office and write excellent reports. Journalist: Let me tell you the message that you will hear when you call my telephone number, I think that will give you a good picture of my role. The message says, “You have reached the mouthpiece of the clan and he is not here now, so feel free to leave a message saying who you are and what you want me to tell the world on behalf of the clan and how I will collect my cut if there is any.†Clan leader: I taught Somalis the importance of clan and led them to believe that 4.5 is the best way to formulate a government. Whether they are highly educated, illiterate, sycophant, cocky or intellectual they need my signature and blessing to do anything. Honest is something that I lost contact over the years, so as a leader, I always tend to favour one over the other so my followers normally find themselves to be in suspicion and unsettling environment. Militia leader: I am a future oriented person, so I always think about the children and young people. I am the leader who recruits children as soldiers. We need people who carry out operations. Right? Children don’t eat as much as adults; they are easier to control and less demanding. More importantly, they are fearless and loyal. I use stick and carrot approaches to recruit them. Poverty plays a crucial role by removing any safe net and limiting children choices to ‘fight or die’ situation. One of the coercive methods I use is to fill in children bodies with narcotic drugs. Sometimes I use inducement baits such as food, clothing, shelter and empty promises to lure children to join the groups. In short, today’s children will be tomorrow’s leaders but if they are taught only how to maim and slay, I am planting the destructive seeds of tomorrow’s social fabrics. Kenya: First, I thank the NGO and the International Community representatives for using Kenya as a temporary base, although I am not sure if after 16 years we can still call temporary. I am also grateful for the khat trader. I heard before Rukia Osman Mahmoud, an anti-khat activist, saying “Our men have become lazy over the years because of the widespread trade that forces them to just sit and chew the product.†But that is good. When Somali men sit for moment’s pleasure, Kenyan farmers are hard at work to produce more intoxicating khat. In 2004, we helped Somalis to form a government after two years of plodding negotiations in Kenya and in 2006 we started to register Somalis in Kenya as legal refugees for the first time for 16 years. That clearly shows how sincere we are about the Somali government. Ethiopia: Action speaks louder than words. Participants started to give the Ethiopian delegate lukewarm applause before he has completed the first sentence, but then standing ovation followed. Chair: I take that there is no need for you to go further. You are simple the best. Could you please pass the microphone to the next speaker? International Community: Irish Politician on RTE radio once said, “An agreement is not an agreement until the parties to the agreement have reached an agreementâ€. The Somali case is just like that and we are always happy to help Somalis to agree something. Furthermore, we say to Somalis “Experience is what you get when you didn't get what you wanted. Try to meet one more time†Chair: Thank you for wonderful and sincere contributions. It is said, “A real person has two reasons for doing anything...a good reason and the real reason.†I believe today we had an honest discussion not like others who just claim to care Somalia or just pretend to be well-wishers. Keep up the good work. Mohamed Mukhtar London Email: mohamed323@hotmail.com Wardheernews.com

Red Sea, Adde is right 100% for what he said. His vitriolic remarks shouldn't have the weight of responsibilities because giving a clannist leader a listening ear of what he says would only put more weight on his statement and might exacerbate the situation. It should be ignored and i am sure many of the people who hail from Sanaag would ignore him.

QUOTE]Originally posted by NGONGE: He states: “… the Danish people have the right to behave the way they want to behave on their own turf.†If we apply the logic of his statement to Moslems behaving as they wish in their own countries would it not justify the kind of behaviour he is condemning in Moslems? Here, the author asks an obtuse and very child-like question. His words imply that Muslims should not speak out against wrongs done by other Muslims, because, they’re on their own turf. Ngonge, Pardon me if err or offend, it seems you haven't comprehended the point the author was trying to make in response to Goth's statement above as you can see from the quotes inserted in the paragraph. Probably you have taught differently than was not meant by Ismail, nor were you correct in your assumptions of the gist of the point as you put it, he implied. To clarify it, Ismail meant that if Muslims behave as they wish in their own countries, outrageous it may turn into, it would amount to profound deviations from standards constituting religious norms and thus Goth won't justify that as a freedom of expression but a wonton cruelty to harm and kill others. Why is that Bashir justifies the behavior of the Danish but paints the behavior of the Muslims whose tolerance were tasted as outlandish. Any person can perceive the degree to which Goth lends support the inequities of his comparative audiences because he is letting one have the freedom to do as they wish whereas he demands more restrain and patience from others. Isn't that inequity? And in your own effort, you are employing the straw man fallacy. By all accounts, Ismail only attacks the flaws of his theme and the unnecessary additions of ugly history and events in it. I don’t disagree there are elements of truth of What Goth reiterated but he went too deep as to make himself look the all-knower of Muslim problems with prejudicial overtones and at times eliciting extreme inferiority and self-doubts of his own people and their faith. As it appears from this quote, "In making few quotations from the Qur’an and by dropping few names of Moslem scholars he poses as someone who commands a good knowledge of Islam even though he had been previously exposed and castigated as a mere charlatan. But it seems that he never learnt his lesson." On the other hand, religious conflict and rivalry had run amok for centuries and have been rooted in environment , demographic, and economic conflict. This conflict was part of one of the uncountable ones. It was wrong of him (Bashir) to attack our behavior as contemporary Muslims. The caricatures the Westerns make in reference to others, except them, prescribes no bound, but today its now prevailing hot wind trends Islam. Prof. Hirsch , 1926, “Genetic Psychology Monographs†first, Jense’s “Educability and Group Differencesâ€---demonstrated both genetic and environmental causes for black children to be less educable, Hamstein and Murray, “The Bell Curve†and Today’s the "Cartoon Caricature" spearheaded by the Danish and the West in General to paint Muslims as intolerant, extremist, and extremely backward society. They all amount to profound racism.

Tolstoy, I wish i had time to respond to your post. Baashi, thanks for that.

Kheyr, I think what angered Ismail was the title itself, "The writer would have been probably justified to choose as the title of his article words which would have reflected the view that the cartoons put the tolerance of Moslems to the test, " Not the religion itself. Two important points i liked about his critique is, (a) we human being cannot emulate prophets and thus show forbearance and tolerance in times of adversity as them, (b)freedom of expression should have limits, for the lack of limitations would render all laws ineffective. Overall, Goth made great points despite some of the flaws of his arguments. His article was a motivational

Kheyr, I just liked his opinion and there are elements of truth of what he said. Here is a critique by Ismaciil Ali Geeldoon. HOMILY OF A DEVIL’S ADVOCATE: A RESPONSE TO BASHIR GOTH Ismail Ali Ismail February 19, 2006 Bashir Goth has tried in his article "Cartoons put a great religion to the test" (WardheerNews.com, 10 February, 2006) to be too clever by half and has in the process laid bare both the bankruptcy of his argument and his malevolence towards Islam and Moslems. The very title of his article is of course offensive to Moslems and is indicative of a schizophrenic-personality approach to treating an important and burning issue: ‘important’ because it has brought to the fore how the West and The Moslem World see each other, and ‘burning’ because it is topical but, literally, too hot an issue to play with. Islam is too great a religion to be tested by idiotic cartoons drawn by an evil person and promoted by the diabolical others who propound a boundless and therefore mindless freedom of expression. The writer would have been probably justified to choose as the title of his article words which would have reflected the view that the cartoons put the tolerance of Moslems to the test. But he chose to drag Islam into his diatribe against Moslems – a diatribe which leaves little doubt that the writer is attacking Islam itself in a roundabout way. At the outset the writer praises Islam as a religion only to hide his contempt for it which becomes apparent in later passages. The schizophrenia is all the more clearer when he first speaks as a Moslem (e.g. “My brothers and sisters…†and then later†As Muslims we may claim…†and finally, “My fellow Muslims,â€) and then in many other passages as a non-Moslem (e.g., “The holy Qur’an is said to be the greatest miracle.†“Muslims believe that….†and “…I find it beyond my understanding why Muslims always drag Jews and the holocaust into…â€). In making few quotations from the Qur’an and by dropping few names of Moslem scholars he poses as someone who commands a good knowledge of Islam even though he had been previously exposed and castigated as a mere charlatan. But it seems that he never learnt his lesson. A learned Moslem knows full well that the Qur’an is not only a linguistic miracle but also a continuing miracle in the sense of having revealed scientific facts which Muhammad could not have known on his own but which become apparent with the efflux of time and in the light of scientific discoveries. Any Moslem who has familiarized himself with the life history (Sierah) of the Prophet would acknowledge the many miracles which the contemporaries and disciples of the Prophet witnessed on a day-by-day basis and attested to. Bashir Goth states by implication ,and rightly so, (we have to give the devil his due) that we should have, in reacting to those evil cartoons, shown patience and restraint as the Prophet did when he himself suffered the indignities which were heaped upon him by his own kith and kin. Islam enjoins patience and forbearance upon us in the face of adversity and we have been told to emulate the Prophet whose character was moulded by the Almighty as the best example to follow. But to us ordinary freaks his character is inimitable. We are neither prophets nor saints. Prophets are of a different mould. When A’isha was asked about the character of the Prophet she replied that “ His character was the Qur’anâ€; and the Almighty has also told us in the Qur’an to exercise patience. In Aal Imran (verse 133) we are told that “righteous†are: “Those who spend (freely) whether in prosperity or in adversity; who restrain their anger and pardon all people; for Allah loves those who do goodâ€. In Ashoura (verse No. 37) it is stated: “Those who avoid the greater sins and indecencies; and when they are angry even they forgive.†Certainly therefore we have been told to suppress our rage. Christians have similarly been told to “turn the other cheekâ€. But, do they? And we have all been told by our respective religions not to kill, not to steal, not to commit adultery, not to bear false witness, etc. But do we, as human beings, follow these instructions? I think the answer is obvious. But, Bashir Goth needs to learn something about human nature and should see Moslems as ordinary human beings who commit transgressions and crimes like everyone else, who fight each other in their own countries and set their mosques on fire just as Christians do to their churches. Admittedly, some of these heinous acts are committed in the names of religion. But to blame these acts or the maledictions of some priests on a particular religion can only be an attempt to turn that religion on its head. The prophets are long gone and saints, if any such there are, are few. Therefore to single out Moslems and castigate them for expressing their rage in a very graphic manner while extolling what the writer sees as the “virtues†of the West is glaringly prejudicial. It is a mark of our times that virtues have been turned into vices and vices into virtues and some of us see this as modernization. A philosopher once said: “Man is a moral amphibian; he has a higher nobler nature, and he has a lower animal nature.†Bashir Goth can see Moslems only in their lower animal nature while he sees the West in its higher nobler nature. I do not wish to follow his suit by excoriating the followers of other religions - or the West for that matter – in order to show him the historical facts of their vile deeds. I should now like to answer some of his other statements which are at once startling and revealing. He states: “… the Danish people have the right to behave the way they want to behave on their own turf.†If we apply the logic of his statement to Moslems behaving as they wish in their own countries would it not justify the kind of behaviour he is condemning in Moslems? Elsewhere, he says: “There is no doubt that the extremist groups that have hijacked Islam long ago have also hijacked the cartoon crisis.†First, Islam has not been hijacked, for it is still there. Secondly, to call criminal elements as “Moslem extremists†is an affront to Islam - a religion of peace which does not condone the killing of innocent people, wonton destruction of property, and burning of flags. As to his statement that Moslems lack the virtue of self-criticism which the West is “ blessed with†Bshir Goth will best be advised to educate himself and read the various books and listen to series of lectures which Moslem scholars give on the Iqr’a satellite channel and even on Aljazeerah in order to see the virtuous Moslems who denounce day and night the violence that has taken place, the killing of innocent people, the burning or destruction of embassies, beheadings and threatening diplomats who are accredited to and are guests of their countries. Many Moslems have condemned in the strongest possible terms the attack on the Twin Towers, but those who want to paint Islam as a religion of mindless and indiscriminate violence will cite, like Bashir Goth, the work of some rotten apples (who also kill Moslems) as an example of virtuous Moslem religiosity. And if Bashir Goth finds it beyond his comprehension “why Muslims always drag Jews and the holocaust into the agenda whenever they have a debate with the Christian world†(emphasis mine) it is only because he wants to convey a distorted picture of Islam. I do not know if and where Moslems and Christians sat together and discussed bilateral issues. But Moslems have recently pointed to the duplicity of the West which made it criminal to deny the holocaust but would not do the same for blatant and willful characterization of their holy prophet on flimsy grounds of freedom of expression. Nowhere in the world is the freedom of expression unlimited; otherwise, law as an instrument of social control would be redundant and there would be no place for laws of slander and libel. So to say to Moslem that any person is free to offend them and insult their prophet in the name of freedom of expression is foolish, irresponsible and contemptuous of the inevitably ugly consequences. But Bashir Goth says many other things which show further his contempt for Moslems and Arabs. It is evident that he harbors a grudge against the Arabs whatever the reason may be, for he says out of the blue that they had a ‘big hand’ in the slave trade and he wonders, symptomatically, “what the life of the Arab people in the petro-dollar Gulf countries would have been today without the West exploring and bringing out oil and gas for themâ€. It is ludicrous to suggest that the West was so altruistic that they prospected for oil in the Middle East out of love for the Arabs. Bashir Goth should ask himself, instead, what the state of Western industry and civilization would have been like without the oil of the Middle East, and why the West is so prepared to protect this vital resource with its own blood. Furthermore, he scoffs of Moslems finding satisfaction in new conversions to Islam as he says: “It is not uncommon to read reports in newspapers from Arab and Islamic world on Islam spreading in the West like a fire on a windy day. They talk with glee about European women converting to Islam in their hoards. In fact most of such reports come from Muslims living in the West. With such vitriol rhetoric and with the stereotype of the few Europeans converted to Islam turning their back on the norms and values of their home countries, changing their attire and adopting an alien look and attitude, it is just natural for the Western people to feel their values and their free speech were under threat.†(Emphasis mine). These words surely cannot be the words of a Muslim as they are, plainly and simply, an attack, not only on Moslems who pride themselves on the swelling of their ranks but also a blatant and unwarranted denunciation of those westerners who convert to Islam. Incidentally, reports of such conversions originate with the western media: in fact I read about them in The Economist and the BBC website. As if given a monopoly of the truth and as though he just discovered it Bashir Goth states: “My brothers and sisters, truth hurts and I am hell bound today than any time before to tell the truth.†Well, by letting us read the truth between the lines he has revealed to us his true colors and his true faith; for that we should perhaps be grateful . And he says he is hell-bound. I personally would not want to go in that direction. Ismail Ali Ismail E-Mail:geeldoonia@gmail.com

This is a great article, how come no responses or analysis. I will post my analysis later.

Somalia: A Nation without an Elite-based Movement, Challenges and Opportunities Faisal Roble February 11 , 2006 I. Introduction A recent article on WerdheerNews, "intellectual Paralysis," by Ismail Ali Ismail, was an enlightening piece, and breathed fresh air into what is otherwise dull and a disheartening discussion on the Somalia condition. Unlike most commentaries posted on the ever-increasing Somali web sites (almost all of them invariably represent narrow/clan interests), Ismail's was a well-thought out piece with a purpose. The historical perspective of the article and its essence, that Somalia's lack of leadership is one rooted in the absence of a mature educated class, is instructive. A follow-up article, by Abdalla Hirad(WardheerNews, July 2005), has also demonstrated the limitations that the nascent Mbagathi-formed Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG), headed by President Abdullahi Yusuf and Dr. Ali Mohammed Gedi, faces. Hirad has aptly highlighted a bottleneck in governance in Somalia and, in essence, criticized two classes in the leadership of the Somali society; (1) members of the current parliament, a group which represents Somalia’s clans and is largely an uneducated class; and (2) the group he associated with Dr. Ali Khalif Galaydh, former Prime Minister of Somalia. Hirad argues that, although well educated, Dr. Galaydh's group in particular has failed in its role to help Somalia establish a functioning government. This group, Hirad suggested, only stands for the destruction of the nascent government, which was established in Kenya in November 2004. Instead of organizing and establishing an opposition party for posterity's sake, this group, just like the Mogadishu based warlords, spends its energy to undo the little gains so far made. Likewise, the economic stagnation and political conflict flare ups in Somaliland, as evidenced by the near-closure state of the Berbera port, the unnecessary war in Adhi Adeeye, in Sool region, and the human rights crisis, which culminated in the rape and torture of a teen-age Somali girl from Bosaso, Zamzam Duale, falsely accused of attempting to assassinate the Vice President, can all be attributed to a deep-rooted intellectual poverty in the country as a whole (For a critical assessment on Zamzam’s case, please refer to Ahmed Hassan's article: The Deterioration of Human Rights Conditions in Somaliland , Wardheernews). In order to build on the spirited discourse advanced by Ismail Ali Ismail and Abdalla Hirad about the ostensible absence of an educated class, or, its failure to play its historical role, a conscious role that is, where it exits, in providing leadership in Somalia, one is hard pressed to tackle: 1) the absence of an elite-led post-independent political movements in Somalia; 2) the elite’s unfettered attack on national symbols that hitherto united Somalis; and 3) the inability of contemporary elite to forge a vision for the nation beyond the myopic clan politics. II. Absence of Elite-based Political Movements In Somalia II-1. Movements in the Region Unlike its neighbors, Somalia did not produce any meaningful political movement headed by the elite with a national vision outside the brief history of the Somali Youth League (SYL - the party that struggled for independence) and, to a smaller extent, the Somali National League (SNL) in the North. These pre-independence parties were distantly related to the general Arab nationalism that had swept the Muslim world in the 1940s. In 1960, June 26 and July 1, British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland achieved their independence, respectively. The Somalia Act of Union was unreservedly signed on the eve of July 1st to realize the dream of creating the long-over due Republic of Somalia. Soon, a multi-party system of government was chosen by the leaders of the time, which lasted until October 1969. The post-independence, short-lived multi-party governments notwithstanding (from 1960-1969), politics in Somalia has since then been in the hands of one single military general from 1969 to up until 1990. From 1991 to present, the country has been broken into many fiefdoms ruled by warlords in the South and/or a radical clannist group in the North. Somalia was untouched by the positive sweeping impacts, which the two world wars had on countries once referred to as countries with "Asiatic mode of production" (that is Africa and Asia). Countries included in the “Asiatic mode of production†grouping significantly lagged behind in "modernization" in the 1930s and 1940s. By the time the Second World War ended, however, modernization spread to most of Africa, Asia and other non-European regions. The wave of modernization subsequently led to, among other things, the emergence of a class of people with western education to lead postcolonial governance in Africa.i By the end of the war, names like Jomo Kenyatta, Julius Nyerere, Leopold S. Senghor and Mekonen of Ethiopia became household names in their respective countries. Most of these leaders ended up leading their respective post-colonial governments or reformist movements and largely contributed to nation building in their respective nations. Ethiopia's intractable feudal system of Haile Sellasie's ancient regime was the exception here. It had to be challenged with vigorous political movements lead by intellectual leftists. Girmamme Neway, a Colombia educated and an Amhara by ethnicity, who was a distant relative of the royal family of Haile Sellasie, first popularized the left's determined position to reform the country's politics. Of all places, Neway chose Jigjiga, a symbol of Ethiopia's dysfunctional governance, to mount his movement by opposing the regime's oppression of the Somalis. Moreover, both Mengistu Haile Mariam's military regime (1974-1990) and Meles Zenawi's Tigrian Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF)-led takeover (1991-present) claimed to be offshoots of the Neway leftist movement. Meles Zenawi in particular is often found of highlighting the historical linkage between the Neway led-radical movement during the 1950s and 1960s and the Woyane roots of his TPLF.ii In the case of Sudan, strong leftist/communist movements gave way to a bothersome radical Islamist movement, finally assuming power under the tutelage of the French and British educated Hassan Turabi. In Kenya, Odinga Oginga’s trade unionist opposition party throughout the 1960s and 1970s has persistently challenged Jomo Kenyatta's status quo-oriented KANU party. Thanks, in part to these leaders who believed in pluralism of ideas, the spirit of a Mutli-party politics in Kenya is vibrant and seems to have taken deeper roots. In Somalia, however, as Ismail argued, (that there was only one known college graduate on independence day) there were not enough western educated cadres to spur political movements rooted in ideals beyond the narrow confines of clan interest. And, absence of an educated class is a euphemism for the absence of a modernized, interest-based class of intelligentsia to establish a sustainable post-independence state. It is often assumed by social scientists that a modernized urban-based elite class plays the vanguard in protecting national state, lest it is members of this class who unproportionaly benefit from it. And it appears that such a class was absent, or barely existed, in Somalia's case. II-2. When the Elite Squanders an Opportunity The validity of this comment is justified by a less known flip-flopping position that Mr. Ahmed Silanyo, former chairman of the SNM and the current chairman of KULMIYE party, adopted only days before the SNM declared its unilateral secession from the Democratic Republic of Somalia. A well educated and a trained economist himself, Silanyo drafted a paper right after the SNM took over the northern region of Somalia. He called it "A Proposal for Establishing a Transitional National Government," and circulated it among some Somali circles. Except some political miscalculations, Silanyo's proposal had relatively more of an intellectual national vision; he at least called for the establishments of a caretaker transitional government (established by SNM in the North and USC in the South) that would have collectively united and led the country for a transitional period of not more than one-five-year term. However, Silanyo sheepishly dropped off his proposal in a matter of days and joined company with those advocating for secession in Burao city. The Silanyo story in Burao is a text book case where the armed Mujaahiddin of the SNM forces, who vehemently and naively called for secession, un-proportionally dominated the agenda at the expense of the trained/educated who silently knew how difficult and elusive it would be to sell the goal of secession in today's world, especially in light of Africa's commitment to the ideals of territorial integrity. Today, Silanyo, like many other warlords or inept politicians, presides over a clan-based party, Kulmiye, that is largely populated by hordes of Al-Itihad Al-Islam radicals. (see Sii-Arag’s "The Birth and Rise of Al-Itahad Al-Islami in the Somali-Inhabited Regions." His daily political squabbles are against the likes of Faisal Ali Warabe, UCID’s self-made neo-fascist leader, or party bosses of UDUB, a group largely dominated by former security officers of the Siyad Barre Regime. How such a towering and well-educated Silanyo, who is known for being a patriotic firebrand in the days of the Barre regime, succumbed to this low point in politics is one of the many conundrums facing Somalia's elite class. Most recently, Rakiya Omar of Human Rights Watch, a long time supporter of secession herself, has pronounced the prospect of any forthcoming recognition "a pipedream." In hindsight, many wonder what the results on the ground would have been today had Silanyo, along with all those who considered themselves better educated, stood up for their beliefs and insisted on setting a national agenda at the 1991 Burao convention! We may never know what the fate of Somalia would be today had Silanyo and most of the educated at the Burao convention shown political conviction beyond the narrow confines of a clan-based call for a unilateral secession. In the same company of Silanyo is the late General Mohamed Farah Aidid who usurped power from the civilian wing of the Hawiya-based USC. In a seminal biographic piece on how Aidid missed a real opportunity to rule a united Somalia, although hailed in some circles for his success to undo the political grip of the ****** clan on Somalia’s political power for more than three decades, Said Samatar writes the following: Aydiid inherited almost the entire armory of the national military, including state-of-the-art weaponry, and therefore was the only warlord possessing enough fire power to break the back of the Somalis and to bend them to his will. Just take a look at the other warlords--they are either weaklings or unacceptable. Abdullahi Yusuf, the only other warlord with as forceful a personality, and as ruthless and blood-thirsty, as Aydiid, would have been too far away in the northeast; Morgan would have been too far away from the center of action too, and in any case unacceptable as the author of the infamous "Letter of Death;" Osman Ato is a spoiled civilian boy grown rich from the loot of the national physical plant; Ali Mahdi is too weak and feckless to rule unruly Somalis. Clearly Aydiid was the man of the hour (WardheerNews, 2005). Aidid was, as expected, a not-so-educated army general, but Silanyo is more educated and a proven technocrat who could have led the nation better than anyone leader in the Somalia political landscape, including the pack that Said Samater had identified. Moreover, Rayale, a light weight and an unproven former security officer with dubious human rights record, or Abdulqasim Salad, who had squandered the best opportunity so far and could not resist his deeply buried Siyadist tendencies and unparalleled loyalty to his narrow clan interest, pose no match to Silanyo’s wasted technocratic background. We know now, with a degree of certainty, that Silanyo's group and others who were armed and had successfully seized power in most of northern Somalia's cities, among others, with their infrastructures intact, missed a rare opportunity to re-establish Somalia anew. To gauge the import of opportunities missed in the northern Somalia, one has to compare the Silanyo loss with the political gains of the TPLF in neighboring Ethiopia. TPLF moved to Addis Ababa more or less at the same time the Burao convention was underway. The TPLF is an ethnic-based armed guerilla, whose leaders were confronted with the same conditions that Silanyo and others faced. Just like the Gaasdhagoole in Northern Somalia who exerted undue pressure on Silanyo and the SNM leadership for a unilateral secession, the TPLF leadership was pushed in that direction to declare Tigray region independent from the rest of Ethiopia. However, the leadership of the TPLF was more trained, better educated and decidedly carried an armed struggled guided by broader ideals than its Somalia counter party and, in effect, resisted reactionary and ultra-nationalist pressures. Unlike the Somalia case, TPLF leaders seized the opportunity to remake Ethiopia afresh with a substantial power in the hands of Tigrians. (TPLF leaders hope and so argue that in time, power would be shared equitably.) That is what Silanyo and company missed due to their inability to withstand "Mujaahiddin" and clan sentiments. Observers of the Somalia question are baffled by the mercurial changes in position of those who consider themselves educated, often moving from one political position to another in a matter of days, but only remaining loyal to whatever position their so-called corporate clan assumes. Admiral Howe of the United Nations Intervention for Somalia (UNISOM) in the 1990s publicly expressed his frustration about the unreliability of Somalia's elite class when it comes to clan interest. As often heard in Somali circles, a member of the elite is not restrained to say: "I go where my clan goes." This was true and still remains true for supporter of SNM, SSDF, SPM and USC in the 1980s and beyond. Loyalty to clan sentiments above that of the nation is a common and salient feature of Somalia’s elite. The most glaring case study, though, of this phenomenon may lie in the most recent position assumed by members of the elite who hail from the Awdal region. This group showcased how a group united by clan genealogy moves freely its political center based on where the perceived clan interest lies. For example, most of Awdalites were pro-unity 13 of the last 15 years during which period Somalia was in its state of disarray. In fact, this group adamantly stood to symbolize the values that espoused to be against the unilateral secession of the North, which was declared in Burao in 1991. Once Rayale, who shares clan affiliation with those in Awdal (Rayale was born and raised in Gogti in the Somali Regional State of Ethiopia) won a presidential bid in 2003 against the heavily favored candidate, Ahmed Silanyo, a former chairman of SNM, the majority of the elite of Awdal region freely and in droves migrated to the secession camp in a heart's beat. This is once again only a good case study where intellectual commitment to ideals among Somalia’s elite is not much of a virtue. This characteristic is by no means unique to Awdalites (for there are serious unionists among this group) as much as it is a clear example of the inability of the majority of Somalia’s elite of all clans to remain true to no other ideology except that of their respective clan, or perceived interest of "the clan." A similar behavior is observed amongst educated ******teens who supported SSDF in droves, or those of the ***** who refuse to debate the secession issue. II-3. Missed Opportunity 2 The eminent downfall of Barre’s government seemed at first to have presented a rare opportunity to the educated class, particularly those in Diaspora to play a decisive role in leading the country. In this area, a less known group that was organized in 1990 missed an opportunity to seize the moment to organize a non-clan based political organization. In the early days, when clan based movements were closing on Siyad Barre's government in Mogadishu and Hargaisa, several Somali intellectuals, academics and professional were assembled at Harrisonburg, Virginia, with a seed financial help from the Swedish-based Life and Peace Institute, Upsala, Sweden. Present at its founding conference were Professor Said Samatar (founding chairman), Dr. Ali Abulrahman Hirsi, Dr. Ali Khalif Galydh, Mohamud Siad Togane, Faisal A. Roble, Dr. Mohmed Mukhtar, Professor Amina Adan, Dr. Mohamed Tani, Dr. Ahmed Issa Hussein, Fadumo Omar Hashi, Professor Ali Jimale, the late Ahmed Hayle, Mohamud Hamud, Professor Nuur Hussien and others. The group, like minded and well educated individuals, drafted a list of simple principles, all together seven, which directly spoke to the hearts and minds of all Somalis and sought to maintain Somali unity in an effort to moving away from clan and clannism. It also drafted a plan of action. One of the main concepts in this group's plan of action included organizing similar groups believing in similar broad-based concepts in all over North America, Europe and Africa. It later on proposed to the organizers of the 1991 reconciliation conference in Djibouti to give Somalia's leadership to the surviving 1960s leaders so that they can form a caretaker government until a more permanent system of governance was designed. The group's proposal singled out former president Adan Abdule Osman, Abdirazak Haji Hussien and Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal. The group's thinking was that these leaders, owing to their earlier national standing, could help heal the wounds of civil war and unite the badly beaten Somali society. The organization, simply called “Ergo,†or “Somali Peace and Consultation," succeeded in a short period of time to establish sister organizations in Canada, Western Europe and the Horn of Africa. Ergo's early members in the Horn of Africa drew strength from disillusioned educated class who formerly belonged to the SSDF and the SNM as well as Mogadishu-based dissents, who were opposing intra-****** feud in Mogadishu. “Egro†made impressive inroads into the chambers of power and established enviable contacts with the US State Department, the UN’s office of the Secretariat and cabinet members in the Swedish government. I, along with two other members, for example, traveled to Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, in 1992, and received impressive reception from the Swedish Ambassador in Addis Ababa, who was also serving as the chairperson of the seven Western group of ambassadors responsible to stabilize Somalia /the Horn of Africa region. Similar assignments were carried in many fronts. Unfortunately, like any other Somali enterprise, Ergo, which had organized the first like-minded pan Somali, post independence elite-based (in this case, intellectual-based) political group, was murdered early on in its infancy by sheer jealousy and incompatible ego problems exhibited by its founding members. This was the second missed opportunity to change the course of Somalia's politics. III. You Tamper with Symbols of Unity, Citizenry Suffers In the Somali language, there is no difference between the twin concepts of “being a nationalist†versus “a citizen.†“Wadani,†originally an Arabic word, is interchangeably applied by Somalis to refer to one’s patriotic position orand one’s good citizenry standing. Such a use of the term suggests a strong linguistic testimony that to be a “Somali†was, at least in the past, synonymous with being a Somali patriot as well as someone with an impeccable citizenry standing. At the root of this concept lies a national contract that protects and preserves collective national symbols of unity and the oneness of Somalis, hence imprinting in the individual’s mind a civic purpose and values of collective citizenry. However, miss-guided elite groups in the 1980s directed their energies to carry a concentrated effort to erode any feasible symbols of unity so that their particular clan-based political goals would be achieved at the expense of that of the collective national goals. The first of such campaign was commenced by the SSDF under Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who sought the support of Ethiopia in the aftermath of his aborted coup in 1978. Then, the SNM, and later on, the USC followed the same path.iv By crossing what hitherto was a taboo line opened up a floodgate of mounting attacks against any thing that was considered sacred in the Somali national psyche. What the earlier visionaries built as symbols of nationalism were attacked by contemporary elites as signs of oppression. A case in point is the unwarranted attack targeted at the goals and vision for which the Dervish leader, Sayid Mohammed Abdille Hassan, stood for. Sayid Mohammed Abdille Hassan was a beacon of freedom, whose resistance to the British, the Italians and the Abyssinia colonialism at the turn of the 20th century, helped cement what Dr. Hussein Adam (Tanzania) called a unique and unparalleled "Somali national consciousness.†iii In addition to his unparalleled political contribution, the Sayid had helped advance Somali language and poetry as a unifying object more than any other individual. Some of Somalia’s elite, however, chose to whitewash and color this modern and historic [renaissance] figure, and his political movement, a movement unique in Africa and in the Muslim world, as one that is particular to one clan interest. How cynic one can be to subscribe to such a view! The Somaliland constitution making positive references in its epilogue to the nationalist struggle waged by the Sayid Mohammed Abdille Hassan notwithstanding, it became next to religion for some elites in our midst to virulently undermine the values and symbolism for which this nationalist struggle stood for. Also, victim to the craze of clan hate is the symbols of Hawo Osman Tako-- Somalia's version of Jamila of Algeria and Joan of Arc (Ali Mazrui) combined, and Daljirka Dahsoon, equivalent to America’s monument for the unknown soldier. Or, the famous and patriotic phrases of Balaayo Cas (who lamented "Aan Ooye Albaaka Ii xidha,†or “leave me alone so that I can cry), Tima Cade (“Dugsi ma laha Qabyaaladi,†or “clannism is a protection against noneâ€), and Farah Omar (“my people and my country are too small to be dividedâ€) are similarly belittled in their own home regions due to the contradiction between their [somali] unity messages and the narrow visions of contemporary secessionist views. The same narrow outlook is applied to view any endeavor that is Somali, most of all Somali literature and poetry, where one sees literary merit only in the products coming from his/her particular clan's pool of poets. This unfortunate sickly, thwarted national outlook would dictate contemporary Somalis to view, say, Abdi Qays, Dhoodaan, Gaariye, Hadrawi, Idaaja, Saed Salah, as not the giants that they are, but local poets. It is equally true that those who have accomplished (doctors, professionals and others) are viewed with a bifurcated prism. Add to this the careless, off-the cuffs comment which Adna Adan, Foreign Minster of Somaliland, said in a recent interview with a Dutch radio, that “Somaliland has different culture and language from Southern Somalia,†and you have a seriously wounded nation state. Contemporary Somalia elite is collectively uprooting its heritage beyond repair. Nations are organized around certain mythologies. A mythology of believing in shared common ancestry and common symbols of nationhood promote internal social cohesion. Such cohesiveness in a given people is a necessary prelude to the creation of a strong civic-oriented society. Butchering Somali national mythology and eroding symbols of national unity rendered this ailing nation without a compass and would ultimately make it difficult to create mature citizens out of its hapless and largely nomads or former nomads. Most of Somalia's regional and intra-clan problems, the political flare-ups and the uncertainty in any given political enclave, including Puntland and Somaliland, are due to the fact that the concept of citizenry has been weakened in the last two or so decades. Without a citizenry that believes in common mythology and in collectively shared symbols of national identity, the nation as a whole and the existing modicum of administrations, which have been established in many parts of Somalia, would remain vulnerable and unsustainable. The resent clash in Hargeisa between two sub-clans of the Sa'ad Muusa clans, which prompted the vice President of Somaliland to call both sides "looting legions of foreigners," as well as the most recent clash between Arab and Ciidagale sub-clans on land (in January 2006), is a clear example of the absence of a "citizenry concept" in this clan-based political enclave. Moreover, the unrestrained gunfight that took place in Bossaso during the week of the Haji (January 12, 2005) and the intra-clan rivalry, which kept popping up in Kismayo, as well as the inter-warlord endless craze in Mogadishu’s mean streets, are indications that clan based political orders are not sustainable. Nor can't they substitute the Somali nation. In other words, all present day political enclaves in Somalia are operating in a political culture devoid of any national Symbols. As an editorial piece recently argued (Wardheernews News, June 2005), new flags and symbols concocted to justify clan projects, such as Somaliland's secession, are not comparable match to the original Somali flag or history. A similar, but half-heartedly critical, editorial piece was posted by Awdalnews. One could easily discern from these emerging critics a momentum that is gathering to question whether politics of anger is enough to substitute the collective symbols that stood for Somali nationhood for many years that one cares to count. When fiercely attacked, the educated class did not rise to the occasion in the past to forge an existentialist philosophy that could have defended the collective national symbols that so far sustained the citizenry, unity and the attendant territorial integrity of the country. And no nation can exist without its own existential explanation of why it exists or has to exist. If Somalia is to exist, its elite must alter the way it conducts politics. IV. Emerging Trends: Moving Towards Non-clan Political Parties Since the Barre regime has been violently overthrown in 1991, Somali elites have failed to create or foster any meaningful political movements beyond clan organizations. Said Samatar, an apt reader of the collective mind of the Somali society, which arguably is rooted in clan genealogy, wrote that all the Somali political movements in the 1980s and 1990s were nothing but clan movements with a masquerading veil of the "S" letter, or “Somali,†i.e., calling themselves Somali this, Somali that. Some of these groups that masqueraded their clan movements with "Somali" include SSDF, USC, SNM, SPM, etc. These movements stood for ********** , ****** , Issaq, ******* , respectively. Likewise, without exception, all the so-called peace processes that culminated in the Mbagathi reconciliation conference, which produced the ailing and stagnated Transitional Federal Government headed by President Abdullahi Yusuf and Dr. Ali Mohamed Geedi, were clan-based reconciliation conferences. So are the administrative regions of Puntland (SSDF) and Somaliland (SNM). Likewise, the Transitional Federal Government, which has just quietly celebrated its one-year in life, is based on an erroneous formula of "4.5 concept." This is to say that the government represents a coalition of 4 major clans, plus a grouping of smaller clans represented by the misnomer of .5, or "equal to one-half clan." Accordingly, the government consists of 61 seats for each of the major clan, plus 31 seats reserved for the grouping that makes the "one-half" clans. Indeed, it is a regressive concept that perpetuates an institutionalized, deep-seated inequality between clans. The Mbagathi-formed government is largely populated by a less educated or illiterate crowd and indeed represents a national and collective admission that the Somali elite has proven to be incapable to foster and manage any other political enterprise this time outside the clan-based formula. The question still remains how to move on from the Mbagathi clan-based transitional framework to a more permanent pluralist political culture divorced from the dictates of clan sentiment. The challenge, initially articulated by Hirad and presented to those who are educated, a class so obsessed with opposing the current government of President Abdullahi Yusuf, is how to transition into forming a non-clan based political party? How can the elite stop opposing and undoing the nascent government that has been already established, however imperfect it is, and rather organize a political movement based on ideology outside clan? How can it organize itself to create an alternative to the Transitional Federal government and vehemently challenge it in 4 years, when its term expires? This is a monumental task, which Somalia elite has so far failed to attend to. There are some preliminary signs, though, towards steering or establishing political parties or broad-based movement that are centered on ideals outside the confines of tribal dictates. In several cities in the United States and Canada, inter clan groups have been emerging to breath new systems of discourse about the affairs of Somalia. In many cities in the United States, for example, a broad-based inter clan group, called Somali-American friendship, which would lobby on behalf of the Transitional Federal Government has been established. The mission of this group is to organize all peace-loving Somali Americans in the Diaspora to effect a political change in Somalia. More of these would emerge soon and would capitalize on the power of organizing diverse groups in order to maximize lobbying results with American and Canadian politicians for whom many Somalis vote. There is also the IRAAC group. An organization populated by individuals from Somalia’s various clans who can claim members with impressive western education and who have agreed to debate and deliberate the Somalia question, ISRAAC has all the ingredients to form a mass organization that could be a prelude to a future Diaspora-based political party. After many years of existing only as a virtual debating group, ISRAAC has recently embarked to foster an annual conventions where members network and exchange information pertaining to their particular communities both in the Diaspora and inside the country. Moreover, ISRAAC, which so far has shown an incrementalist behavior, sponsors panels at the annual African Studies Association conferences to publicize political, academic and social issues facing Somalia. The coming of these groups into the political scene, plus the mushrooming civic society and non-profit groups inside the country all point to, at minimum, the new trends, trends that seem to de-emphasize the clan factor, that are emerging to tackle Somalia’s intractable social and political issues. Luminary political figures such as former Prime Ministers Abdulrazak Haaji Hussein, a man with impeccable convictions who continues to strive for positive changes, despite his advanced age, and Dr. Ali Khalif in the Diaspora must move on organizing a political party. Also, in the home front, Jama Mohammed Qaalib (Jamac Yare) and Dr. Ali Hersi, who have extensive networks with the Mogadishu-based intelligentsia, as well as activists at Ismail Jumale’s center for human rights, serve as hopeful anchors for attracting broad-based followers in promoting mass organizations. Under the umbrella of officially sanctioned organizations, all these critics would be able to move away from a position of being contrarian (fadhi ku dirir) against the current fragile government, or the vile conditions in Mogadishu, but direct their expertise and energy to lay down the foundations for more substantive political organizations. In a recent panel discussion, which National Public Radio (NPR) in the United States, hosted for Dr. Ali Khalif Galaydh and Ambassador Elmi of the TFG, Dr. Galaydh admitted that, despite his personal misgivings about the leadership of the TFG, President Yusuf was elected democratically by over 70% of the representatives at the Mbagathi reconciliation conference. Dr. Galaydh's public comment (which correctly distinguished his personal feeling dislike for Abdullahi Yusuf from the public good) represents the genesis of emerging democratic deliberations, which serves as a precursor to altering national discourse pertaining to political culture. Somalia’s elite needs to take up Dr. Galaydh on his admission and acceptance that one's political nemesis must vigorously, yet responsibly, be opposed, but not destroyed. Somalis must heed Galydh’s newfound wisdom as an opportunity and view it as a first step towards crafting a pluralist political discourse. It is this type of frame of mind of accepting the plurality of ideas that can lead to the formation of political parties and conduct politics through non-tribal entities. V. Concluding Remarks Today is a far cry from 1960, when Somalia achieved its independence with a non-existent educated class. But contemporary Somalia's educated class, which is not that scarce today, must protect its national symbols, lest these symbols in general help create a citizenry out of the nation’s hapless largely nomadic or former nomadic individuals. In the long turn, only a cohesive and internally united nation around common ideals and symbols of nationalism can foster a pluralist society where governance is not based on clan interest but on democratic ideals. Also, protecting national symbols and cultivating a conscious citizenry restricts the role of clan in politics by not giving it any undue prominence. Unless the elite or educated class owns its responsibility to create a political alternative to the current clan-based system, or clan-based political discourse, Somalia's uncertainty will linger for a much longer period. Faisal Roble Editorial Board, WardheerNews E-Mail:Fabroble@aol.com WardheerNews

What a great opinion by Bashir Goth! Thanks Amalia

Jimca Lee, Institutional racism is very hard to confront and change. It is wholesomely conducive to the sluggish development of minorities’ progress in terms of education and life-time career. It seems as if these institutions hold immediate stake on their achievement and can decide on their destiny. It departs from the truth that such a rising inequalities aren’t impossible to stop. Hence, they have been kept and entrenched in the culture and politics of this country. Today, quality education is a major prerequisite for higher education at prestigious colleges. Confronting these problems of inequalities collectively will not only diminish the poor standard of educations but will also make our society a competitive in every aspect of advancement worldwide. China once accused the United States’ democracy of something manipulated by the rich, touching the lavish spending on the last election campaign while poverty and economic inequities have taken toll on American people.

Originally posted by MR ORGILAQE: Northerener...there were marches in Mogadishu,Garowe,Bosaso,Kismayo,Baladweyne but not in any region of Somaliland which i was hoping someone would enlighten me as to why? Aren't Garowe, Mogadisho all Somaliland in historic and linguistic context?

Castro and Abstract, lol, i wasn't serious about that but i know institutional racism's existance, a trend that is hard to tackle and change. I once listened to the VOA, an interview about the spatial segregation which in turn result in that theory. She, the inteviewee. was a PHD middle class black from DC. (During the interview i was thinking of her as if she was a white person) You know sometimes it easy to discern black vs white dialects , inclusive of educated masses even. She was advocating integration as a possible solution to the institutional discrimination because one way of making this system work is to be isolated on the basis of your residential area. The better place you live in the more opportunity because of the assumption that your residence entails the determination of your income either high or low. There are several methods used to catch the black fish in the pond. lol. I think an active community who are very concerned of their welfare, eduction, social mobility can overcome such barriers. But as it appears, our people and immigrants in general are devoid of the knowledge to succeed in this country. It is very competitive world with very scarce resources, so it becomes imperative of knowing how to beat the system, like my example of the witholding of tax, which accrues rights to the county in which you live for the use of public services. So you have to know how to enquire City Councils, City development agencies, so as to draw knowledge of their resource allocation and their intended , upcoming plan. Simply, we don't know our rights. And the article that is posted addresses the grievance in a subjective manner but not in a objective way.

Great acquisition----Raage will do great job.

Ilaah ha u naxariisto

Well Come to California. You would be suprised by the higher level of decent education open to all residents and non-residents, regardless of their educational background. I think the state assesses its budget on education based on the tax income collected from its citizens. MN should ask a percentage increase on their tax withhold so that more money could be earmarked for a decent education.

SOMALIA: Violent protests against Prophet Muhammad cartoons 07 Feb 2006 10:10:21 GMT Source: IRIN GAROWE, 7 February (IRIN) - One person was killed and three others injured in Bosasso, capital of the self-declared autonomous Somali region of Puntland, when thousands of Muslims protested against the publication in Denmark of controversial cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad. Chanting, "God is Great," protestors filled the town streets on Monday before assembling at a local sports stadium, where they were addressed by local Muslim leaders. The demonstration turned violent after youths who were leaving the stadium started hurling stones at offices of humanitarian organisations in the town. The youths barricaded roads with stones and forced businessmen to close down their premises and join the demonstration. They refused to heed orders to disperse, prompting the police to use tear gas. Witnesses said the rowdy youths pelted police with stones. In return, the police opened fire, killing a 14-year old boy. Bosasso Governor Muse Gelle told reporters on Monday evening that he had urged the protestors to observe restraint. "I urged our Muslims brothers to restrain themselves from engaging in acts of violence," he said. "I regret the loss of life and properties, and I also condemned those few who capitalised on this situation to carry out their evil motives." The protests, which had started in Galkaayo town on Saturday, also spread to Qardo and Allula towns. In nearby Djibouti, demonstrations also took place on Monday. Local Muslim leaders denounced European countries and called for a boycott of Danish products. Some European countries have been the focus of Muslim rage after the caricatures, which showed the prophet Muhammad wearing a turban resembling a bomb, were first published in a Danish newspaper and later reproduced by other newspapers.

Red Sea, The economic implication of this debate is relevant as far as Somaliland's handling of Somalis considered as "Alien" at Berbera and Hargeisa is concerned because the impact of their influx was felt at Bossasso by their switch to Bossasso's port, and actions they took in retaliation to that. is there any feelings of doubt you habor about the deportation that you think i am biased to comment on it? Do you have facts to prove otherwise?

It is a terrible policy in their handling of Somali people considered "Alien" at Hargeisa and Burco. What these so called leaders have done is turn the residents, public officials, security enforcement personnel of these cities against their own brethren through the mass manufacturing of clannish propaganda and the bandwagon of hatred with which to allure the support of Abyssinia and outsiders. Therefore, they couldn’t predict the effect on which deporting and alienating Somalis of Zone Five region would bring about on their economic soil. Bossaso is booming economically because of its lower fee charges on imports and exports and the hospitality that merchants amass from the city administration and residents.