^^, MMA, have you read of his scholarly journal, "The Missed Opportunities" It is available in Government Publication Microfiche in my school. I tried to find it from other sources, I couldn't. The PAC, SDSU

You welcome

Good News 4/9/2006 Given the intestinal political dispute, I will try to summarize the report by Ahmed Kismayo at the BBC Somali Service. First, the contract was renewed today conference in Bossaso, Omitting the terms of the disagreements and adding also more favorable terms that will prevent future conflicts. Puntland authorities released Press conference, saying the survey was over as of now, however, the works by the geologists will resume on a specific date in the future that will be discussed at the Parliament. The Vice President, whom Ahmed Kismayo enquired admitted the faults of the deal and predicated its causality on mismanagement and lack of disclosure. He said, in the future, any project that is to be undertaken will be brought before the Parliament and the leaders of the respective region that the project should be assigned. Some of the favorable terms reached are: (a) to allocate a partial reserve of the revenue to the Puntland government (b) Federal government © and the local region---for building its infrastructure and improving its social services. A Wareysi BBC, Majihaan, scroll towards @ 16:10 in time. BBC Somali Service

Originally posted by Peace Action: Puntland govt must show that it controls all the land for the benefit of all its people and no one clan can have a veto of where natural resources are explored. Peace Action, I think you support your president Abdilaahi Yusuf. He said this last year, ""Sharci ahaan marka maanta in Puntland laga gar leeyahay anaa maanta qiraya, weliba Puntland-na waa ka imid, waana ku dhashay, madaxweyne waa u ahaa, ninkii dembi gelayaa yeelkiis anigu lama wadaago, ninkii khalad gelayaa yeelkiis." It looks like he doesn't want to be part of the illegality of the deal though he criticises Puntland's stance. Somalitalk

UK Muslim Groups Step up East Africa Aid Islam Online

I found this article interesting enough about risky businesses. April 8,2006 Is Puntland compromising its hard-won peace? MAJIYAHAN has become the epicenter of the storm: the relatively unknown mountainous area some 40 KM southwest of Bossaso was the scene of deadly clashes last week. To date, a military standoff exists in Majihaan between Puntland and native clan militias – tensions are high and another breakout of violence seems imminent. Neither side has backed off from its original stance: the Puntland leadership wants to explore the region for its rumored mineral wealth – even by force – and clan militias are aggressively opposed to the Administration’s policy. The State of Puntland was officially declared in 1998 as a semiautonomous regional administration within a federal Somalia. It has an elected President, a clan-balanced Parliament and a functioning judicial system. In its seven-plus year history, Puntland has built a solid reputation for its relative peace and stability – and has even attracted direct foreign investment, specifically from a company based in Australia. But in its stated campaign to make profit from the region’s potential natural resource reserve, is Puntland compromising its hard-won peace? The Puntland disAgreement Puntland president Mohamud “Adde†Muse risked his political career and future aspirations when he signed the controversial “Puntland Agreement†last year that gave a foreign company the green light for exploration. “Controversial†is the operative word here because the President did not follow legal procedure for such a momentous undertaking. Therefore, almost instantaneously, disagreement sparked over the “Agreement.†The embryonic Somali transitional federal government (TFG) weighed in its opinion and opposed the “Agreement†under legal merit, citing that international agreements were in the exclusive realm of the federal government. Somali Prime Minister Ali Muhammad Ghedi and the Puntland leadership exchanged critical words through media before holding talks; eventually, the TFG accepted an “amendment of contract.†However, discord over the “Agreement†continued within Puntland. For one, the President failed to present the tenets of the “Agreement†to the Puntland Parliament, as required by the law.1 This was the most crucial step for it gave the Administration an opportunity to disclose its plans, explain the potential benefits and ills associated with the “Agreement†to Parliament (and, by extenion, the public) and to then open the door for a democratic practice via a parliamentary vote. Instead, the Administration opted to commit an unlawful act by first signing a unilateral agreement with a foreign company and, secondly, by attempting to implement that agreement by military force. That’s when what was initially a legal and political dispute transformed into a military confrontation: against the wishes of the natives, the President ordered his security forces into the Majiyahan district in mid-March to secure the area for data collection and research by foreign scientists. The order was seen as an act of aggression and the local population was forced to react. Militias were armed and mobilized to defend the territory from the President’s hostile policies. Could the President have handled the situation more diplomatically? He was diplomatic and friendly with the foreigners when he signed the controversial “Agreement†but failed to convince his own constituents in accepting it. Puntland wasn’t built in a single day. It took years of consultative meetings and policies to create a uniform administration for northeastern Somalia with enough power to return the rule of law. But if the President is breaking the law, what is to be expected of the public? Peace or profit? President Adde contends that Puntland will reach its potential as an economically viable state if it takes full advantage of the vast natural resources rumored to be under its earth. He fantasizes of a day when funds generated from the sale of resources will build roads, schools and an economic infrustructure unmatched in the region. In his blind pursuit of reaching that fantastical goal, he has managed to forego the most important aspect of it all: maintaining the peace. Without peace, neither research nor exploration can be carried out. No sensible person is against the development of Puntland, as the President has alleged on prior occasions. But everyone is concerned for keeping the peace. Natural resources have neither been found nor properly explored but violence as already erupted in some of Somalia’s most peaceful regions. The reason, quite simply, is that President Adde signed the unilateral “Agreement†with Consort/ Range Resources without consulting with his administration, local leedership and the native population – the citizens of Sanaag region are as uninformed of the “Agreement†as Nugal citizens, for example. The Puntland leader’s insistence on reinforcing – instead of retreating – his security forces in the Majiyahan area has all the signs of warlordism. The President has projected himself to be rigid and obstinate during the “Agreement†controversy and, as a direct result of his stubbornness, launched a war of aggression against the inhabitants of Sanaag region for explicitly opposing his Administration’s misguided policies. Has President Adde forgotten that he came to power in Puntland through a parliamentary vote and not through military force? By opting to use violence to express his political objectives, the President not only risks his political career but he is also risking the unity and the future of a peaceful Puntland. Somalia is a country awash with military arms. If the President believes that he can achieve his goals militarily, then perhaps, he should re-read a chapter from the legacy of Somalia’s former military dictator. Furthermore, if the President believes that financial profit is more important than maintaining the peace, then he is most certainly not fit to lead. Issims: The missing link In times of turmoil, the key mediation role played by the traditional elders – the revered Issims – was fundamental to keeping the peace in Puntland. But in the ongoing Majihaan conflict, the Issims’ voice has been noticeably absent. This could be partly explained by the unfortunate fact that some of the oldest and most respected Issims – Islan Mohamed Islan Muse, Garad Abdiqani Garad Jama and Boqor Mohamud Boqor Muse (may Allah have mercy on their souls) – have died recently. But in the wake of their absence, it is the duty of the Issim leadership to mount a peace-making expedition with the goal of halting yet another breakout of violence in the Majihaan area. The traditional system of conflict resolution has been a cornerstone of Puntland politics since its declaration in 1998. As before, the masses expect the Issims’ to play a prominent mediation role by interfering and inviting the fighting parties to the peace table. Puntland is too valuable to millions of people to allow one man’s injudicious policies to destroy it. Garowe Online Editorial Board

Originally posted by Duco Qabe: I must thank Caamir for posting this very interesting interview. We should all be proud of the accomplishments of the Fatah brothers. They are role models for the new Somali generation who are growing up in the west. Definately they are. Among them, i admire Mohamoud Fatah, who actually is/has been a member of American Corps of Engineers. I hope to see his interview too. His accomplishments are amazing

Suldaan, naagtani qurux badanaa

The more intelligent a man is, the more harm he can do, if he so wishes That is a strong statement. the only historical and social consolations that your sort of ilk, are ever likely to get, in this side of eternity, is to lament copiously Odweyne do you think the defeated lot could have maintained their grip of power for as long as they want without the support of its citizens? You seem to be making the loss of power by the former president as an opportunity lost to his ilk that can never be attained again. Ask yourself, what will your victorious lot have to do to build up again a government with the support of all Somalis.

OOdweyne, no one suggests that ICG, similar organizations or political experts of the Horn of Africa region are on the payroll of a clan entity but they work to the division of our people and country. They hold no favor to you or to us, for the outsiders will have been keen on the independence of your country long time ago. Duale revealed the inner objectives of the ICG in imparting misinformation and biased image of the secessionist. Other wise, Bryden won't have expressed the views that Las Anod temporarily ended its what-was-to be part of Puntland after the nomination of Dr. ali Khalif Galeydh to the premiership of the last TNG. “The honeymoon with Puntland did not last long, and a new focus for *********** loyalty emerged with the formation of a Somali Transitional National Government (TNG) at Arta, Djibouti.â€[/b] Bryden says again, “The Somaliland leadership, remembering what happened in the 1961 referendum, will insist that only the people of Somaliland have the right to cast ballots. Even so, a Somaliland-only ballot will not entirely resolve the problem: southerners will demand that the results be tallied on a region-by-region basis. This would permit the eastern Sanaag and Sool regions to opt out of the secession if a majority of the *********** and ********* populations so cast their ballots. However, since the loss of Sool and eastern Sanaag would mean forfeiting the boundaries received by Somaliland at the moment of independence, it would almost certainly disqualify it for admission into the AU, which would jeopardise the likelihood of it being granted international recognition.†(Italics ours). [ April 07, 2006, 00:43: Message edited by: Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar ]

^^Wardheernews has done a great job and many more interviews to come. They should serve us as a good role model.

Good news.

An interview with Dr. Alim Ahmed Fatah April 4, 2006 As part of our conversation and interview series with Somali professionals, we are pleased to present to you Dr. Alim Ahmed Fatah who has a PhD in organic chemistry from the State University of New York at Binghamton. Dr. Fatah is an accomplished research scientist and a professionally recognized expert in several areas of chemistry and technology. During his long career as a scientist, Dr. Fatah has developed among other things the currently popular self-adhesive postage stamp, which is environmentally friendly, and recyclable with non-toxic security inks. Dr. Fatah has also published many papers and wrote book chapters on several areas of chemical sciences; he has also reviewed new books for publishers such as the Chemical Rubber Company (CRC) Press. Dr. Fatah has received many awards over the years including the Zappert award from the American Chemical Society, the US Postal Service Merit Award, the Team Leadership Award for Environmental Achievement from the U.S. Secretary of Agriculture; and the Gold Medal for Distinguished Service, Leadership and Accomplishments, awarded by the Secretary, U.S. Department of Commerce which is the highest award given to U.S. Civil Service. Complete Interview

This is where I was leading my argument, and I think, that is the difference, that I have with Mr. Hirad, and as much as I respect his intellect, I still think, he could of genuinely start his thesis with different line of enquiry, such, as as to whether the present-day Somali's people of the horn-of-Africa, are better of, in different political configuration, or must we blindly trodd, that tired line of what was build in 1960, which had ceased to exist in 1991 is still a socially and politically Sacrosanct. If this is your firm position that Somaliland constitutes a political authority of its own (sui generis) and that we must under the adverse conditions, already complicated by the absence of government, rise to the this malady of infinte disintegration of Somalia into a two largely opposed and independent countries, then i would say you are heading to a wrong political system so much as to render everything you said dispensable for calculating culpable conduct of division.

INJUSTICE TO WOMEN An Ingredient of the Primordial Element in the Somali culture Abdalla A. Hirad April 1,2006 I am reminded of the subject of “injustice to women†- hence, the primordial element—by an article, which I read in WardheerNews.com, A Knight by A.H. Abdulla . Ali says: “Women in 19th century Somalia and other parts of the Arab world were indeed helpless. Unfortunately, present day Somalia does not treat Somali women any different.†Up to that point in his article, which is several paragraphs down, the writer leads one to think that he is going to discuss the issue of “Injustice to Womenâ€. However, one very soon finds out that the writer is not; and that he is only using the issue as an epitome for, or a hyperbole to, highlighting the plight of Somalia in general—an equally important and current subject. Indeed, the situation in Somalia involves a ‘double jeopardy’ for its women, to borrow a legal concept. Women happen to have been part of the terrible experience in Somalia over the last two decades, and a most underprivileged group they are in the here and now, in addition to their traditional dilemma. I thought I should hastily write about the subject on the occasion in solidarity with our mothers, sisters and daughters. In this spirit, I thank Ali A. Abdulla for having brought up the subject and to share his thoughts with all of us so that I was inspired to address the issue here. I must not pass without also hailing Yasmeen Maxamud for her article, in WardheerNews.com, on a related subject: "Rape: Conspiracy of Silence" of January 26, 2006. But I wish to tell a story—the story of Sh. Ali Maje-erteen and ‘Oday’ Jibrell—to illustrate the relevant issues involved. The Story happened in, Adhi Caddeeye, now a village between Burao and Lasanood, sometime in the 19th century. Before I tell the story, however, I must explain what I mean by the phrase “primordial elementâ€, which I used in the title of the article. The Primordial Element: The Somali culture harbors a minimum of three basic elements or tendencies which I respectively call: (1) the primordial tendency, (2) the Islamist tendency, and (3)the Western secularist tendency. These tendencies represent the main orientations and aspirations of the nation in terms of popular outlooks and attitudes. These tendencies might shape and determine the direction of departure from the status quo in any situation and progress towards the future. The primordial tendency represents the most indigenous element in the mix of outlooks and aspirations. It includes all the components typical of any culture—the ideological, the sociological and the technological parts. Clanism is only one aspect of that tendency. If clanism is the ideology, in the primordial context, the clan social structure is the form of social and political organization; and, pastoral nomadism is the economic system. The boundary of the territory is defined by the kinship-right claim to land and the Somali “Xeer(s)â€â€”Somali customary law (built on a system of precedents)—represents the law of the land. Over the years it has remained a self-contained, effective and an efficient dimension of the culture unto itself to provide for the needs of that nomadic-pastoral society. It had its strengths as well as its weaknesses. It has remained adequate in many respects as much as it needed improvements in many aspects, over the centuries, perhaps millennia. The question that needs to be studied hereafter is how will it fare with the other competing, if not invading, tendencies—that is the Islamist tendency and the Western Secularist tendency? Contrast with the Other Two Tendencies: By comparison, for example, and in passing, one might agree that in the Islamic context of the culture, the Quran, the Prophet’s teachings (Prayers and Peace be upon him) and his practices would represent the doctrine and the source that defines the ideology of the social order. The Islamic Umma would have been the model for social and political structure and organization. The Islamic economic order would have set the basis for the economic system. The boundary would have been global and the shari’a laws represent the law of the land, in theory. Of course, in the Western secular systems, the nation-state is the form of social and political organization; capitalism and/or its off-soot (socialism) provide the source of ideology and the economic order. A formal body of laws—“constitutionâ€â€”contrived and framed by, hopefully, a representative legislative embody the law of the land. The boundary is as proclaimed by the constitution of the nation-state and recognized by other nation-states (primarily the neighboring ones). I hope that this brief description of the main features of the three tendencies will be good enough for explaining my general connotation of what I have called the tendencies or elements. As indicated above, the primordial tendency in the Somali collective consciousness emphasizes traditional values, mores, norms, ethos, ethics and attitudes. It represents the system of pull-factors in a continuum of pull-and-push factors. It encourages loyalty to kinship and heightened clan-consciousness. It underscores clan identity. In the balance between the pull and the push factors, it favors clan identity over national identity. It favors fragmentation over unity, traditionalism over modernization, subsistence economy over development economy, informality over formality, adhocracy over bureaucracy, egalitarianism over social stratification, superstition over science, customary laws over formal legal systems, territoriality over statehood, clanism over nationalism and tribalism over internationalism. Today, as in the centuries past, the primordial tendency remains the most overriding and seems, therefore, to prevail over the other two in the scale and scheme of things in Somalia. It is given ground by the sheer number of the larger pastoral-nomadic segment of the society (over 60%) and thrives on—indeed accentuates—the feelings and aspirations of local communities loyal to primordial identity, i.e Reer Hebel. It endorses the institution of traditional leadership. It seeks to preserve the traditional heritage and poses continual resistance to external pressure and influence, especially, on the sociological and ideological dimensions of culture. Thus, it represents the backdrop against which processes of social transformation and political change take place, where it sets a contextual base line for any invading new social and political order, never mind technology, in the future. Therefore, as well as preserving culture, unfortunately, the tendency also conserves the negative ingredients of the culture, from a development point of view. Hopefully, the story will highlight how it precisely does that. The story will also provide a sneak view of the inner dynamics between the tendencies in the Somali, collective psyche—in this case between two of them—and will illustrate how the tendencies have been competing for the attention and free choice of our nomadic ancestors in the past, and how this conflict continues to impact our lives until this day. The following story will also, hopefully, depict the inherent dichotomy and occasional clashes between the many parts of the culture—i.e., between the tendencies. Following is the story. The Adhi-Caddeeye Encounter: This story is about an ancestor of a friend of mine. It took place some time in early to mid 19th century in the Nugal area of Somalia. It involves my friend’s ancestor and one legendary religious leader known to history as Sheik Ali Majee-rten, and whose resting-place, I am told, is in Barava today. The story goes that, when Sh. Ali arrived back in Somalia, returning from the Arabian peninsula, probably Mecca, he left the coast, in the north of Somalia, southwards, on his way to the hinterland with a mission to educate his nomadic kinsmen on matters of faith and religion—Islam. On his journey south he came to meet and know Jibrell, who was, at the time, on a semi-permanent domicile (not migrating as a nomad at the time) in a place called Adhi-Caddeeye. Sh. Ali soon found out that not only was Jibrell a prominent traditional elders of his time and place, but that he was also currently engaged in a peace-making mission between his own sub-lineage (jilib) and another, both of them from the same sub-clan. It quickly occurred to Sh. Ali that Jibrell was an excellent candidate for education in Islam, which, in the Sheikh’s view, could only enhance Jibrell’s leadership skills and sense of justice in his traditionally assumed role as an elder. But more importantly, the Sheik saw the potential for a groundbreaking leap of faith in the area by the education of a traditionally influential man like Jibrell. Jibrell was not only the right candidate in this case, the sheikh had thought, but one who was also apparently eager and willing to learn the affairs of religion. So they had an understanding that Sheik Ali would stay for a while to educate Jibrell and others who were equally eager to study the subject, including literacy. The story goes that, after some time, when Sh. Ali felt that Jibrell was learned enough in the basics of the Islamic Shari’a to run his own court alone, the Sheik decided to continue his journey south but that he would give Jibrell (now Sh. Jibrell) the final test. He waited for an opportunity to present itself in that regard. It soon did. A man from Jibrell’s own sub-lineage died, surviving two married daughters behind, without any other inheriting next-of-kin. Let us say one was married to a man from Jilib “X†and the other was married into subclan “Yâ€. He asked Sh. Jibrell to try the case in accordance with the Shari’a law and to distribute the legacy accordingly. It turned out that the man left behind a considerable number of camels, as inheritance. Camels are very important to Somalis and have been, and continue to be, the basic unit of value for most things that matter in that nomadic pastoral context. It took Jibrell some time to try the case and resolve the issues. On the day of his presentation, he called all the important elders and leaders of his area to hear his conclusion and to witness the proceedings together with Sh. Ali. He told the gathering that, simply put, the Islamic Shari’a was very unambiguous in pronouncing appropriate principles and procedures for the law of inheritance and that; in this case, the measures to redistribute the legacy were indeed very simple and straightforward. But, he went on to say that, as he had found out in his extensive consultations, over weeks, with the elders of the heiresses’ jilib, there was also another perspective—the deceased’s own sub-lineage. From an Islamic perspective most of the legacy, if not all—and subject to confirmation, I add—goes to the two daughters, he observed. The heiresses’ clansmen had argued that neither sub-lineage “X†deserves a grant of camels from them at that particular juncture; nor had sub-clan “Y†ever shared their camels with them. (Apparently one of the daughters was married to a member of the sub-lineage (jilib) with whom his jilib was have hostilities at the time; and, the other was married to a member of another, larger sub-clan with whom the girls’ jilib shared a distant common progenitor). Discussion: It is hoped that this “encounterâ€, as I call it, has been a good illustration, vividly demonstrating one situation in which there was a clash between the “primordial tendency†and the “Islamist tendency†in the Somali psyche. The clash as presented in this encounter affects several dimensions of the traditional Somali existence. In addition to its legal implications and its impact on the sense of justice of the society of the day, it had economic ramifications as regards the function of inheritance as a measure of wealth redistribution. Since the decision to administer one way or the other was a measure of social justice, it would have worked as a factor of social and economic discrimination against women, if administered one way rather than the other. The decision in the traditional way, as it were, would have underscored the nature of clan relations in that setup and would have highlighted the ramifications for the benefits of all the actors involved. While threatening to abrogate the rights of the heiresses, to prevent giving away, what is considered, the Jilib’s shared assets to other entities, the traditional way threatened to remove Jibrell of his traditional leadership role within the clan context—the primordial context—if he did otherwise. But in the long term, the precedent would have also functioned as a hidden instrument of social engineering, which would, contrary to the Islamic provision, deny the women folk of the clan their rights to acquire property. Here women are viewed, perhaps, second only to those discriminated groups (the groups we Somalis wrongfully call Sab) who have not been allowed to make wealth in the first place, let alone inherit it. In this respect, the anecdote has lain bare the position into which women have been traditionally relegated throughout the centuries, at least in economic terms, by our primordial element of culture and view of the world. The clash itself was a product of the social and political reality of the day, in as much as it was, immediately, a function of the relations between the kin-based units of the society. Therefore, political rationality in the struggle for power and resources between clans would demand the enforcement of the primordial element here. But Social justice considerations (the technical rationality) naturally favored the Islamist provision over the primordial orientation. Jibrell, it seems was caught in the middle and I leave it to you, my reader, to consider the dilemma which Oday/Sheikh Jibrell had to endure about a century and a half ago. Conclusion: Rather than adding to his influence, the incident presented clear and present danger for the political future of Jibrell in his role as an elder then. It has had far-reaching implications for his likes, since then and for centuries to come, if and when they chose to wear both hats at the same time—waranle as well as a wadaad. It seems that, at least on this occasion, and contrary to the expectation of all, rather than enhancing Jibrell’s effectiveness in his role as a traditional leader, the learning of the new values and techniques in Islam presented new challenges to him and his society. Indeed, it demanded a change of the society’s erstwhile ways of doing things—and a fundamental one at that—one that is striking at the political, economic and social nerve roots of that society of old, which we still have. And most of all, the anecdote illustrates, and I do not need to overemphasize this, the fact that the primordial dimension of our culture—the very original Somali part of it—condones, indeed fosters, the perpetration of injustice to women, as you may have concluded from the above story and its related discussion. The question for me and for all Somalis remains, perhaps looming high afresh, how much has changed since the days of Jibrell, and how much are we willing to change? Abdalla A. Hirad E-Mail:MHirad@aol.com

For I had genuinely expected something, that I can, at least, say to my eager-to-learn students, here is a political thesis, that one should learn from it; particularly, as to how to marshall the facts, and force or conscripts the various nooks and crannies in which the argument seemed to consist of, into a holistic-intact view, and therefore only to arrived at, after much dialectical synthesis(i.e., in comparison with the counter arguments to that of which you are putting forward in your thesis); into the final lap of presenting the logically water-tight conclusions, that one had chisseled away or distilled it away very methodically and systematically, from the recess of the said argument or from said thesis, that hitherto was not apparent to the naked eye or anyone who merely glanced it through with a cursory look. With all due respect Oodwayne, for i respect your ideas and great knowledge of history and world politics, the piece is theoritically well backed for the simple reason that the author illustrates our division and the politics of disintegration from grassroots level. The author gives our current leaders or local agents a new definition for their relative power, ability to amass enough constituency and arrogate a claim on geographical base under their control. The polital elite, that is an interesting definition for the pursuit of power to which some aspire to it and others fight for it if they have it. He futher shows of their adverse effect on us, using type methods. This should blink some light to you , "Type III Methods:competing for and seeking international presence, assistance and/or diplomatic links as a symbol of recognition in the expense of their political adversaries, if not as an instrument for discrediting their rivals, since they tend to attach a high value to foreign sponsorship as an important source of political legitimacy. This mechanism explains the role the foreign pseuds play and their usefulness for those who need their services among the elite." It is a long piece Thanks for your input. Thanks for your input

What will the outcome of this meeting be Makhir?

Good analysis Zaylici. I enjoyed your input

He is a prisoner of his tribe He is a hostage to the devil How can I free my brother? ................................... True

Codetalker, I think the creation and political existance of sub-states have been hampering the reconciliation of Somalis while reinforcing federalism of Somalia into states, even parts seceding. Don't you think that Somaliland campaigns hard to advance the instability of Mogadisho because they see the status quo as their only hope for recognition. Definately, these sub-states are rogue states whose leaders squabble over the spoils of the revenue generating sources they happen to manage so effectively. How many times have you seen discussions about State Formation by some other clans, which i believe that the process to form many other sub-states has already started and will continue to result in at least some new adminstrations. They will perforce increase the balkanization of Somalia into mini mini states. I believe the article is well-backed. His writing contributions seemed to have been predictors of the directions Transitional governments most likely have ended up ever since the collapse of our state.

Originally posted by General Duke: ^^^ MMA you are right to a certain extent howevr the main players are all from the same clan, Mohamed Dheere +Raage Vs Cadani + Shiekh Sharif. ... The same sub clan. That is crazy

Two words: great opinion from a Somali scholar THE TRANSITIONAL FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND THE POLITICS OF DISINTEGRATION IN POST-EMBAGATHI SOMALIA By: Abdalla A. Hirad Sunday, March 19, 2006 Wardheernews

inaa lilaahi wa inaa ileehi raajicuun. Though i haven't known him i know for sure he was one of our people who had worked hard to create an atmosphere of peace and good wlll within his community.

However, clan based systems can be a good catalyst in the transient period of the formation of national government I think if handled it carefully. Puntland has to be competitive I mean, it has to reconsider and re-examine its failures of not delivering its promises, not improving the life standards of its citizens, lacking of being transparent. The author alludes sincerely that Puntland has the resource and the qualified people who are capable of squaring all outstanding issues of the State if the opportunity is given to them. [/QB] Thanks Mansa Musa, It is a great article. Puntland will surely send the signal that a people of common descent cannot even agree to their agreed terms. How will other Somalis in other regions react to what is going on there? The developments up there might breed a political distrust within us. We should learn from the past.

The Writings of Faarax M.J Cawl Faarx M. J Cawl was a very inspiring writer. He wrote many books that are very useful to the history and culture of his country, Somalia. He was a very prolific writer and has been chosen to be one of the members of East African Writers. I happen to locate a list of his books from WorldCat List of Records if you are interested in finding them. Enjoy Ignorance is the enemy of love / Author: Faarax Maxamed Jaamac. Publication: London : Zed Press ; Westport, Conn. : Lawrence Hill, 1982 Document: English : Book Libraries Worldwide: 27 Garbaduubkii gumeysiga / Author: Faarax Maxamed Jaamac. Publication: Muqdishu : Wasaaradda Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare, Akadeemiyaha Dhaqanka, 1978 Document: Somali : Book Libraries Worldwide: 8 Dhibbanaha aan dhalan Author: Faarax Maxamed Jaamac. Publication: Muqdisho : [s.n.], 1989 Document: Somali : Book : Fiction : Microform Libraries Worldwide: 1 Aqoondarro waa u nacab jacayl Author: Faarax Maxamed Jaamac. Publication: Muqdisho : Jamhuuriyadda Dimoqraadiga Soomaaliya, Wasaaradda Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare, 1974 Document: Somali : Book : Fiction : Microform Libraries Worldwide: 1 And Many other books, But the above books can be available if your school has access to WorldCat Link + Database.