Mansa, we need to loose the intricacy of traditional land ownership that symbolizes our views of who belongs where. Every Somali person should feel safe in our collective identity both in regional and national level. In Erigavo, there are land disputes all the time amongst the 4 major clans that share the city. These disputes lead to bloody conflicts but oftentimes the City Committee and elders mediate and strike a compromise btw the two groups in conflict. Even in Las Anod, we have such land disputes whereby a subclan wars with another. In Bossaso the clans that share the city vide to customary laws drafted and implemented from experiences of conflict. The New Bosaso Area, mainly concentrated by the people of Sanaag, a mix of purchased and owned landblocks, is now under heavy development. New houses have been built and the city seems to be expanding to this side.

Waa beel careysan baan u maleynayaa. War hala wanaajiyo reerka.

"Heey Baashi, reykh ya'aan uuk jareeni, rawar nawaagsan ak neek Dubai, naigu ram rohe ya'aan gatey dubai kaalin xil rabi sab ya'aan goojey, kahuu camaanaato xaasiib." Nuune, Can I translate, Baashi kheyr ayaa kuu rajaynayaa, warar wanaagsan ka keen Dubai. Anigu mar hore ayaan tagey Dubai laakin lix beri bes aan joogey. Hakuu macaanaato saaxib" I am not from Kismayo though. I heard Dubai is the best place to be.

"Caamir: You do have a valid point. It's apparent that siyaad is behind the appointment of that position you spoke of. Another proof of the courts beating these warlord thugs on their own game."Jimcaale. warlord thugs? who are they, be specific on their own game? do you mean the past?

Laa xawla walaa quwata. Ilaahaw kuwaan magaca diinta isticmaalaya naga qabo.

"That picture of Hargeysa in the article seems bit to have pictured Hargeysa from the wrong angle" lol, what are you trying to prove? It is better that we reveal the abject condition of our cities instead of the grand looking but few houses of the merchants and government buildings. That road is indeed pretty

Perhaps [tomboy] didn't read that part

I am just stating the reason why the Ethiopian troops intervened. There is no gainsaying that the courts are doing the same thing to expand its military capacity. Personally, I have advocated for political dialogue as oppossed to military action from both sides. However, Aweis is trying to settle old scores btw him and the president despite the fact that the president reiterated that he refrained from his old habits of acheving things through violent means. His actions ever since he was elected president speak for him.

Muraad, . Qoloda Bare Hiiraale waxaa kaga baddan Kismayo Beesha Buula Xaaji iyo Xaliimo Caddey, waxaad ii sheegtaa awooda laga siiyey. In meesha ay ciyaar siyaasad tahey waa iska garaneysaa. Laakinse Dowlad markey jirto waxii differences ah waa la tixgelinayaa

^^ Is it a payback time?

Contrary to how it is portrayed, the Ethiopian troops temporarily intervene to protect the institution of the government when it is under attack, for instance, the event when the courts advanced into Baidabo from few kilometers. The Ethiopian troops, immediately intervened and deterred the courts from possibly capturing the city altho the government could defend itself. The temporary intervention resulted amid negotiations for peacekeeping troops. There was a debate in the Parliament for the deployment of troops which was approved by majority votes. The next event was the attempted assassination of the president. It is obvious that the courts are geared to destroying the government.

There is no doubt the government is heavily armed to defend itself from unprovoked aggressions by the court but will that help the image of the courts? Duke, it is matter of time when these courts start attacking Baidabo. They are just abiding their time and inventing excuses for attack. One of the excuses is the alleged Ethiopian troops inside Somalia. Eritrea, Oromo, and all other foreign military trainers in Somalia are considered brothers by the courts, at least from we read from these boards and the media.

Originally posted by General Duke: ^^^Most of the clan courts is from one clan. The clan of Mogadishu. Outside this you have Turki's clan who are now being brought in slowly, you have Abu Mansoor who is from Bay, but even the Shurra has very few members outside the clan of Mogadishu. For example if we look at the structure of the courts..,Which is centralised, all the top posts are filled by a single clan. The main courts are, Al-furqan, Ifka Xalin, Si-si, Chircoole, Dayniile... All belong to a single clan. Head: Xasan Dahir Aways Deputy: Sharif Ahmed Deputy: Suuley Deputy: A/Raxman Jinagow Security: Yusuf Inda Cade Fiannace: Abdulkadir Abukar Cadaan Foreign affairs chief: Prof Cadow Information: Head of Al-Shabaab: Adan XashiCayrow. All these posts are filled by the clan of Mogadishu, they have delegated some power to Turki's clan in the Juba's as if that area is just theirs. That is why we need Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Kismaayo. A commission that can collect facts of past adminstrative positions , historical events, land and property ownership in the city of Kismayo, as well as, and the input of the elders in that we can resolve the issue of Kismayo, but as long as Colonel Aweeis' clan are using one constituent over the other for their Indirect Rule, Kismayo will maintain its perceived status: A troubled city, part of the Death Triangle regions.

^ in what sense or how bad is their model of reconciliation and reconstruction is?

"Clan matters In Somalia. " It matters not in negative ways but in positive ways. We need the style of the old SYL, whereby its founders concealed their tribal identities from the society while internally they picked the most capable from every major Somali clan. They also understood simply what leadership is. For instance, there are three S characteristics that manifest in leadership: Signal, Symbol, and System. When a leader signals, he articulates a vision, gives it form and life, and reinforce it all by constant repetition. Repeating will instill in everyone a sense of seriousness and confidence as well elevating their level of understanding the message. Symbol is the action the leader demonstrates. Finally, the leader must have a system that sets the guidelines for a set of actions, develops policies, and punish and discourage members from deviating their assigned roles. The SYL were success to our nation. They also saught our independence in a direct action not violantly but peacefully.

Muraad, magaaladaas waxay u baahan tahey in la wada qaybsaddo. Cidna xaq uma laha inay cid kale meesha ka saarto. Hadaad fiiriso Maayaradii soo maray, taariikhdeedi, dadkii u soo halgamey, waxad ogaaneysaa in cid kasto oo Soomali ah ay ku jirto. Marka maxaa hal ama dhowr qabiil oo is bahaystey ay u doonayaan in xoog ku maamulaan magaaladda? Maxkamadaha kama duwana JVA. Ilaa Dowlad Somaaliyeed la hello, waxani way soo soconayaan.

Well they flip flop, right? The article probably dated prior to the reshuffling of the cabinet ministers.

Originally posted by Allamagan: quote: Originally posted by Caamir: "if u live in london, i dare you to cross over, go to a member of abdiqaim's sub-clan, chitchat with him and raise issues about the courts, Somalia, puntland and the future. I will guarentee it will heal you and have a positive impact on your whole thinking."[/qb] What a good advice. lol Ololow ma qof walboo ka soo jeeda qoloda Cabdiqaasim miyaa ah "morally and politically correct". sidee u fikireysaa. ... ma arkinoo! :rolleyes: ani waa arki laakin adiga mahaa sheegee?

Indeed it is a good read.

Thanks Mansa, it was a good read. All the good achievement of "Somaliland" has been depreciated by their pursuit for regional secession. Nevertheless, they have done a great job, a working model to replicate. As far as the land dispute is concerned, local proposed resolution is not viable until we have a government of national union. Tribalism is the most destructive factor in our country involving every aspect of our lives. The people who abandoned their homes will one day return safely and retake their old possessions from illegal occupiers. I recall an old news of a man from Buraan who was locked in land dispute with the locals in Hargeisa. He sustained severe injuries of bruises and fractions after fighting with a whole group.

"it was more of western/Arabian strugle for influence over the horn after these countries gained independence." That could be true but given the current issue, its objective is far from the initial aim of its launch. Its image has deteriorated ever since the civil war, but this has often been an information blood for Somalis , mostly uneducated folks. That is where it inflicts its biggest damage. If we could make alternative or even a competitor like the closed VOA Somali Service once run by Haydra and others when U.S sent peacekeeping forces in 1993, many Somalis would have appreciated of the new balance. That media really balanced despite its short living as many recall.

Altho I abridged the article from its starting point, I find these three options articulated in the form of viable recommendations interesting. By Burci Hamza October 29, 2006 Options for the TFG It is beyond our scope to duplicate policy options that have already been articulated, but we must reiterate the fact that it is in no one’s interest to leave Somalia in a state of eternal oblivion just to fulfill the Ethiopian government’s strategy of obstructing the reconstitution of the Somali state. The TFG with its current composition is perceived as being a government that is entirely dictated by Addis Ababa. It is nowadays referred to as “a feeble and weak government that is protected by Ethiopian troops”. To dispel this perception and subsequently garner the support of the Somali people, the TFG must soberly reflect on what to do next. It must first and foremost recover from this widely held assumption that it is “Ethiopia’s pawn inside its own territory”. It must portray the image of a government that is committed to protecting its territorial integrity and national independence. It must cleanse its cabinet of the elements that have shown overt predilections to Ethiopia’s agenda. The President, with the help of the Parliament must ultimately embark on the establishment of a government of national unity. The TFG must engage all neighbouring states in its efforts to achieve peace and stability in the region. It must build good relations, mutual cooperation and understanding with the government and people of Ethiopia. But the latter must recognize the fact that TFG’s best interests can be served only when the territorial integrity and national unity of Somalia is fully respected. The TFG should reciprocate by acknowledging that peace and tranquility along the common border with Ethiopia is of a strategic importance for both countries. The TFG must accept to pursue serious negotiations with the ICU. It must build on the agreement signed in Khartoum, which calls for the ICU to accept the legitimacy of the TFG, and the TFG to recognize the reality of the existence of the ICU. Options for the ICU The ICU must reconstitute itself to recover from the perception that it is a clan-based movement and that some of its top leaders are connected to Al-Qaeda and that it harbours foreign terrorists, including members wanted by the US for the 1998 US embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. It must also cleanse the movement of any elements that have been previously incriminated for human rights violations and land grabbing by force. Its top priority at this juncture must be the consolidation of peace and the disarmament of militias in Mogadishu and in the areas currently under its control. But over the long term, it should consider to be an important partner in the design and implementation of the Somali post-war recovery plan. ICU is perceived as being a force that has emanated to weaken the fledgling Transitional Federal Institutions and its leadership. To dispel this notion, the ICU must make a better use of its “soft” power of diplomacy to accommodate the Transitional Federal Institutions and not just rely on coercive, “hard” power. It should be very careful not to jeopardize or offend the outcome of Embagathi Peace Process whose fundamental tenets underpin the only hope left for the Somali people. The ICU must be in a position to articulate a vision that resonates with the aspiration of the people of Somalia. It must provide a guiding framework that can help the country stand back on its feet again and embark on post-war peacebuilding and (re)construction. The ICU must forge good relations with the legitimate civil society organizations inside Somalia and in the diaspora. It must recognize the fact that the existence of civil society organizations is a pre-requisite for the enhancement of democratic values. The civil society organizations are the vehicles through which the abusive power of the sate is balanced. Options for the International Community The international community, particularly the International Contact Group should immediately embark on a dialogue with both the moderate and militant groups of the ICU. Professor Ken Menkhaus(5) recently argued, “The best the United States and Ethiopia can do now is to help create conditions that deny the Somali hardliners what they most want — jihad against a threatening external enemy — and force the Islamists instead to face the difficult, mundane, and divisive policy questions of governance. Engaging in everyday politics and administrative responsibilities in Mogadishu and surrounding areas could force the ICU to adopt more moderate and pragmatic policies. If it refuses to adapt, its radicalism will be increasingly exposed, and its local and external opposition will multiply. U.S. policymakers will be tempted to invoke the formulaic call to "empower the moderates" and "marginalize the radicals." We concur with Prof. Menkhaus’ argument that the US should force the ICU to adopt more moderate and pragmatic policies. We do not, however, believe that the “marginalization of the radicals” and the “empowerment of the moderate” would lead to the fragmentation and weakening of the ICU. On the contrary, it will consolidate their coordinated efforts and make them much stronger. Those who follow situation on the ground assert that it is the radical wing of the ICU that currently wields more power. And this being the case, the United States and other members of the International Contact Group must be in favour of undertaking negotiations with both the moderate and the radical groups. Should the US use Ethiopia as its proxy for a military showdown with the ICU, the entire Horn will turn into another quagmire for the US. With the current insurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan, which are becoming increasingly intractable, the US would find itself entangled in another type of insurgencies in the Horn, which would involve all countries of the region and cause further destabilization and engender a devastating humanitarian crisis and a wave of refugee displacements. The International Somali Contact Group should make an attempt to engage the Somali diaspora in shaping the vision of the ICU. And because the diaspora can profoundly affect local politics, Somalis in the diaspora – credible and prominent former political figures, religious and traditional elders, scholars, women, and members of the civil society organizations – can play an important role in shaping the vision of the ICU. They can put forth a set of pragmatic policy options which can help determine the future political choices of the ICU: Adopt a moderate stand and dispel the perceived radical direction purportedly pursued by some of its leaders; co-exist with the government of national unity; consolidate security in Mogadishu in collaboration with the legitimate regional authorities and the central government; accept pragmatic peace-seeking policies by endorsing the outcome of Embagathi Peace Process, which is supported by the neighbouring countries and the international community as a whole; and assist in strengthening the unity and territorial integrity of Somalia. http://www.wardheernews.com/Articles_06/October/29_Ethiopia's_Meddling_Burci_Hamza.html

Allamagan, Isn't the courts org just like "Somaliland" and "Puntland", a grassroots movement? The U.N will recognize the ICU as a "building block" if it establishes state apparatuses ICU should be part of the government and that is the main objective of both sides. They agree on the end to be a one nation under one flag, but they differ on the means to achieve it and ICU indeed recognizes TFG as its government, but some members with parochial attitude and clannish agenda try to create an image favorable to ICU in terms of legitimacy.

"Baaxadda uu walwalkani la eg yahay wuxuu sababey in Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibedda Somaaliland – oo ah gobol oo sannadahaan dambe sameeystey maamul iskiis u taagan uu dhowaan booqasho ku tago Addis Ababa, kana codsado taageero iyo in uu si aad qarsoodi u ah ula kulmo Madaweynaha Dawladda Soomaaliyeed Cabdullahi Yusuf" Poveriera Well-thought out argument about this issue. Kulanka Dahsoon Dhexmarey La iskuma hayo inuu jiro Siyaasad ama Heshiis Qarsoon oo lagu maamulaayey Goboladeenan muddo dheer. Heshiisyadaas qarsoon ee dhaxmarey labada Maamul ee Sland iyo Pland. Shicibka iyo Xisbiyada Mucaaradka midna waxba kama ogeyn. Fulinta heshisyadaas, hadba in yar oo dhaawac baa siyaasadooda gaadheeysay in muddo ah. Bacdamaa la aaminsanaa, shicibku uma fiirsan jirin wexey walaaqayaan illeen wax aan midho dhalineeyn baa loo sheegayey. Maantase, facsharkii ugu weyneyd baa soo baxdey. Waxa la ogaadey in labadan maamul aaney madax-banaaneyn. Labaduba ka amar qaata Dowladda Itoobiya. Diiwankana ugu qoran tahay magacyo qarsoon sida KIILKA 6 aad iyo 7 aad, oo ka tirsan Dowladda Federalka Itoobiya. Ha iga hadho sheekadi raqiiska aheyd ee lagu maawelin jirey shicibka. Somaliya waanu ka go’ney, Etoobiyaa na icitiraaftey, Safiir Etoobiyaan ah baa Hargeysa fadhiya iwm. Waata Shaadirkey huwanaayen laga xayuubiyey Bishii October 14, 06. Goorti Adis-ababa loogu yeedhey, bilaa shuruud baa sadax geesood la isu hor fadhiistey. Dowladdi isu-keentey oo meel ah, Mdne. Cabdullahi Yusuf Mweynaha Somaliya iyo Mdne. Cadullahi Maxamed Ducaale oo ah Wasirka Arimaha Dibada oo ka Wakiil ah Mdne. Daahir Riyaale. Madaxdaas baa la farey iney Ciidamada Sland iyo kuwa Pland ee degaanka Adhi-cadheeye isku hor fadhiya deg deg loo kala qaado (Dabcan awaamiirta Madaxda Sare waa loo hogaansami, ileen Kiilka 6 aad iyo kii 7 aad baanu nahay sida muuqata. Waxaanu dhowrnaa waa dhameystir, bilowgii hanaanka cusub). Aloow, Adaa na abuurtey ceebteena noo astur. Ma tanaa noo dambeysey. Arimahan soo kordhey; hadal heyn-teedu aad bey u badatay, labadii ruux ee meel wada taagan waxay is-weydinyaan su’aalahan. “Maxaa keeney in facsharkani dhaco xilligan xasaasiyaadka leh.” Maxaa loola jeeda in maanta miis la isugu keeno, weliba ciidamo laga wada hadlo. Iyadoo xasuusti qadhaadheyd ee dagaalki dhax marey oon reysan, taaso loo kaashadey wiil iyo abtigi oo la iska hor keeno. Raggi ku hoobtey, dumarkoodi oo gambadii cadeyd diifteedi weli hadhin. Toloow, danta khasabtey in si fudud daaha laga qaado sirta muddada dheer qarsooneyd oo fulinteeda loogu badheedhay maanta. Mar labaad aan isweydiino, suura-gal ma tahay in si fudud loo qanciyo maatadan tabaaleysan ee rafaadkas dheer soo marey. Iyado lagu fahamsiiniyo iskashigan cusub inuu yahay mid lama-huraan ah. Cadow cusubi gondeheeda ka dhashey oo isku khasbey iney is-garabsadaan (waa Sland iyo Pland). CAJIIB! RAGGANI GARASHO XUMAA. Akhristoow, bal adna is-weydi siduu u yiri ninkii jirey “MA’ ANAA WAALAN, MISE CADAN BAA LAGA HEESEYAA”. Haddaan u noqdo su’aalahaas isku soo noq-noqoneya, iskuna dayo in aan saadaal ka dhiibto wararkaas dhiilada xambaarsan. Waxa yaqiin ah, in xasaasiyaad hor leh soo kordhey kana shidaal qaadanaya Kacdoonkaas saameyey GOBOLADA KONFURTA, lana xidhiidha Kacdoonka Islamiga ka curtey Xamar Waxa muuqata Kacdoonkaasi inuu saameyn weyn ku yeeshey Geopolitic-ga Aduunka, jaha-wareer weyn ku ridey Dowladihii Geeska Afrika siiba Itoobiya iyo Kenya ee deris nala ahaa. Kacdoonkaani, muxuu saameyn ku yeelan kara SLand iyo PLand? Jawaabtu: Waa waxba, haddi madax caadil ah oo danta Shicibkooda garaneysa jirto. Hadaan sida kalena u dhigo: Anoo xiganaaya hadalkii ka soo yeedhey rag ku dhow-dhow Xukaamadda SLand. Sida Boqor Cusmaan Maxamuud Buur-madoow oo shir Jaraa-id ku Ic-laaminiyey in Jihaad la galo. Gunaanad: Guud ahaan qorshahan socda, wuxuu noogu muuqda in looga dan leeyahay sidii lagu joojin lahaa ifaalaha cusub ee soo koreysa, ugana imaanaya Beelaha dega Gobolada Togdheer iyo SSC oo mowqifkoodu ka duwanaadey Gobolada Sland iyo PLand. Maalinba maalinta ka dambeysa isu soo dhowaanaya si aan hore loo arki jirin; Isa soo dhowaashahani wuxu cabsi geliyey maamuladan fadhiidka ah, aan cadaadin mooye wax kale ogoon. Qeybta Labaad, waxaanu kaga hadleynaa. SHICIBKA vs MAAMULADAN, iyamaa dalka wax u qabtey? Wa Billahi Towfiiq, Barkhad Ciise Xaqsoor69@yahoo.com Source: Dhahar Online

Nimankan maxay cuneen. Waaweynaa?