The TFG has concrete evidence of its claims for the support of foreign troops. It will succeed in getting foreign troops once and for all. Somalia has been ignored for so many years. It is therefore the right time that we get military and political support from the International community in ending the anarchy. Leaving Somalis to solve their own problems will not help and will deteriorate the situation. The paradox is that we Somalis who have been spilling each other's blood for so many years can solve their own problems. Somalia is a tiny country with the population of one tribe in Kenya alone. It should be rescued and helped from total devastation.

Talipan, brother I sense some misunderstanding of the article by most of the commentators here or they appear to pick minor points. Let me summarize the article and I will try to fairly infuse my ideas there. Some ellipsis are original so beware. First, the article is completely enlightening piece of holistic approach to Somalia’s complex issues. The repetition of the old structures by the old agents using the still same clan-centric political orientation and hegemonic tactics is glaringly visible in “Somaliland” and TFG. Sadly, no one has yet to address and it will be difficult to get rid of the old agents(From Siyad Bare era). Land grabbing has been but the main problem. If every clan had been content with his own territory and not encroach or impose his control on others, we would have had fewer variables for our problems. Seeking land grabbing in the form alliances to hold to national political power aggravates the situation. Therefore, the susceptible and victimized territories (Deep South) will be the resultant host of various military showdowns. The author does not discriminate “strongmen” and their tactics. They use different appellations (warlord, sheikh, regional presidents) that define their explicit goals but hide their implicit objectives of trying to impose their influence and control from top down level—allying with familiar politicians or self-electing members of a clan who could serve their own interest, Ex. two by manipulating inter or intra clan conflicts. Somaliland’s absence from our reconciliation adds complexity to our problem because “Somaliland” is not politically independent (has yet to achieve international recognition) economically not viable (The region is desolate tract and lacks resources, case in point is how its former colony neglected it), and not socially cohesive entity ( Sool and Sanaag populace are predominantly opposed to secession, a population that is 50% of this former geographical protectorate). Coming to the Islamist,there is the “regionalists” group whom I believe are Egypt, Djibouti, and Eritrea who are completely seeking to limit the influence of the Islamists in areas under their control, but Eritrea found itself in the dillema to either support the Islamist or Ethiopia, the latter seems more dangerous than a home grown uprisings by the oppressed Muslims in Eritrea. Since the Islamic courts were victorious over the warlords who threatened their mere survival and existence, (Mind you, the Islamic courts had never said anything against the illegal activities of the warlords for more than 10 years until they were themselves attacked so the Islamic courts and their bases could be eliminated from Mogadisho, they faught with the moral rectitude to defend their right to survive ). The Islamists then started filling the vacuum left by the warlords and became part of the conflict. More importantly is the “Internationalists” Arab countries that are attempting to establish a presence in Somalia and gain political power so they can relocate the movement and install their Islamic ideology and structure across the borders of Somalia, so both the “internationalists” and the “regionalists” are in agreement that the TFG does not be attacked while both groups blame Ethiopia for undue interventions. There is one crucial point the author makes, “But gaining national power does not absolve the Islamists from the need for national reconciliation, because they will inherit the same set of fundamental, active regional conflicts which have so far defied the power of recent rudimentary authorities of Somalia.” In this line, he means the Islamists will still feel the heat within its own ranks and clans who will be opposed to its potential power. For instance, we are already getting first hand experience of the internal wrangling of the Islamist leaders. Aweis who voices his radical points even if that is claiming the Somali territories of Ethiopia and Sheikh Sharif who seems to be a moderate thinker have been contradicting each other’s convictions and positions, and as was reported, they are split along ideological lines of Salifists and Qutbists. But both leaders are united by a common enemy despite their differences and by popular support from the main clans of Mogadisho. There is also the inability of the courts to reach a lasting agreement with the TFG due to the diametrical differences. The Supreme Council of Islamic is a populist oriented group—they appeal to the larger audiences who do not object to anything labeled Islam where as the TFG is a clan based—seeking reconciliation and support. The former is a monolithic---one tribe seems to dominate the movement despite their conciliatory attitude of foreign elements coming in and helping their monopoly to gain political power in the whole of Somalia, whereas the TFG is of pluralist structure—4.5 rule. One has Shariah based ideology whereas the other goes after secular orientation outlook. Cutting the chase, the internal wrangling of the ICU currently personified in the leadership of the Turky, Aweis and Sharif exposes faults if you examine their behaviors. The Muzzling of Turkey after he had made several gaffes that seemed to have undermined the positive gestures of the Islamist shows that Turky is powerless and is there as a cover up. His deafening silence even led for some Somali sites to propagate rumors of his alive or death situation up until he was again given another chance to appear and talk to the media only for confirming that he is still alive and kicking. Solutions of the Author. […even if, somehow, given the opportunity to take its seat in Mogadishu today, the TFG must seek to address the issues of warlordism, “Somaliland”, some inherent regional problems in “Puntland”, the hegemonic occupation of the Deep South, and yes, the new issue of Islamism. These same questions must, therefore, of necessity all be dealt with in a future home grown process for complete reconciliation. The shortest cut to commencing that process lies in an early compromise between those who currently control the Capital and the TFG. Together they may be able to strike a deal with “Somaliland”, free the people of the Deep South from captivity, and, seriously attend to addressing the region-specific conflicts in the national fracture points such as Kismayo, Mogadishu, Galkayo, Erigavo and Ainabo. That option will also avoid further war and turmoil which had their toll far too long on the people of the Somali Republic. Other issues involve the question of the minorities which the 4.5 formula sweeps under the rug in terms of equitable representation. Other questions which may be of long term significance include the discrimination against the segregated groups. The Jareers segregation borders on racism. These issues are initially significant in as much as a national declaration could be adopted to be used as a basis for future legislation against the behavior of discrimination in all its forms. Finally, those advocating Islamism must realize that the national political experience of the people is past the age when raw ideology and naked power could resuscitate the State. The people have had first hand experience of these elements in the socialist regime of President Bare—the last effective government anyone can remember for that matter—but which could not survive its imposed structure and proclaimed ideology. They must also bear responsibility for the consequences to the Faith which has hitherto been the strongest bond among all Somalis as a nation. Furthermore, a regime such as the one the Islamists—at least the “internationalist” wing of the current group—promises can only threaten the security of the region which might, in return, bring about drastic actions from the international community, which can and will only and surely have dire, future consequences for the Republic and its people.""

I totally agree with # 5 if that is going to satisfy all Somalis.

^He hasn't used that [terrorist] word and it is wrong to characterize Somalis as such. I personally have never employed that term but certain persons have this resounding fear of the word to be labeled against the group their loyalty lies with them. But it is true that the Islamic courts is a budding flower of the Al-Itihaad Al Islami. Nothing was wrong with that group also except being unsuccessful with its stated objectives of the past--a subtle and cautious approach to taking over the country and turning it into Islamic state. I, however, agree with Xiin for the factors that led to the courts' rise in wresting the control from the warlords who indeed worked with Ethiopia and the United States in hunting down alleged terrorist individuals. I have even heard a story on how the warlords harboured an intelligent empathy for secret agents by arresting arbitrarily regular persons and keeping them in custody for quite long to grow their beards until it is held in fist so that they can be turned over to secret agents of CIA in exchange of $$$. The warlords were eminently practical men who were doing their business, but it got intrusive when they attempted to fight the Islamic courts. Those seeking peace, I think, the author is refering to the International community.

NSPU 2006 Conference on Peace and Somali Unity Wardheernews:-On Saturday December 2, 2006 a conference took place in Washington DC organized by NSPU (Northern Somalis for Peace and Unity). This meeting which was held at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) brought together Somali scholars, academics and elders as well as concerned Somalis citizens from all over the world. Attendees traveled from Somalia, Canada, and many other states. In an interview with WardheerNews, Gamal Hassan, the communication & public relations director of the NSPU said “the overriding objective of the conference was to unify the voices of the Diaspora Somali community to lobby for peace, unity and positively support the renewed attention given to Somalia by the rest of the world. Mr. Gamal Hassan stated that “the main objective of the conference was to strengthen unity sentiments and territorial integrity of the motherland and forge ahead with the international and national attention on the crises that are currently engulfing the country. Dr. Ali Abdirahman who was the key note speaker of the conference highlighted the significance of unity vs. secession. Dr Ali has stated that the interest of Somalia rests in unity. He called a platen lie on the idea that Somaliland and its residents are all behind the secession agenda. Dr Hersi called the efforts of those who promote the secession policy as “been fakatay”. He called the Somalis from the north and elsewhere who have vested interest in unity to put the facts straight and let the world know that “we are for unity”. The conference brought together a diverse group of Somalis who came together on the basis of unity and peace for all Somalis. Dr. Ali Bahar and Hamud Maasheeye also discussed the importance of upholding the cause of unity, and the erroneous assumptions of secession. Dr. Bahar said “ for years our country has been hijacked by sectarian violence, secessionists and worlordism and the time has come to pass the stage of whispering nationalist” . Eng. Kamal A Hamud, the organizing committee chairman told wardheerNews that the conference highlighted the voices of unionist that has been missing from the political discussions toward northern Somalia. Kamal stated that he is very pleased the overall success of the conference and they plan the movement to be strengthen and continued. The conference consisted of the flowing panel discussions: Territorial Integrity and Challenges to Unity Unity vs. Secession: The case of the Northern Somalia Governance and Institutional Building Current Affairs: The rise of The Islamic Courts. Media organizations such as the BBC Somali service, Voice of America and WardheerNews were present to cover the conference. The conference drew to conclusion with a renewed message of hope and unity for all Somalis. WardheerNews ------------------------

Originally posted by xiinfaniin: Historically there were incidents where communities, who count themselves as an extended family of Puntland, were wrongly occupied and military defeated. Kismayo is a good example of that. There you find people who endured hardships brought by the civil war in a different forms and names. Clannish wishes aside, Puntland couldn’t do much to their fate. Good point! Xiin, I agree with your points that the invitation of Ethiopian troops into Puntland territory was totally unnecessary but if that is a precautionary measure taken by the Puntland president to protect the city from harm by the maruading Islamist, why not be it. You implied somewhere that the Islamist are not that powerful and may be in close ranks with the secessionist, thus Puntland could defend itself if the Islamist array their troops for battle. The courts's military composition I believe has foreign elements from neighboring countries and even abroad. Anyway, Good debate there and May Allah bring peace to Somalia.

A. Hirad is confused as ever. He forgets conveniently that Courts is a phenomenon brought by Western interference and steady Ethiopian intrusion! His analysis has never been holistic! To be fair he does well dissecting secessionist policies but when it comes to the [edit]big picture his take of things gets blurry. No body is using religion as a political tool. Religion happens to be Islamist’s platform. Majority of Somalis agree with a political platform that’s based on religion. Unfortunately he seems to fail to make that link and see a particular clan in this movement! These are terms he employs : populist ==UIC monolithic==UIC Shari'a based ideaology---UIC Vs pluralist structure--TFG secular orientation outlook==TFG clan-based==TFG Xinfanin, do you gree that? Btw, How these diametrical differences will reconcile each other is beyond my thinking. Their resolve will be to war.

The hegemonic occupation of these regions has never been addressed consistently but sure things will change and people will realize their dreams of once again be the master of their territories just like Bay and Bakool did.

I don't think the government should go to Mogadisho for the search for a viable solution to Somalia. It can however secure the occupied territories of Merka and all these areas of the Deap South. I believe their moral fortitude in defending a territory they so occupy with martial law will bolster any defensive determination they may have. It resembles pretty much Kismayo, which is a metropolitan city in which everyone who lives has much proportional rights as the other one, regardless of when you arrived there. For instance, there is no doubt that Kismayo has a potential that needs to be tapped and the only way to tap this bursting fountain of potential is to be fair and fortitude about it. This means, every clan should have his or her equal share of a whatever is in that chunky stew pot. Lower Shabele is no exception. But as long as we have the warlord agent in the process, solution of the Lower Shabele or the whole Deap South will not be realized does sit well with me. We all know that these warlords like Indha Ade don't operate in a vacuum and they are true reflection of their clans. Who gives the manpower and money to these warlords? Who do they feed from when they want points to rally from? They deal the clan card from the bottom of the deck where they depend both ideas and what have you on and from us--the average "maryooley". Let us admit, these warlords are true reflections of the so called Islamist and until the government, TFG, wrest the responsibility-leash from them, we are in the same rudderless boat.

The onslaught of the so-called Islamist movement, currently personified in the leadership of Mr. Hassan Dahir Aweys, Sh. Sharif Ahmed, Ayrow and Hassan Turky, is but an opportunity for these new strongmen to fill the power vacuum, initially in the Capital. It represents a smart, if ambitious and, perhaps, a naïve, attempt to use Islam as a political ideology and a springboard for creating a national political movement and organization—components, indeed, missing in the processes of political reconciliation in the past. Smart? Yes. Not so fast, though! Because, in their attempt to fill the vacuum in all these respects, they have also become a party to the conflict, and have put Islam—the most sacred institution the nation shares—in the center of issues that may divide the nation yet again for decades to come. In the meantime, many Somalis of average intelligence who have become disillusioned with Somali politics and processes of reconciliation in the recent past, and who have the inclination to endorse anything labeled “Islamic” are in support of the Islamists. In addition, some highly educated Somalis have warmed up to the initiative of the Islamists—some mainly because they may have naively perceived an opportunity for this movement to succeed as a nationally unifying one. But there are also opportunist politicians only using it to oppose the TFG or other regional, personal or clan entities. The Islamists have also been obtaining support from a host of countries in the region opposed to Ethiopia’s influence with the TFG or from other parts of the world in protest of what they perceive to be the Bush Administration’s policies towards the Middle East. I share this concern with the author that Islam which was the only recourse to our inner problems is being placed in jeapordy and may divide our people, further prolonging our clan conflicts and mistrust. I personally witnessed events in which individuals putting a new slant on the rise of Islamism in the south without addressing the hegemonic occupation of the Lower Shabele and Middle Shabele. There appears to be unquestioned assumption that the phenemenon is a sight for sore eyes for many our people despite the externalities that the very religion that united us for all these painful years will most likely come to haunt us. Some cities like Merka are growing increasingly restive of the strict rules of the Islamist in intruding their basic freedoms on top of the occupation, and they might in the process aggravate the mulilayered issues and impinge on the people's implicit faith in their religion. What you guys think?

Although the Islamist is another factor in terms of Somalia's political divisions, he ignores the fact that the Islamist replaced the warlords therefore creating fewer variables as Xiinfanin claims to Somalia's problem. But he emphasizes the search for solution for all these variables, regional adminstrations, the Islamist, TFG and main-city problems like Kismayo. It is well written piece and it goes beyond the Islamist as the title might mislead us to grasp that way.

ISLAMISM AS A POLITICAL TOOL IN SOMALIA: Another Road Pump to Reconciliation? A. Hirad The takeover of the Al-itihad al-Islami of Mugadishu in June, 2006, and later expansion of its control over much of the south, has been but a great frustration for those seeking peace and reconciliation in Somalia. Warlordism, the question of “Somaliland”, the occupation and hegemonic control of parts of the deep south of Somalia by marauding militia from the central regions of the country have been the main obstacles to peace and reconciliation since the collapse of government in 1991. Not to mention that none of these phenomena have ever been seriously addressed, if at all, in those 14-plus so-called reconciliation conferences that the nation witnessed over the last 16 years. Rather, these issues had to be left for the ensuing authority to deal with, as if these were not some of the essential road blocks to social and political reconciliation in Somalia, and which had to be resolved as a matter of priority, if an effective national government had to be restored. For instance, all these questions have only lingered on to haunt the current Transitional Federal Government (TFG), as they did the previous Transitional National Government (TNG). All these issues have been but products of the particular brand of political elitism in Somalia, which, lacking political ideology, political organizations, political structure or even programs, tends to seek power and maintain it through the use of clanism. For political purposes, clanism involves the setting of clan(s) against clans for land grabbing and hegemonic control, with a view to attaining or holding to national political power. These political maneuvers have been driven and masterminded by strongmen, dubbed “warlords”, “faction leaders”, or, sometimes, regional “Presidents”, such as you have in “Somaliland” and “Puntland, exploiting intra and inter-clan conflicts”. The TFG is only a product of the temporary meeting of minds between those strong men, or the lack of it, as we have witnessed in the Embagathi process or since the resultant inception of the TFG, in the fall of 2004. “Somaliland”, interestingly, contributed to the failure by staying absent. Essentially though, the failure of those reconciliation efforts has been inherent in the processes which sought to bring them about. Those so-called processes were marred by a host of counterproductive elements and issues. 1. Those processes or conferences have invariably sought reconciliation between individuals and personalities deemed to symbolize regional or clan entities, as ugly as the latter may sound. Those same strongmen have decided who participates in those conferences—invariably held in foreign capitals—in the name of clan representation. Thus, the solution has too often been sought from men who have themselves been part of the problem. 2. Those processes have all but sought to impose national government from the top down without due regard to the political, constitutional, institutional and structural issues which brought about the ongoing process of state disintegration and absence of government. 3. In addition to those causative factors, these processes have often ignored the contemporary political and social realities; and have, at least temporarily, swept the prevailing problems and obstacles under the carpet. The question of “Somaliland”, warlordism, and regional clan hegemony have been but some of those. Not to mention again that the ensuing authorities have invariably been but a product of the same political culture, structure and agents of the failed past of the Republic. Hence, there have only been efforts at re-animating the past rather than seeking solutions to avoid the repetition of the things of the past. Both the Arta Conference of 2000 and the Embagathi Conference of 2002-2004 have been but a perfect example of this re-animation of the things of the past. 4. As one among these phenomena and a product of the process of disintegration, the “Somaliland” edifice contributes to this failure in two ways. (a) It seeks to flee the scene of disintegration, thus denying the nation an opportunity for complete reintegration. Not that it can stand as a politically independent, economically viable or socially cohesive entity, as its advocates claim. (b) It also seeks to reinstall the same structures of old by the political agents of the past—with all its clan-centric political orientations and hegemonic tactics. It has, therefore, been a major obstacle to national reconciliation. 5. The lack of political organizations and a socially sensitive, principled grass roots movement(s) to reconstitute government in Somalia, as an attempt to remove and replace all of the above factors has often been ignored as a reality; and voices to bring this to the fore have often been suppressed by those forces who have had a vested interest in the past and its begotten current dynamics. The onslaught of the so-called Islamist movement, currently personified in the leadership of Mr. Hassan Dahir Aweys, Sh. Sharif Ahmed, Ayrow and Hassan Turky, is but an opportunity for these new strongmen to fill the power vacuum, initially in the Capital. It represents a smart, if ambitious and, perhaps, a naïve, attempt to use Islam as a political ideology and a springboard for creating a national political movement and organization—components, indeed, missing in the processes of political reconciliation in the past. Smart? Yes. Not so fast, though! Because, in their attempt to fill the vacuum in all these respects, they have also become a party to the conflict, and have put Islam—the most sacred institution the nation shares—in the center of issues that may divide the nation yet again for decades to come. In the meantime, many Somalis of average intelligence who have become disillusioned with Somali politics and processes of reconciliation in the recent past, and who have the inclination to endorse anything labeled “Islamic” are in support of the Islamists. In addition, some highly educated Somalis have warmed up to the initiative of the Islamists—some mainly because they may have naively perceived an opportunity for this movement to succeed as a nationally unifying one. But there are also opportunist politicians only using it to oppose the TFG or other regional, personal or clan entities. The Islamists have also been obtaining support from a host of countries in the region opposed to Ethiopia’s influence with the TFG or from other parts of the world in protest of what they perceive to be the Bush Administration’s policies towards the Middle East. The very failure of these few men’s strategy to use Islam as a stepping stone to power and control is, first and foremost, inherent in the issues which define their (Islamists) inability to reach a truce with the TFG, not to say that the onslaught of the Islamists has also further divided an already disjointed TFG camp for various—some of them obvious—reasons. Main among these issues are (a) the mismatch of their Shari’a based ideology with the secular orientation outlook of the TFG and (b) the mismatch of their populist oriented, monolithic structure, with the clan based, oddly pluralist structure of the TFG. Needless to emphasize that their structure and ideology will remain two important litmus tests beyond their short encounter with the TFG, if we come to believe that these men mean business in reconstituting Somalia’s future government. Internal political wrangling between the main personalities seem also to be a factor in their failure to reach an agreement with the TFG—not to say that the TFG does not have differences within its folds. However, the differences within the Islamists camp reaches far enough as to reflect differences in their objectives and strategies to attain and maintain national power beyond their agreement, or lack of it, with the TFG. Spin doctors who claim to be privy to the things going within the monolithic framework of the Islamists categorize the leadership into: (a) “internationalists”, for lack of a better word, who seek to gain power immediately within Somalia, and then immediately transport the movement across the borders to install their Islamist structure and ideology in the Somali inhabited parts of the neighboring countries; (b) “regionalists”, who are seeking to initially limit their influence to those parts already under their control, and use that as a chip to enhance their negotiating power with the TFG. Hence, this also affects their war objectives and strategies. For example, those labeled “internationalists” would not have hesitated to send their troops to Baidoa and beyond, while the “regionalists” would maximize on obtaining political offices within the existing Transitional Federal Institutions; hence, they would rather advocate that Baidoa, the seat of the Transitional Federal Government, does not be attacked. In the meantime, there is agreement between both sides on blaming Ethiopia for undue intervention and bringing about pressure from Arab and Islamic countries to bear on the TFG. But gaining national power does not absolve the Islamists from the need for national reconciliation, because they will inherit the same set of fundamental, active regional conflicts which have so far defied the power of recent rudimentary authorities of Somalia. Whatever the result of the ongoing contention between the TFG and the Islamists, the sad fact remains that Islam will have become a new factor of division for the nation and the Islamists will have become an additional party to the political conflict, at least at the regional level, if not at the national level—regional such as is the one of “Somaliland” and “Puntland”. So, there is no wining opportunity for the TFG either, because there will, at a minimum, be one more region controlled by the Islamists with their ideological and structural mismatches, if nothing else. Furthermore, even if, somehow, given the opportunity to take its seat in Mogadishu today, the TFG must seek to address the issues of warlordism, “Somaliland”, some inherent regional problems in “Puntland”, the hegemonic occupation of the Deep South, and yes, the new issue of Islamism. These same questions must, therefore, of necessity all be dealt with in a future home grown process for complete reconciliation. The shortest cut to commencing that process lies in an early compromise between those who currently control the Capital and the TFG. Together they may be able to strike a deal with “Somaliland”, free the people of the Deep South from captivity, and, seriously attend to addressing the region-specific conflicts in the national fracture points such as Kismayo, Mogadishu, Galkayo, Erigavo and Ainabo. That option will also avoid further war and turmoil which had their toll far too long on the people of the Somali Republic. Other issues involve the question of the minorities which the 4.5 formula sweeps under the rug in terms of equitable representation. Other questions which may be of long term significance include the discrimination against the segregated groups. The Jareers segregation borders on racism. These issues are initially significant in as much as a national declaration could be adopted to be used as a basis for future legislation against the behavior of discrimination in all its forms. Finally, those advocating Islamism must realize that the national political experience of the people is past the age when raw ideology and naked power could resuscitate the State. The people have had first hand experience of these elements in the socialist regime of President Bare—the last effective government anyone can remember for that matter—but which could not survive its imposed structure and proclaimed ideology. They must also bear responsibility for the consequences to the Faith which has hitherto been the strongest bond among all Somalis as a nation. Furthermore, a regime such as the one the Islamists—at least the “internationalist” wing of the current group—promises can only threaten the security of the region which might, in return, bring about drastic actions from the international community, which can and will only and surely have dire, future consequences for the Republic and its people. Abdalla Hirad MHirad@aol.com

NSPU Conference Stirs up a Hornet’s Nest By Mohsin Mahad December 06,2006 The conference held in Washington on Saturday 2 December and organized by the “Northern Somalis for Peace and Unity” (NSPU) has predictably stirred up a hornet’s nest in the secessionist camp and more so enraged their foremost bastion – the Somaliland Policy and Reconstruction institute (SOPRI). In a press release published in the secessionist websites on the eve of the conference, and under the title “Exercise in Fantasy,” SOPRI has launched a rearguard action and churned out its well-worn and hackneyed secessionist mantra, aiming to nip the conference in the bud and thereby blunt its impact. If any of the parties is engaged in an “exercise of fantasy”, it is surely SOPRI and not NSPU. The readers can judge for themselves on the basis of the following quoted extracts from SOPRI’s press release: “Somaliland’s independence ….is in conformity with the AU principle of the inviolability of the territorial integrity inherited from colonialism…” The principles of the inviolability of borders and territorial integrity, as enshrined in the OAU/AU charters, are applicable to former colonies that gained independence and thereafter retained their independence. For such countries, who became members of the OAU/AU/UN, their inherited colonial borders are inviolable. Those principles however do not apply to former British Somaliland, or the former Somaliland that had independence for a couple of days in June 1960. This is for the simple reason that former independent Somaliland had, of its own free will, gave up its independence and separate existence when it joined former Italian Somaliland and became part of the united Somali Republic. It Somalia, and not former British Somaliland or former independent Somaliland, whose borders and territorial integrity are recognized by the OAU, AU, UN and all other international and regional Organizations. Except for the secessionists, no one else will ever question the fact that former British Somaliland or former independent Somaliland had ceased to exist as a separate entity. It goes without saying that a territorial entity that does not legally exist by national or international law has no recognized borders and hence can not claim the relevant AU articles or principles relating to the inviolability of borders and territorial integrity. If these principles are applicable to the secessionist enclave around Hargeisa, as SOPRI claims, the AU and the rest of the international community would have recognized its independence long time ago. The reason why they did not do so after all these years speaks for itself. SOPRI and fellow separatists would rather close their eyes and minds to the reality and instead continue to indulge in futile make-believes and fantasies. “Somaliland’s independence is legal” This is another fantasy not different from the statement in the preceding section . The fact that the secessionists have unilaterally bestowed ‘legality” upon their secession does in no way confer international legitimacy on them.. The people of Somaliland refuse to be linked to, and have nothing to do with the borders inherited from Italian colonialism. The memories of the secessionists are short or selective. Obviously, they want to close their minds to certain uncomfortable historical facts. But the rest of us ARE not suffering from amnesia and have not forgotten that it was the people and government of former independent Somaliland who freely initiated the union with former Italian Somaliland. If some sections of that population now want to put the clock back and reclaim their separation from the rest of Somalia, they would need to be reminded that neither Somalia nor the AU nor the UN nor the rest of the international community will countenance or sanction clan or regional secessions.. Having learned from their bitter experiences with the secessions of Biafra and Katanga, Africa and its regional organizations see any secession as only opening a Pandora Box that would de-stabilize its fragile member countries in the continent.. The secessionist could only achieve separation if, and only if, such an act is approved by a truly national and representative Somali government and then overwhelmingly endorsed by the Somali people in a national referendum in the country as a whole - a probability which is as remote as the dead coming back to life. Somaliland’s independence was adopted unanimously in a nationwide referendum This is one of the oft-repeated lies spread around the world for the purpose of hoodwinking international opinion. The so-called referendum was conducted in the limited areas under the control of the administration based in Hargeisa. Close to half of the geographical area of former British Somaliland, comprising the regions of Sool, Eastern Sanaag and Cayn had nothing to do with this treacherous act. Little participation also took place among the Issa clan area bordering Djibouti and only some of the Awdalites in the West did so under duress. It is not as if these facts are not known to SOPRI and its followers. Rather, denial of the facts - a form self-delusion - and the dissemination of disinformation are key pillars in their secessionist strategy. “There is zero (repeat) zero constituency for unionism in the country”. As mentioned in the preceding section, the totality of the people in the Sool, Eastern Sanaag and Cayn regions are solidly committed to Somali unity as do the Issa clan and the majority of Awdalites. Even within the secessionist heartland, support for the secession is far from being unanimous. Once again, these facts count for nothing for those, like SOPRI, who prefer to live in a world of make-belief and who in the end come to believe their own fantasies. “The chance of the Somali state coming back to life as remote as the Ottoman Empire coming back to existence”. The inappropriate analogy drawn between the end of an empire, and the temporary absence of a Somali state only reflects another fantasy, and the nefarious wish of the secessionists to see Somalia remain stateless forever for the benefit of their recognition. Despite the bitter and long-enduring national strife – initially clan-based but subsequently perpetrated by the warlords in their fiefdoms for their personal gain - Somali unity has at no time been questioned anywhere in Somalia, North or South, except in the secessionist enclave around Hargeisa. The Somali state may be temporarily dysfunctional or defunct as some may prefer to call it, but Somali unity is alive and becoming increasingly vibrant thanks to the advent of the Islamic movement. The revival of the Somali State is not a mirage as the secessionist would wish. Sooner or later, it is as sure to emerge as day follows night. All it requires is the establishment of a truly representative national government and that is on the horizon, a prospect dreaded only by two sides -: needless to say Ethiopia and the separatists like SOPRI. A civil war with catastrophic consequences is looming in the horizon [between] the forces of the Islamic Court Union (ICU) and Baidabo on the other. The secessionists have cherished the Somali strife in the hope that this would benefit their recognition. They had fully exploited the mayhem caused by the warlord’s rein of terror in Mogadishu and Southern Somalia. Now that the warlords have been chased away, the secessionists are once again banking on another strife or civil war- this time between the ICU and the clique based in Baidhaba. A civil war in Somalia would entail by definition a national strife engulfing most of the country and fought along clan, ethnic or regional lines. None of that exist, or will happen in Somalia. Contrary to the wishful thinking of the secessionists, there will be no war between the ICU and the clique in Baidabo. What may happen instead is a war between Somalia and an Ethiopia that is determined to keep its puppets in Baidhabo in power. Almost all the Somalis, less the secessionists, are united in defending their country and chasing the Ethiopians and their lackeys from Somali soil. "Any effort for reunification will spark a bloody confrontation of unprecedented proportion." SOPRI’s blood curdling predictions are only meant for the international audience and are unlikely to materialize. The support for Somali unity has never wavered in most parts of the North West region. At a time when Islam and Somali nationalism had conquered Southern Somalia and are spreading throughout the rest of the country, not least in the North West region support for Somali unity is likely to spread to the whole North West region. This wind of change, rooted in Islam and Somali nationalism, can only win hearts and minds and serve as an antidote to the secessionists’ siege mentality - except perhaps those diehards among the Diaspora who from their safe distance in the USA or elsewhere choose to be hooked to the secession cause at any price. Conclusion The Northern Somalis for Peace and Unity (NSPU) is to be commended for organizing this successful conference. Some may lament the fact that the northern unionists, as organizations or individuals, are somewhat tardy with their initiative, having by default allowed SOPRI and its secessionist associates to have the field all to themselves during all these years, and to spread disinformation throughout the world unchallenged. But it is better late than never. Now that the nationalists/unionists from Northern Somalia have risen to the challenge, their initiative can only trigger an unstoppable chain reaction. Rather than being “an exercise in fantasy”, as SOPRI claims, this conference would have on the contrary achieved two important objectives: firstly, the message of the conference, and in particular the views of its prominent participants, have been broadcast over the BBC Somali Serve and disseminated in the internet. This will undoubtedly serve as catalyst to rally to the unity cause millions in Somalia, in particular in the North West region. And equally importantly, this conference, and those that will follow it, will debunk the secessionist lies and propaganda - still maintained by SOPRI - that population in the North West region as a whole fully support the secession. Much as they are on opposite poles on the politics of Somalia and the North-West region, yet NSPU and SOPRI do at least share one common destiny: They will both close shops on the day Somalia’s national unity is restored- a prospect only doubted by cynics and secessionists . For NSPU, on that day, it will be a happy occasion of “mission accomplished”. For SOPRI, it is the end of the road though they still have the consolation to indulge in their delusions and fantasies – an exercise in futility? Yes By Mohsin Mahad Email:Mohsinmahad@yahoo.co.uk

Jaylani, If you need to read more about the history of the union, read this article “SOMALILAND”: THE MYTHOLOGY DISPELLED, Calling the Spade a Spade, Part II: The Evidence By Abdalla A. Hirad There is no secessionist scholar that could argue against that article. In other words, I have yet to see a rebuttal of that article. In the first of 3 Parts paper, written by Abdalla, the first one took three rejoinders of emotionally charged but none could forward his final rebuttal on the final Part. Don't just parrot, learn from the old folks.

Great pictures.

We, the Unionists of Northern Somalia (UNS) and the Northern Somalis for Peace and Unity (NSPU), wish to convey and share with the US Government, with the foreign participants in this week’s “Somaliland” convention in Virginia, and with the international community at large that the existence of the self-styled secessionists’ enclave of “Somaliland” is based on a number of fallacies and fabrications, including: 1. That: the people of northern Somalia—“ Somaliland” in their terms—are united on seceding from the rest of Somalia. On the contrary, many communities in the region are, indeed, opposed to the sentiment of secession. In fact, the region is adequately represented in the TFG under the 4.5-formula for power sharing in those Federal Institutions, now based in Baidoa. 2. That: the decision to secede was taken in a meeting held in Burao, one of the major towns in the region, in May, 1991. Indeed, the meeting was haphazardly held and the decision was taken on the spur of the moment when the SNM militia all of a sudden started saber rattling in a mob like atmosphere, forcefully calling for the separation of the region. 3. That: elections were subsequently held for the local governments, parliament and the president in a democratic way. On the contrary, those elections were held in the triangle between Hargeisa, Burao and Berbera, if at all. Especially, communities in the east—those in Sool and Sanaag - had declined to participate in any such elections. There may be a few individuals from those communities, who do not necessarily represent the people they claim to represent and who serve in the secessionist administration of Hargeisa. Some such individuals are now participating in this Conference, as a ploy to show the world a false unanimity of the people of the North on the secession. 4. That: “ Somaliland”, as a State, pre-existed the Act of Union of July 1, 1960 of the Somali Republic and that, on such baseless grounds, “ Somaliland” ought to be recognized by the international community. No “ Somaliland’ State existed before the Act of Union. It is ironic that the secessionists are holding their Conference in the backyard of the Federal Institutions of the United States of America to lobby the American Government. What a big, fat fabrication! We, the Unionists of the North of Somalia wish to inform the world that, for sixteen years—since the collapse of Barre’s government—we have tolerated the existence of this misleading notion in the hope that such a mythology as the secession would in the end crumble under its weight, since our people are not united under its banner. On the contrary, the secessionists have also waited in the hope that the rest of Somalia would disintegrate so that the world would recognize their so-called sovereignty. The unionists of the North have now come out to begin to organize themselves and to rally around the cause of unity with their brethren elsewhere in Somalia. The unionists further call upon the secessionist leadership in the North to start considering meaningful reconciliation, and dialogue between the communities in the North and with their Somali brethren elsewhere. The unionists of the North also call on the International community to continue to uphold the national unity and territorial integrity of the Somali Republic. Note: For complete documentation of ‘Somaliland’s’ blatant lies and fabrications (cited above), which are in complete variance with historical facts surrounding the independence of British Somaliland and its immediate union with Italian Somaliland as well as with today’s reality on the ground, please refer to NSPU publication of “Illusory Somaliland: Setting the Record Straight” Old Press Release.

BBC Interview by James Butty , VOA Somalia: Diaspora Group Hold Peace and Unity Conference By James Butty Washington, D.C. 04 December 2006 Butty interview with Hamud and Roble There are reports Somalia's transitional government Sunday sent hundreds of troops backed by Ethiopian soldiers to recapture the strategic southern town of Dinsor, seized Saturday by the country's powerful Islamic movement. With the seizure of Dinsor, military sources said the Islamic Courts Union has now effectively surrounded the weak transitional government in its fortified base in Baidoa. Here in Washington, a group calling itself Northern Somalis for Peace and Unity held a conference over the weekend to discuss peace and unity in their country. Yasmin Hamud, one of the conference conveners discussed the purpose of the conference. “We believe that the Somali problem will only be dealt with within the framework of holistic and strategic approach aimed at the empowerment of a central government to rebuild national democratic government and institutions and restore law and order in the country. We want to lobby the Bush administration and the American government for the problems that they have ignored for the past 15 years in Somalia,” she said. Ms. Hamud said the group also wants to bring all Somalis together and create a movement to preserve the integrity of the country as well as keep out what she called the chaos and mishap happening there. Faisal Roble, another convener of the Northern Somalis for Peace and Unity conference, said the group wants to engage both sides in the Somalia conflict. “We don’t support anyone in particular. However, we are calling for the resumption of the Khartoum talks. We want to engage both sides to put their differences aside and come to the table in the form of power sharing. In fact, we are calling on the U.S. as part of our resolution at the end of the conference to ensure that talks have been resumed and engagement of both sides be carried out by the US government and other bilateral countries,” Roble said. Ms. Hamud said her group is against any outside interference in Somalia, especially Ethiopia. “Considering our history with Ethiopia especially, and the fact that they do have a vested interest in Somalia, that we have been at war with them in the past, we don’t think that Ethiopia should be one of the first countries that should get involved with our issues and with bringing peace and unity within the various governments of Somalia. We do, however, encourage the American government to stop ignoring the situation in Somalia and to lend a hand to the situation because it has been ignoring Somalia for 15 years, “ Ms. Hamud said. Roble said Ethiopia’s involvement in Somalia might encourage the Islamists to resort to terrorist methods as has been alleged by some. “They want, and in fact it would be to their advantage for Ethiopia to interfere in Somalia affairs simply because of the fact that historically, Ethiopia has been a neighboring enemy of Somalia,” Roble said.

Bambo, and ICU sympathizers, let Paragon and Xiinfaniin, do the talks for you guys. I swear you can't argue rationally except resorting to name calling and barbaric thoughts.

Originally posted by General Duke: interview with deputy ambasador to UN.. Listening to the Interview, the deputy ambasador said that resolution was braught forward IGAD, EU and AU and they agreed to send peacekeeping troops to Somalia. African troups would probably be sent from Congo, Tanzania, Ghana in the initial phase, and then IGAD countries. This resolution was the initial proposal of IGAD Security Council , under the auspices of Qatar, reached on the decision to send the peace keeping troops. The interviewer asked a much-needed question about the demonstration that took place Mogadisho. His response was that demonstrations didn't take place, Bosaaso, Gedo, Kismayo, Baidabo, Galkacyo, etc. 54 African presidents agreed to send troops. Final decision is yet to be reached but it is more likely that they will.

Erigavo wedding parade in honor of Fu'ad and Sahra. Too large for the windowMore on Al-Mado Pictures

Beautiful, keep the hard work.

Indeed, Bossaso is a success story.

New Pictures from a cousin who recently visited Puntland

Little Offtopic: King, In the Hot Zone, the Shadow Company, a military-for-hire organization was intriguing to watch its history and scope of military activities. As the documentary says, it was founded after Rhodesia that is when Zimbabwe took independence. They then joined the SA defense forces and after Mandela became the president, they formed this Shadow Company with Executive Outcomes. Their first success was in Sierra Leone, when rebel forces Revolutionary United Front took over that country through force. What is interesting about it was the ousted president's resolve to calling for help of the Executive Outcome plan. It says, "Over a period of 18 months, Executive Outcomes forced a 15000 strong rebel force to the bargaining table", thus achieving their limited objective. They are also involved in the Iraq war.

Your conspiracy theoricies are beyond disbelief. You are fomenting a major proxy war in Somalia so the whole country could be damaged beyond repair. I don't know why EU would support the Islamic Courts. That idea is flawed simply it is like saying the EU will support the Insurgents in Iraq against U.S and British troops.