^Xaga Iskuulada wuu ku qaldan yahay Alamagan, dhowr High School iyo Intermediate schools oo ingriis wax lagu bari jirey ayaa jirey. That is why dadka Lafoole wax ka dhigi jirey waxay u badnaayeen reer Waqooyi. Laakin Stealth, I am gonna post that, watch.

Originally posted by Allamagan: Thanks Paragon for nice read. War ingiriisku xaasidsanaa xattaa waxaan maqlay hal iskuula uma dhisin markuu ka tagayey ok that is why they were lagging behind. make sense tho. Waligey wax talyaani ka xun inaysan jirin ayaah u haystay. Part 2 please... Xataa hal koronto ma taagin. Alamaganow, waxaan hayaa document ah in xornimada British Somaliland ay aheed 10-20 sano ka dib tan koonfurta, laakiinse ay ku doodeen masuuliyiinta Somaliyeed in AY DOONAYAAAN INAY WALAALAHOOD RAACAAN sababtoo ah, lama hubo in xornimo la siin doono iyo in Ethiopia lagu dari doono. INGRIISKA DAN MABA KA LEHEEN MEESHAASI. thanks for the SYL's effort. Waxaa aad macquul noqon leheed in British Somaliland la siiyo Ethiopia si loo ilaaliyo the interest of the strategic Red Sea.

Originally posted by Socod_badne: Wisdom lost, there's no Somalia to rebuild. What is there to rebuild? clan fiefdoms?

MMA, your nationalist rhetoric has had no substance. I don't know what concrete support you have to recreate and reanimate the old sentiment of our attempt to reunify all Somali territories. From my personal experience, I have met Somalis from Kenya (I can say with certainty most of them) balking at the idea of reuniting with Somalia due to our self-imposed destruction and internal hate. Aren't you surprised that ONLF's manifesto states that the organization is fighting for an independence -- that they have nothing to do with us. Unlike Tahlil who is here only to project malicious remarks due to his deficient knowledge and lack of self-regulation, what evidence or a large scale support do you have to provide for your nationalist rhetoric in support of the unity of all Somali territories? Some of us are even advocating the dismemberment of the Somali Republic. If our controversy with Ethiopia and Kenya were over the long gone large swathe of land, which bring up contradictory and conflicting positions, even in the era of Siyad Bare who signed entente with Ethiopia, what is your position? Ethiopia does not have the legal sanction to overtake Somalia, but in reality, it is the people of Mogadisho who advocate tribal interest and that no one but them should run the affairs of the capital. What about federalism? What about the shift of power, significance and economic developments in far off regions?

I used to argue in halcyon days that whilst nation-building meant in other African countries the moulding of a nation out of a medley of very heterogeneous tribes it meant in Somalia the reunification of all Somali territories under one flag and one government. In fact, that used to be our singular national objective. But we have bungled everything. I recall in this connection the comment of my Political Science professor on my assertion in a 1964 paper that Somalia should play the role which Prussia played had in the German unification in order to reunify all Somali territories in the Horn of Africa. His comment (which, by the way, offended me as an overzealous young man) was: “An interesting analogy but of questionable practical application”. Little did we know then that our brothers and sisters across the borders would be so disappointed by our own monumental failures that they would rather stay away from us. While in 1963, 87% of the people of the six Northern Frontier Districts (NFD) of Kenya, namely, Garissa,Wajir, Mandera, Moyale, Isiolo, and Marsabit, opted for seceding from Kenya in favor of joining Somalia it would be a big surprise today if we find even 1% who feel the same. Djibouti decided wisely to stay away upon accession to independence in 1977 (even though we had liberated a large expanse of Somali of territory from the yoke of Ethiopian rule) because we were in the grips of a military dictatorship. And the “****** National Liberation Front” (ONLF) is fighting for independence, not unity with Somalia. Far from showing incentives for these territories to join us we have indeed managed to show the door to our own ‘Somaliland’ with the result that we ourselves are now in danger of splitting. Hmmmm

Nourish the wisdom of an old man's great knowledge in Somalia's history, vision, law, and Public adminstration. A time to rebuild Somalia Ismail Ali Ismail 09 Mayl . 2007 Nation-Building The guns have finally fallen silent in Mogadishu, our national capital, leaving behind a trail of death and destruction; and a humanitarian crisis of massive proportions. There is no victory to rejoice; only blood and tears, and lamentations, and rancor which I hope will not linger far too long. This tragic situation cries out for sanity; for rationality; for deliberation. It is a situation which benumbs our minds and paralyses our action but conceals, like all catastrophes, a great opportunity to heal, and to build (if I may turn Jawaharlal Nehru around) the great “mansion” of Somalia “where all her children shall dwell”. We should bury the dead and pray for them, but care for the living with our eyes and minds on the rising generations. Mogadishu used to be our national capital although its natives always felt it was slipping out from of their hands and into the hands of others hailing from far off regions. That feeling was so hardened that the last civilian government had to bribe some indigenous clansmen who threatened on 20 October, 1969 to excavate the grave of the slain President Abdurashid Ali Sharmarke and throw out his body on the grounds that he should be buried in Qardho, his hometown. What a shame! Incidentally, that incident (i.e. the bribing of the clansmen) was one of the pretexts cited by the Military as reasons for overthrowing the elected civilian government. We had all forgotten that incident, but only a few weeks ago some clan elders jogged our memory by claiming unashamedly on the BBC (Somali Service) that Mogadishu belonged exclusively to their clan – lock, stock and barrel. Granted that this is a symptom of our general malaise, but such unfortunate pronouncements make others feel unwelcome to their own national capital, and are obviously detrimental to the clan interests the elders are trying to protect; and, except for those who are too young to have been there at the time or too old to remember, they invoke the sickening memories of that 1969 threat not to let ex-President Shermarke’s body rest in peace. It cannot be gainsaid that Somalis of all clans had invested heavily in the development of their capital city to the neglect of their own home towns and regions before the civil war sent them fleeing to all the corners of the world. Successive national governments had likewise concentrated their development efforts on that capital city of ours as if people did not live in the other regions. In the course of the long years of the civil war (or should I say “nasty” war, for there is nothing “civil” about a war) we lost our various investments – we have lost so much and so many of our kith and kin. But there is consolation in that we have remedied regional imbalance. While we lost Mogadishu to a senseless inter-clan warfare we built much of its hinterland and beyond: the civil war was without doubt a sobering experience for many of us; and were it not for it no one would have even thought of federalism which by its nature will drastically diminish the significance of Mogadishu, though still the federal capital, as power shifts from the centre to the periphery. I used to argue in halcyon days that whilst nation-building meant in other African countries the moulding of a nation out of a medley of very heterogeneous tribes it meant in Somalia the reunification of all Somali territories under one flag and one government. In fact, that used to be our singular national objective. But we have bungled everything. I recall in this connection the comment of my Political Science professor on my assertion in a 1964 paper that Somalia should play the role which Prussia played had in the German unification in order to reunify all Somali territories in the Horn of Africa. His comment (which, by the way, offended me as an overzealous young man) was: “An interesting analogy but of questionable practical application”. Little did we know then that our brothers and sisters across the borders would be so disappointed by our own monumental failures that they would rather stay away from us. While in 1963, 87% of the people of the six Northern Frontier Districts (NFD) of Kenya, namely, Garissa,Wajir, Mandera, Moyale, Isiolo, and Marsabit, opted for seceding from Kenya in favor of joining Somalia it would be a big surprise today if we find even 1% who feel the same. Djibouti decided wisely to stay away upon accession to independence in 1977 (even though we had liberated a large expanse of Somali of territory from the yoke of Ethiopian rule) because we were in the grips of a military dictatorship. And the “****** National Liberation Front” (ONLF) is fighting for independence, not unity with Somalia. Far from showing incentives for these territories to join us we have indeed managed to show the door to our own ‘Somaliland’ with the result that we ourselves are now in danger of splitting. We already told the Ethiopians and the Kenyans years ago when our edifice began to show serious cracks, that we would be happy to keep what we have. Today, we are even asking them to help us stay together as a nation. What a reversal of “nation-building” and of fortune! Our fourteen “reconciliation conferences” held for us by our neighbors, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Kenya have heaped upon us shame, upon shame, upon shame. And yet, as if that is not enough, many of us in the Diaspora – educated, clannish, and deeply divisive – have the audacity to advocate the continuation of the anarchy and the spilling of more blood. Our bitter experience teaches us, I submit, that we need more – much more - than cultural, linguistic, religious and ethnic homogeneity to build a nation out of clans that are averse to central authority and the disciplined pursuit of common aspirations. The British had called us long ago “The Irish Men of Africa”. That was not meant to be complimentary; it was just meant to underscore the fact that we were unruly- a trait we have sadly kept. But it was also acknowledged years later that we were masters of compromise – an art we have sadly lost. Building a nation is a long-term goal which requires peace, stable government, consistency and of course good governance a key element of which is the institutionalization of conflict which can be done by establishing the necessary resolution mechanisms such as judicial and quasi-judicial bodies and a respect for the rule of law. Federalism I sometimes wonder how we Somalis who could not manage a simple unitary system will fare better under a federal system with its complex ramifications, proclivity for litigation, inherent parochialism and enormous financing. How on earth can a population composed largely of peasants and pastoralists and impoverished further by a long-lasting civil war finance the multiple tiers of federalism? It is really beyond comprehension. But there is no point in debating the merits and demerits of federalism since both the TNG and TFG were given clear mandates to put it in place by the end of their respective terms. The TNG had dismally failed and a good number of its prominent members are fighting tooth and nail to fail the TFG. Everyone but the blind can see that there is no love lost between the extinct TNG and the extant TFG. As they say in East Africa, “When two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers” and in our case the “grass” is the national interest. The TFG, however, has reached a take-off stage and is poised to launch a program for peace and stability. But time is not on its side; for it is required to have federalism firmly in place by the end of its mandate in 2009 when it is supposed to hold elections and transfer power to those elected. Before then also it is supposed to establish the institutions of the State – build the army and police and the custodial corps together with ministries, judicial organs, and an electoral system - all within a space of less than two years. These are daunting tasks, and given the acute paucity of human and financial resources and the fact that there is nothing to build on, failure seems near and certain. In anticipation of this, however, there are already hushed talks of extending the mandate of the TFG. To be fair, the TFG has had to fight for its life and was unduly paralyzed for a long time by hostile internal environment and indifferent extraneous circumstances. It may sound ridiculous, but I think those who have been fiercely opposed to it will be well advised to come to its aid if only for the purpose of getting it ready to hold general elections in 2009: else, they will be saddled with the TFG for another term of God knows how many more years. Irrespective of the leaders we like or loath I think it is in the interest of our unity to help the TFG vigorously to move towards holding general elections by the end of its mandate and to make it less dependent on its Ethiopian patrons in the meantime. Furthermore, we should clamor in earnest for the deployment of African troops in order to hasten the departure of the Ethiopian contingent well before the elections. I do not think anybody would want them around at the time of the elections. Then – and only then – can we hold internationally supervised, fair and free elections which will hopefully give us a truly representative – not necessarily good but truly representative – government. Elections are by nature costly and divisive and in Africa they are generally fraudulent and lead to violence. We should remember, it was the widespread and open rigging of the 1969 elections that hastened the coup d’etat in our country. It has not been easy for us Africans to conduct fair and free elections in an atmosphere free from violence and intimidation. Last month’s elections in Nigeria – a federation unworthy of emulation – illustrate this point further. But, of course, we have to live with our imperfections and try to improve our performance as we go along: violence can only push us back to square one. The important thing now, however, is to help devise a good electoral system for our new federation with all its tiers. I surmise that the TFG Ministry of Federal and Constitutional Affairs is thinly staffed and, like other ministries, also starved of financial resources. As is always the case in most countries resources fall invariably far too short of the mandate to be carried out; and Somalia does not have the technology to do more with less. But, in my view, the priority of priorities for that ministry should be first and foremost the drafting of the legal instruments (Constitution or a law elaborating the existing Charter) to delineate the functional boundaries between the states and the federal government, it being understood that the constituent states are coordinate with and not subordinate to the federal government. Then comes, of course, the drafting of an electoral law which should go into effect sometime in early 2009. Institution Building What we need is a government of laws and institutions. Modern government can only work through institutions using laws and regulations. These are sine qua non to any government in this age of globalization. That there are no institutions now means that we have the opportunity to start from the scratch and build them on sound foundations. It is much easier to build institutions from the scratch than to reform established ones where the staff are incompetent, underpaid and undisciplined, the procedures are long, cumbersome and involute, and corruption is endemic. But, apart from staffing the central ministries we will need to establish administrations at the state, regional and local levels: staffing a federation is a very complex and expensive undertaking. Surely, not all this can be accomplished in the life of one government however competent and diligent it may be. After all, institutions take decades to build. When it comes to staffing there is the danger of treating the states as mere subdivisions or appendages of the central government. In fact, the staff of the state governments should be no less qualified, no less competent and no less paid than those of the federal government now that the burden of development lies squarely on the shoulders of the constituent states. This will also have the added advantage of the states being able to stand up to the incursions of the federal government. Since the scope for litigation is greater under federalism having the judicial organs in place is crucial. A constitutional court (or a supreme court with powers to hear constitutional cases) is vital. It goes without saying that the Judiciary should be professionally competent and insulated from politics so as to be independent and highly respected. Judges of the first caliber in terms of professional competence and personal integrity are rare in our part of the world and should be treated as a rare specimen worthy of high remuneration: we should not humiliate our judges by forcing them to accept low salaries and thereby make them open to corruption. There is nothing more nauseating to the general public than to appear before a corrupt judge. In today’s world policy studies, policy planning and rational policymaking are of paramount importance. Without them even momentous decisions will be in danger of being taken – not made – on the spur of the moment. In the past, such was actually the case in our country but we cannot afford to go on like that. The issues to be decided upon are too complex and complicated – world trade, ecosystems, marine resources, health, education, water development, etc. I read last year a statement published by the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in which it was argued, inter alia, that Somalia depended on two rivers (Juba and Shabeele) both of which originated from Ethiopia and that the latter would be at liberty to reduce for the benefit of its own population the water flowing from Ethiopian highlands to Somalia. There are of course international conventions governing the sharing of water by riparian states. But, what policy studies have we ever done respecting this vital issue? None, I presume! The Ethiopian statement is of course ill-conceived and shortsighted and does not apparently foresee any possible retaliatory response from our side. But what are we to do ourselves with our ports, our long shore, our beautiful beaches and our rich seabed? What can we do to be self-sufficient in food? Do we have a food security plan? The list is endless. The Civil Service The presidency, the prime minister’s office, the ministries and even parliament amount to nothing without a competent and active civil service. Members of the higher civil service (directors, directors-general, and permanent secretaries) are of course the partners of ministers in policy design and implementation; indeed they are the backbone of government. Their work is dynamic, analytical, thought provoking and they manage to rise above routine in order to find time for reading and reflection and discussion, and the submission of briefs and position papers to their ministers. Higher civil servants are supposed to guide their ministers through the opaque fog of technicalities and thereby illuminate the field of options for them. But those who are not up to the mark – as usually happens - submerge themselves in the mundane tasks of routine and rule application: those are typical bureaucrats who sit immobile behind large desks and hide their faces behind piles of inactive files. Many of them owe their positions to patronage and come usually from the lower ranks – a perfect, if unintended, application of the Peter Principle. But, if ministers themselves cannot benefit by the higher intellect and imagination of well-educated, well-trained and seasoned civil servants there is bound to be frustration and a fallback on routine. On the other hand, a pliant minister may be dominated by his senior staff and thereby unwittingly abandon the principle of democratic control without which elections are merely an exercise in futility. The British intellectual comedies of “Yes Minister” and “Yes Prime Minister” depict that kind of situation in a humorous and entertaining way. Nevertheless, one should not miss the serious message being conveyed. The TFG has already appointed a Civil Service Commission. Its members should be trained as to their duties and should go on visits inside and outside the continent of Africa and learn from countries with advanced civil service policies, practices and traditions. I also believe there should be a Head of the Civil Service in line with the tradition of former British possessions. I have known some Heads of Civil Services in Africa who became personal friends and I am strongly convinced that there is a lot to be gained by the Service from the leadership of a highly respectable permanent secretary sitting in the President’s Office. To have a civil service of excellent caliber means that there should be generous conditions of service and attractive remuneration packages. We have to invest in our civil service – indeed all public services – if we want good performance from them. If the conditions are bad and salaries are outstripped by rapidly rising inflation our civil servants will compromise their integrity, resort to corruption and squander the resources entrusted to them. Therefore, saving on civil or public service salaries is a false economy. And, above all, it is the way to lose talents. Given the fact that we have a pool of educated and trained men and women in the Diaspora the TFG policy or the policy of any successor government should be to attract talents and reverse the brain drain. I have heard arguments before when I was in the Service myself that the country could not afford the high salaries which the educated class were asking for. But this was untrue for two reasons: first, persons who did not have even elementary school certificates were in highly places and drawing fat salaries because they were well connected; secondly, they and those in the lower echelons were already living above their means obviously by diverting resources for their own personal use. This undoubtedly has had a nefarious effect on the transformation of our values. It is therefore much more economical to give high salaries and improve other conditions of service as well. After all, it is the human resource that creates and transmutes other resources. Conclusion The TFG is all we have now. We cannot deny it the support and the resources it immediately needs and then expect it to do well. In the eyes of some of us the TFG may be bad or fall short of our expectations. But, seventeen years of anarchy and bloodshed must have taught us that a bad government is better than no government at all. Our task should be to build on and improve what we have, knowing full well that a bird in the hand is better than ten in the bush. The federal system is too complex and too expensive. But it has already been adopted by the Djibouti and Kenya conferences. Federalism is clearly a fait accompli which must work for us. Unlike before, we have many educated people equipped with the highest academic degrees and they are to be found everywhere in the Diaspora. I think they should consider working for and helping in the reconstruction of their country. It is time to put the past behind us and begin in earnest to rebuild our country. Ismail Ali Ismail geeldoonia@gmail.com Source: Wardheernews.com

You may ignore the progress that the government is making towads peace and reconciliation, but it is obvious that the anti-government forces have no other alternative and would envision Somalia returning to its former phase where the strong rules and oppresses the weak. Why don't you try to fix and mend the wrongs of this government instead of advocating its death and elimination. Mohamed Dhere has a reputation of bringing law and order in Jowhar, where his clan settles. One thing I wonder is how could someone whose clan settle the city he ruled once be termed as a warlord? No, he was not a warlod, he was a true savior for the people in Jowhar. A warlord is someone who rules by force other people's land. IndhaAde was a true warlord, but I don't see many people accusing him as warlord. How hypocritical!

Geeljire, the word genocide has been overused and misused or is it not? This is the meaning of Genocide the deliberate and systematic extermination of a national, racial, political, or cultural group. Siyad Bare's regime went after rebels who were agents of social disorder and the government at the time treated ith as potential and actual dangers to the social order. Our brother me opened a thread in which he posted actual documents from reputable sources. It was explicit to everyone from those sources that the regime of Bare were welcoming the displaced to their homes again, and many refugees actually returned after the rebels were defeated. On the other hand, I have always had disagreement with those who treated the outcome of former SNM vs the government war as genocide. In fact, it was SNM that committed genocide against civilians of Sool and Sanaag because it intentionally and deliberately massacred civilians on the countryside and even captured towns and villages. The USC had done the same thing until it disintegrated into several factions hostile to one another. Prior to that and in 1991-3, the USC deliberately went after civilians and massacred them systematically. However, the segment whose people were massacred by both SNM and USC under the phrase of "******" appear to have forgotten the past and forgiven them. Hardly has there been an interest into this subject, politicized and ballyhooed by the victims. Recently, authors like Dr. Jowhar, BAshir Goth from Awdal region, emphasized such horrible events in an obvious intention to compare and contrast what is happening now in Mogadisho and back then and with the aim of driving a big wedge among perceived rival clans of Somalia. I just can't bear with the mischaracterization of political terms such as genocide, self-determination, etc. Geeljire, what you are proposing is that one "marginalized" clan/entity should be imposed upon the same clan it expresses its grievances. It will create nothing but implosion within Somalia and further division. Bantustan like states will never benefit any group or clan.

by AbdulRehman Hassan Tuesday, May 08, 2007 A sea of change is currently underway in Somalia. The country is at the crossroads of the old past and a new epoch. This change is real, and it sure, will not enter into the history as an inconsequential one. It had already drawn a line between its opponents and proponents. There are sharp differences between the two camps. In each side, you will find more than enough dedicated individuals, groups, communities, and nations in full swing. For all, it’s a mission worthy dying for. The question is: What is the source of these irreconcilable differences? The opposition forces are so determined to keep Somalia as is, and the TFG (Transitional Federal Government) and its allies are here to throw the status quo out of the window and open a new chapter. That is all! Somalia has been without government control for over sixteen years and that is enough time to adapt culture of violence and lack of discipline. It’s enough time to form an opinion in a wrong way if you are a defenseless civilian under relentless pressure and intimidation. It’s enough time to build a coercive social hierarchy if you are a ruthless warlord, or create a fortune if you are a senseless war profiteer. In the absence of law and order, people moved into government buildings, annexed city parks, and seized other people’s houses and farms. Some started new lives by changing roads into homes of their own, causing the traffic to make a long and excruciating detours. The lack of authority also created mayhem within the ranks of the religious scholars and their followers. The wisdom, guidance, and the teaching of the seasoned spiritual leaders were ignored. Some academically challenged mostly young-aged students aimlessly dived into a cooking jar head first. In Islam, raising weapons against the leader of the nation is a serious crime. It constitutes a death by sword. All the above mentioned categories of the society are anti-government, because they think they will lose at least some of what they currently have if accountability is enforced. In contrary to these groups, the government and its allies have got a vision. They have a goal to achieve and as a result, have got a work to do. That is to bring Somalia back to its feet. They are determined and they are giving their lives for this cause. For sure, they see the light at the end of the tunnel. One may struggle comprehending the level of ignorance in those thugs and outlaws, who are trying to make the ends meet by keeping Somalia ungovernable. Yet, nothing was more disappointing than seeing people like Samatar brothers of Minnesota, whom I long adored, cashing on the desperation of the Somali society. Mr. A. I. Samatar, what alternative do we have in order to dismantle this government? Can we wait one more day without a system? Of course, you and your brother can wait forever, because you are enjoying the peace and security that had been restored by Abraham Lincoln. He was a man, and for sure Mr. Samatar, neither he was a traitor nor he was a coward. When the southern administrations refused to take the high road and abandon chasing their short term gains in lieu of nationhood, he fought their men fiercely, burned their houses and cotton farms, and shot their horses and cows, so that they may lay down their arms, in which they eventually did. To establish a system of governance first is must. We can then discuss what type of government and what kind of leader and so forth. Does this require a rocket scientist to understand? I suppose there are men with leadership ambition out there. Seeking an influential position in your country in a legal and decent way is always a noble deed. However, when men like Dr. Ali Khalif Galydh, who made a day light robbery to the very department in which he himself headed joins the line from behind in quest of the top job of the nation, it becomes to look like a pedophile revisiting his crime scene for the sole purpose of doing more abuse to the victim. Give me a beak Mr. Galydh! Running away with the annual budget of the ministry you presided, living your unpaid employees with bankrupt department in their hands wasn’t cool at all. Of the whole history of the Somali nationhood - South and North, Mr. Galydh is the first and the last cabinet minister, who acted this way. Mr. Galydh, next time you take the podium to give another worthless destructive speech, please explain how and when you would like to pay our money back. Let us not forget that, the leaders of the TFG are people like ourselves. They persevered unbearable level of torture from their own people. Can you imagine! This government operated without budget for three years, because we didn’t pay our due taxes. Forget about paying taxes, but we didn’t even let it alone. Yet, many of us foolishly repeated saying, “Why the government didn’t help us?” It’s you to help your government and not the vise versa. I am really so proud of the President, the Prime Minister, and some of their civilian and uniformed officials, who refused to blink a minute till they get the work done. Their tenacity paid off. I am wondering why no one is appreciating and talking about all the good things that are concurrently happening in Somalia? We are all so saddened about the war that destroyed much of the city and the many lives that are no longer with us. The opposition groups are to be blamed for all that loss. If anyone has any doubt about this, why don’t they tell me of one single country that would give the insurgents anything other than live bullets? No matter how the rebel fragments entertain themselves with their distance dreams of getting us back to where we started. This looks a success of total package. However, the government must not take any revenge from anyone. It has to focus on justice and equality. No one should be privileged over the other and no one should be left behind. If fairness is practiced, we will all become winners. The best example belongs to Profit Mohamed - peace be upon him. When he entered Mecca, he immediately showed his generosity and mercy to the weak and to the surrendered men and women by forgiving them for all the atrocities they committed against him, his family, and his companions may Allah be pleased with them all. The general amnesty that was announced by the government must stand and must be religiously enforced.

As this debate goes on, it retrenches into a rock bottom. I believe the government must promise that no preferential treatment would be given to any group and that the adminstration of the city must return to the hands of the government even if takes the clan militia to be recast in the army again. If the position of Gedo people is that they support the government while the city is under their control under the banner of the TFG, I believe that amounts to an ambiguous and contradictory position and it will result in stiff actions taken by the TFG. As I was told, Afgaduud has been ordered to remain at the outskirt until other peaceful alternatives are exhausted. So is it not prudent to handover the weapons, surrender the culprits, and genuinely support the government without resorting to a mindless conflict in a remote region. Asalamu Calaykum.

^Two exceptions can override that resolution. If intervention comes in at the request of the Somali government, and national security becomes a big concern for the neighbouring country. However, Resolution 1744, states, Decides that, having regard to the establishment of AMISOM, the measures contained in paragraphs 3 to 7 of resolution 1725 (2006) shall no longerapply;

Ghalib is one of the opportunists and spoilers of Somali conflicts. This is the last moment that a man complains of a time when his country has the support of the United Nations, United States, European Union, AU, and most of the Arab League countries. To turn against the waves of hope that the events ahead of us promise to the poeple, is misleading and reveals a pervasive motive that some spoilers share as common agenda. If it takes lives to bring peace and order, but you view the opposite--stateless and anarchy, then time will be our witness. "ethnic cleansing" and "genocide" are hyperpole terms with no substantive logic behind it. Yes people have died in the cross fire from both sides, but to use "genocide" to describe the actions of the goverment is very very misleading conduct tinged with fear that the government is dominated by a certain clan intent on revenging past wrongs. It does not appeal to common sense at all!!

The debate on the anarchy profiteers as one group and their role in the conflict have probably forced them to reconsider their plan besides the wearing out of their firepower, logistics, and places to hide. How sudden is the change that they are at present working with the government and promising to supply their own troops to protect their stake in Bakaaraha and other prominent markets. Or do you think that this is a little carryover?

^

Originally posted by Mj. bada Cas: Well, what goes around comes around. I don't know why you of all people have to cry foul about SLand's invasion of your home region, because quite honestly you support the Xabashi invasion of Xamar."" Somaliland unceremoniously raided parts of Sanag. and it did it by walking furtively behind paid men it trusted will swim its troops against the tidal wave it might encounter on their way to Dhahar. The assurances of such by the quislings took on unexpected turn as the "strong man" and his rag tag militia fled local forces in the second battle. It turned out to be the most dishonourable defeat from the most hapless hazards. The discomfiture of the faceless mobs that ensued tried to pin the responsibility on many things hard to define and identify. Again, let us not use lopsided analogy in here as Violet already pointed. The Dhahar is a clan war, one clan is raiding another clan's territory and other is dishing out precautionary measures. There is government in Mogadisho that is trying to establish law and order but it is opposed by confused insurgents and profiteers. till next time.

Originally posted by General Duke: Camir, the elders have taken a good position. However the Puntland diaspora need to come together and combat this threat. Well, it would be to the disadvantage of "Somaliland" to go along with this option The threat level seems to be very high that Puntland officials in Sanaag, Sol , and other regions have readied their troops to combat it once it is triggered.

TFG has larger domestic and international support. Moreover, if they oppose foreign troops then why do they continue to create a situation that makes it necessary for the country to need outside intervention? Why did they not volunteer to become the troops that their government needs? Why did they not disarm and welcome the TFG? Instead they twice attempted to assassinate the Prime Minister and sent suicide bombers to Baidoa in an attempt to eliminate the President just to show their opposition to the legitimate authority of the country. They also began assassinating anyone who wanted to see the return of a government and the rule of law. These folks have to realize that the Somali nation will not be a hostage to them any longer. They should understand that Somalia is determined to move forward from this sad period in its history. Working against the wave of hope that is spreading across our country is irrational. Furthermore, arguing that we need to “liberate” our country from Ethiopia misses the fact that our nation first needs to be freed from the forces of darkness that have held it hostage for 17 years. Ever wonder why the nationalist fervor is limited to a few neighborhoods in Mogadishu but not throughout the rest of the country? How interesting! O. Hashi

Originally posted by Lake: ^^ I don't think SL deserves all this focus from you Cammir c'mon..People are dying in Mogadisho because of your............. Lake, I am aware of the damage done to civilians and all other corallary effects. The incalculable loss of life in Mogadisho was initiated by the insurgents for their refusal to relinquish violence, disarm, and give their consent to the broad based , all inclusive government. They chose to settle their case by means of barbaric mutilation and the dragging of daed bodies and other strategies that include the concealment among the civilians. I knew things would not have been great as the "insurgents" wished "boogeyman syndrome" for TFG. "Somaliland" is therefore posing a serious challenge to the TFG while it pretends that it is not against Ethiopia. Is it not hypocritical to oppose the TFG and maintain a nonalignment policy to Ethiopia's intervention in Somalia on behalf of the government? Their approach reveals that Somaliland seeks the rule of gun overcome the rule of law. Yet, alarming signs indicate that "Somaliland" is trying to achieve a political vacuum in Mogadisho and implicitly coopt the Islamist platform of ruling Somalia.

Originally posted by TheSomaliEconomist: Soon, some ppl will come in this thread and say the food is poisoned.

Duke, basically, the communiqué serves the position of Puntland in sustaining peace and security in its land and not undermining the TFG by opening up another political and security challenges. TFG must nonetheless advise the Somaliland entity that they are not the next group to be targeted as loyalist wings of the secessionists believe of TFG's future authorities to restore peace and governance to all over Somalia. Now, Somaliland is undermining the transitional government as a legitimate authority. Lake, nin kuu digey kuma dilin.

Baaq ka socda beelaha dega gobolka Sanaag Waxaanu aragnaa sida muuqata in Magaalada Ceerigaabo ee Gobolka Sanaag ay joogaan Ciidamo ka yimi Hargaysa kuwaas oo qaarkood hore ugu guuldraysteen inay ka fuliyaan ujeedadooda Guracnayd Degmada Dhahar. Sidaa awgeed waxaan ognahay in ujeedada laga wado gobolka Sanaag ee ah dhaqdhaqaqa Ciidan uu yahay mid xadgudub ku ah Beelaha gobolka lana rabo in khalkhal lgu geliyo nabada gobolka Sanaag ee ay kuwada noolaayeen Baalahaasi 17 Sano ee la soo dhaafay. Sidaa awgeed Odayaasha beelahaas waxaan ku boorinaynaa in iska fogeeyaan wax ala wixii dhibaato u soo jiidi kara gobolka. Waxaana ognahay xilligan kooxo ka yimi Hargaysa ay wadaan ujeedooyin ay doonayaan inay ku dhabarjebiyaan Dowlada Soomaaliya iyagoo gacan siinaya maamulka Hargaysa Hadhaagii Maxkamadaha iyo dawlada Ereteriya. Sidii uu sheegey Raysawasaaraha DFKGS Pro Cali Mahamed Geedi in dagaalka ka socda gobolka Sanaag ay wadaan Argagixiso Caalami ah ,sidaa awgeed anagu raali kama noqonayno in Degaankayaga uu noqdo Gabaad. Sidaa awgeed hadii aan nahay dadka Ku nool Degaanka maamul goboleedka Puntland waxa naga go,an hadii la dayn waayo dhibaatada la wado inaan qaadno talaaboyin aan ku adkaynayno Difaaca dalkayga kagana hortegayno kooxaha sharka iyo fidnada wada ee ka amar qaata maamulka shaydaanka weyn ee Hargaysa. Waana inaan la horseedin fidno hor leh iyo dhibaato aan la mahadin doonin man noqonayo gobolka Sanaag meel gabaad u noqda Argagixisaa Caalamiga ah. Suldaan Cabdilaahi Suldaan Maxamuud Suldaan Cabdisalaan abdisalansultan@yahoo.co.uk Source: Allsanaag.

Wefdigii Dagaalka ka hurinayey Sanaag oo jooga Xeebta Sanaag ee Maydh Bosaaso:- Wefdigii dagaalka ka hurinayey Gobolka Sanaag ayaa waxa maanta booqasho ku joogaa xeebaha Sanaag iyadoo sida ay wararku nagu soo gaareen ay sheegayaan in wefdigaasi ay u tagtey deegaanada Xiis iyo Maydh sidii ay colaad hurintoodii uga sii wadi lahaayeen dhulkaas. Ciidamada ka yimi Galbeedka ama Hargeysa ayaa heegankii ugu weynaa la geliyey iyagoo amar ka sugaya Riyaale sidii ay dagaal ugu bilaabi lahaayeen beesha ******** ee Sanaag. Wefdigan oo maanta ku sugan Maydh ayaa la wadaa iney Sabtida ku noqdaan Ceerigaabo oo ay howshoodii dagaal kasii wadaan Magaalada. Beelaha ***** ee degan Ceerigaabo ayaa ku gacan sayrey colaada ay somaliland ka hurineyso Sanaag iyadoo ay runta u sheegeen ineysan jirin xuduud lasoo xirayo dalbadeyna in ciidanka la saaro Sanaag. Wefdigan ayaa shaley booqday xero ciidan oo ku taala tuulada Biyo guduud oo u dhow magaalad Ceerigaabo iyagoo lebiskii dagaalka wata una sheegey ciidamadoodii iney dagaal isu diyaariyaan. Dhinaca kale ciidamo beeleedyo ayaa la diyaar gareynayaa oo laga diyaarinayaa dhamaan deegaanada beesha ******** oo iyadu u aragta arinta Somaliland mid ku saleysan qabiil iyo duulaan. LaasqorayNET/Boosaaso.

Issimada Puntland oo baaq nabadeed ka soo saaray magaaladan Boosaaso Kulan maanta ay ku yeesheen magaaladan Boosaaso qaar ka mid ah Issimada Puntland ayaa waxaa ay ka soo saareen baaq nabadeed oo ka kooban 5 qodob oo ay u jeediyeen dowladda federaalka, maamul goboleedka Puntland iyo maamulka Soomaaliland. Kulankan ka dhacay xarunta gobolka Bari ee magaaladan Boosaaso ee ay Issimadu yeesheen waxay diiradda ku saareen xiisadaha colaadeed ee ka aloosan dalka gaar ahaan Muqdisho iyo gobolka Sanaag. Issimadu waxay hoosta ka xariiqeen in nabadu ay tahay mid ay dani ugu jirto cid kasta haddii ay xasilooni darri timaadana aysan dhibtadeeda cid gaar ah ku koobnaaneyn. Issimadu waxay ku eedeeyeen maamulka Soomaaliland inuu abaabul colaadeed ka wado degmada Ceerigaabo ee gobolka Sanaag. Garaad C/laahi Cali Ciid oo ka tirsan issimada gobolka sanaag ayaa wuxuu akhriyay baaq ka kooban 5 qodob oo ku jeeda dowladda federaalka, Puntland iyo Somaliland. In Somaliland ay joojiso abaabulka dagaal In shacabka Soomaaliland iyo issimadooda ay la hadlaan maamulkooda inuu colaada joojiyo In dowlad goboleedka Puntland ay xooga saarto talaabo nabadeed, isla markaana ay si adag u difaacdo shacabka iyo dhulka Puntland In la ilaaliyo midnimada Qaran ee Soomaaliya In la taageero lagana qeybgalo shirka dib u heshiisiinta qaran Garaad C/laahi Cali Ciid wuxuu sheegay in Issimadu ay diyaar u yihiin inay sidoo kale la hadlaan oo ay gogol lawada fariistaan Issimada Somaliland si nabadda looga wadashaqeeyo. Beeldaaje Cali Faarax oo ka mid ah issimadii baaqan soo saartay ayaa isagana ka hadlay sida issimadu ay uga soo horjeedaan wax haba yaraatee colaad la yiraahdo. Isku soo wada duuboo baaqan ay soo saareen issimada Puntland wuxuu ku soo aadayaa xili maamul iyo shacabba ay si weyn u hadal hayaan xiisadda ka aloosan gobolka Sanaag C/qaadir Maxamed Nuunow SBC Boosaaso

BOOSAASO : Qaar ka mid ah Issimada Puntland oo S/land ku eedeeyay in ay colaad hurinayso Posted to the Web Apr 26, 19:41 Boosaaso:-Kulan ay maanta qaar ka mid ah Issimada Puntland ay ku yesheen magaalada xeebta ah ee Boosaaso ayay waxay eed dusha uga tureen maamulka S/land ,waxayna ku eedeeyeen in ay duulaan ku yihiin Puntland. Garaad C/laahi Ciid oo saxaafada la hadlay kadib kulanka Issimada , ayaa tilmaamay in aan xiligan gobolka looga baahnayn colaad la huriyo , wuxuuna sheegay in ay baaq-nabadeed ay u dirayaan maamulka iyo shacabka S/land. Garaadku , wuxuu akhriyay dhowr qodob oo muhiim ah oo ay kaga hadlayaan colaad ay sheegeen waa siday hadalka u dhigeene in ay S/land ka hurinayso gobolka Sanaag gaar ahaan magaalada dhahar iyo waliba Muqdisho. Qodobada la soo saaray oo Xafiiska Puntlandpost la soo gaarsiyay ayaa waxay kala yihiin:- In Somaliland ay joojiso abaabulka dagaal ee ay ka wado gobolka Sanaag In shacabka Soomaaliland iyo Issimadooda ay la hadlaan maamulkooda inuu colaada joojiyo In dowlad goboleedka Puntland ay xooga saarto talaabo nabadeed, isla markaana ay si adag u difaacdo shacabka iyo dhulka Puntland In la ilaaliyo midnimada Qaran ee Soomaaliya In la taageero lagana qeybgalo shirka dib u heshiisiinta qaran Kulanka Issimada , ayaa wuxuu hordhac u yahay ka hortaga abaabul-colaadeed oo la sheegay in S/land ay ka waddo magaalada Ceerigaabo , si ay ugu soo duulaan Puntland. Dhawaan , ayaa dagaal ku dhexmaray Ciidamada Puntland iyo S/land magaalada Dhahar waxaana dagaalkaas looga adkaaday oo laga saaray kuwa S/land. Axmed C/salaam Garoowe, Puntlandpost.com