Here is what I did, I saved the link on my desktop and then downloaded on this link. it is quite accurate altho I would like that you expand Maakhir little bit.

Originally posted by The Duke: ] ^^I do love it how you will "liberate" a country all the way from the comfort of your own home. I also find they used to use Jihad & gain support from Aferwarki at the same time. An Islamic movement headed by a Christan despot who abuses his own Muslim population.. However, This is what the TFG is focused on: to build the institutions of the state and fight to create more stability in Mogadisho, and here [they] are screaming to kill more women and children. Ilaahow hana cadaabin http://www.somaliaonline.com/ubb/ultimatebb.php?ubb=get_topic;f=9;t=012553 I would like to share with you also a brilliant viewpoint by Mohamed I. Farah. However apart from the need to secure peace in its territory, another reason that often is given to help explain Ethiopian involvement in the Somali affairs is the alleged quest it has for a sea port. There is no doubt that lack of seaports makes Ethiopia look like it is a vulnerable actor in the region. And yet is Ethiopia so desperate for a seaport that it is willing to risk a regional instability to achieve its ambitions? Almighty God in his infinite wisdom, just as in the same way that He has created the coast line of Somalia and then gave it to Somali people, so too the same Almighty God has created the water of Shabelle and Juba Rivers and then gave it to Ethiopians to do whatever they want. Thus has it ever occurred to Somalis that one thing that Ethiopians could do with that water is to temper with its flow? Indeed while lack of access to seaports makes Ethiopia look like it is a vulnerable actor in the region, yet Ethiopia is not that helpless considering that as a fountainhead for various river systems in the region, Ethiopia can use the water of Juba and Shebelle, the only two rivers in Somalia, as a bargaining chip, to win its ambitions in Somalia quite easily. It is just foolish for Somali politicians to catch blues and therefore look despondent and desperate, or to have temper tantrums each time the name Ethiopia is mentioned. Those tantrums are reminiscent of a child who having refused a candy by its parents begins to act weirdly. Somalis must learn how to play politics with sober and clear mind. Let Somalis give Ethiopia the benefit of doubt. Another viewpoint of Ismail A. Ismail, which highlights the same glaring fact. I read last year a statement published by the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in which it was argued, inter alia, that Somalia depended on two rivers (Juba and Shabeele) both of which originated from Ethiopia and that the latter would be at liberty to reduce for the benefit of its own population the water flowing from Ethiopian highlands to Somalia. There are of course international conventions governing the sharing of water by riparian states. But, what policy studies have we ever done respecting this vital issue? None, I presume! The Ethiopian statement is of course ill-conceived and shortsighted and does not apparently foresee any possible retaliatory response from our side. But what are we to do ourselves with our ports, our long shore, our beautiful beaches and our rich seabed? What can we do to be self-sufficient in food? Do we have a food security plan? The list is endless.

Superb accomplishment by the TFG. Thanks Duke for the pics. I am really inspired by the progress and firm determination of the TFG in the face of such internal adversity.

Originally posted by Nayruus: You are talking about money and investments. I think unless this issue is left for the Federal Government to handle, we will get death and destruction. Somalia is weak and bleeding and doesn’t need any more tangled and complicated clan disputes that will come from resources exploitation unless it is administered wisely. Even Federal Government is still in a weak position to undertake such projects. Only permanent government can and I hope things run smoothly for the TFG until the election of 2009. The TFG has clear mandates only to restore peace to the country and build the institutions of the state and get ready to hold the general election by 2009.

It aint working 4 me.

What is there to govern when the central government of Somalia collapsed in 1991 and a number of clan fiefdoms emerged in its place? Of course, any anarchic country would be the worst in terms of governance accountability.

It is hard to explain but things happen for whatever reasons. I pray that Allah make it easy for those involved in the incident and the relatives.

Add to the list to any computer related field. You will have millinos of Indians and Chinese Software engineers working for a $5 an hour. Other than this, these subjects basically evolve faster than any other field and it needs constant reeducation and update. ^I can highlight these sort of points over and over, but we need to realize as a Nation, that every field is important in our human lives. I find it really sad that educated folks would dicourage freshmen students from pursuing whatever that might interest them. There has to be something that a person can specialize and that perfects his or her productive efficiency in terms of becoming competent professionals. You can still maintain your faith while perfecting your knowledge. Our religion advises against restricting the quest for knowledge based on fear that it might contradict our own religion. To conclude my remarks, we are not yet sophisticated to understand the importance of many fields, esp in the realms of subjects which use applied Math as opposed to Pure Math.

A realist person(s) can envision things ahead of their time and their statements are proactive and right to the point. I happen to be a realist. This is what Hirad said in his last article. This floundering bunch of clerics and charlatans feigning political opposition hardly have any compassion for the people of Somalia nor do they have any principled cause or the popular following to seek political office at the national level. Their continued condoning of the shelling and the killings in Mogadishu attest to the fact. Their refusal to renounce violence and agree to reconciliation, despite the repeated offers of the TFG and continuing international pressure, has been another indication. Many of these are hardly literate and the majority of them hardly have the experience in government or political office. If and when they had the opportunity, most of these have only been underdogs in their short political lives at best, or had emerged as the losers in a shortly lived contention with others. So they collectively lack the education, experience and the leadership to seek political office. What is more; they are seeking these offices in a most absurd way—only repeating the old ways which brought Somalia to its knees and kept it the way it has remained for the last 17 years.

Understanding Somali Opposition to the TFG: Clanism by other Names Ali Fatah Introduction The Horn of Africa nation of Somalia gained its independence in 1960. Some 47 years later, the ship of state is struggling to find its moorings. The air of promise of a bright future that is said to have swept the country at the advent of independence soon gave way, in stages, to the sort of creeping misery that unfailingly accompanies substandard governance. Thus began decades-long era of scandalous misrule, public disorder, calamitous civil war, secessionist cabal, man-made famine, and ********-style abuse of power by a ferocious clano-religious oligarchy. The collective damage wrought by the cascade of unmitigated, disastrous events of the past several decades is all too real and equally painful to recount. Given that wretched record, one can be forgiven for taking a dim view of Somali political discourse altogether as an exercise in futility or worse. The workings of that unhappy saga as it relates to political discourse in the society have been unfolding during this period in a peculiar manner that often seems impenetrable even for Somali observers as it has been for non-Somalis. All indications point to the Somali nation being one of a couple of truly homogeneous societies on earth; a unique attribute that masks intense distrust between the clans that would rival the stomach-churning genocidal episodes witnessed in the former Yugoslavia or even the Great Lakes region of East-Central Africa. Needless to say, this horrid atmosphere is fostered and perpetuated by the urban elites. There is in fact an element of unreality concerning the apparent disconnect between the words and the deeds of many people associated with Somali politics, especially among the so-called opposition. Its practitioners, which include many in the intelligentsia, seldom chose to openly discuss their issues of real concern. This crop of Somali political activists and their ilk feign undue sophistication as they eagerly sound off on important topics such as religion or democracy in the abstract. Such lofty ideals, though, are in reality peripheral to the agenda of the archetypical member the resentful opposition group. Their heartfelt preoccupation, more often than not, seems to be to score different kind of points; they rather indulge surreptitiously in furthering the putrid causes of clan power politics, preferably without having to declare intensions. Viewed from that vantage point, Somalia's political troubles of the recent past do not seem to bode well for the country's future as a viable nation state. However, there is one all-important saving grace: ordinary Somalis, true to form, are not in the habit of giving up on anything so easily—especially their common destiny, just because the circumstances are difficult at a given juncture in history. Though long-suffering, due to the cumulative deadweight of the foregoing politically perverted pathologies, Somalis through their clan representatives have, towards the end of 2004, managed to reinstitute a broad-based Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in a national reconciliation conference held Embegati, Kenya. This incredible feat was accomplished after two long years of continuous negotiations by politicians from all communities, throughout the country. Active participants included traditional leaders, members of the intelligentsia, representatives of civil society groups, religious leaders, women's groups, etc. Virtually all the main warlords that controlled fiefdoms within the country were not only present but have, towards the end of the conference, played an important role in bringing its marathon sessions to fruition. Their public support of President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and subsequently Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi, as national leaders, had signaled to their supporters within the country and in the Diaspora willingness to see the nation move forward. That solidified the overwhelming support the President, the Prime Minister and the Transitional Federal Institutions as a whole received from the assembled conference delegates. Genesis of the Current Opposition Yet, the long-awaited national government that emerged out of that arduous negotiating process has been at some risk for first two and half of its existence. Why? As has been revealed by subsequent events, there are, sad to say, internal as well as external groups and individual Somalis that do not want to see the return of any central authority in Somalia. Campaigning under different guises, this ensemble, which we shall call the "opposition", is united on one overriding objective: to derail the TFG and its key institutions; a goal which is increasingly proving to be an exceedingly elusive target for them. The opposition to the TFG is a motley group. It includes an increasingly violence-prone congregation of religious extremists within the now defunct Union Islamic Courts known by their Arabic moniker: "al-Shabaab" and their diehard neo-clanist allies. Both factions have demonstrated certain disdain for pursuing peaceful, negotiated settlement of political differences. Even if they come to the realization that Somalia's central government is—as all indications would suggest—on its way to success, neither group would be satisfied to go along with the new dispensation until and unless one of their numbers—an exchangeable cadre—is at the helm. That very much reflects the attitude of the rest of the seething opposition vis-à-vis the TFG. They are calling for a "winner-take-all" scenario provided they are the winners—an approach that does not leave any room for peaceful resolution of political issues in the country. But unbeknownst to them, that stance is also the albatross around their necks that will, in due course, doom their scheme and set the stage for the unraveling of their rejectionist coalition leading ultimately to their ignominious defeat. There are also various other minor actors within the ranks of the opposition. Many of these are pit players serving as stand-in proxies for a range of interest groups (that may wish to operate behind the scenes). Keeping Eye on the Prize The TFG, by contrast, is keeping a keen eye on the prize as it enjoys a wide-ranging support from ordinary, peaceable Somalis in all parts of the country. (But you would not know this from the shrieks of the vocal opposition in the Diaspora, composed as it is of out-of-touch, neo-clanist elites). For instance, in the well publicized National Reconciliation Conference (NRC) that was effectively concluded in Mogadishu in late August, 2007, more than 2,000 delegates representing every Somali community heeded the call of the TFG. These delegates traveled from all corners of the country to help heal the nation by actively contributing to the government’s efforts to usher an era of peace and reconciliation. Their role has been largely to set the broad agenda, outline elements required to be the building blocks for the desired peace and reconciliation, and to develop consensus on equitable solutions to outstanding political issues. And they have, by all accounts, been successful in all of these tasks. In a matter of weeks they freely discussed and resolved the major issues of contention between the clans, including developing a consensus agreement that real properties (seized during the civil war) be restored to their rightful owners, the resumption of inter-community cooperation and the promotion of good governance throughout the country under the extant federal system that affords communities meaningful self-rule. This has undoubtedly been a major achievement for the TFG. It attests to the fact that the Transitional Federal Government, warts and all, is making real progress in keeping the country together and moving it in the right direction. It is also note worthy that the government was not deterred by the violent opposition’s attempts at interference, including continual pestering the conference. They have even lobbed a couple of grenades, here and there, in the direction of the well protected meeting halls housing the peace-making assemblage. As usual they mainly victimized civilians going about their daily lives. Characteristically, the so-called opposition has never expressed any remorse about killing and maiming of innocent bystanders. Perhaps in their fanaticism such casualties are the cost of doing business; the business of seizing political power for themselves. Lacking meaningful popular support inside the country, the opposition on the other hand relies on reprehensible media outlets such as the "BBC Somali Service", increasingly the VOA Somali, planted articles, hired academics and rogue journalists to push their venomous, anti-TFG propaganda. Oddly, many in the opposition are among the most privileged small minority of Somalis who have earned degrees from institutions of higher learning in the developed world. It is scandalous that their actions are informed by clan power politics, though they would be loath to admit to it publicly. Their enduring loyalty is, undeniably, to the primordial social construct that had for centuries pervaded the lives of the unlettered pastoralists on the plains of the Somali Peninsula. Even in casual conversations, these clan-centered members of the Somali opposition seem to be on autopilot chanting to themselves: "I have a TFG to destroy (to the bitter end) and my clan's baleful agenda to advance before I rest", to paraphrase Robert Frost’s famous line. This scenario is not far fetched. Every Somali knows that the TFG came about as a last ditch effort by all Somalis to restore the nation to its rightful place in the community of nations. With more than a dozen major reconciliation conferences ending in utter failure between 1991 and 2002, the cause of Somali national reconciliation was becoming desperate by the day. Indeed, by the late-1990s, many Somalia observers within and outside the country have started to mull over the all too real possibility of witnessing the Somali nation state's withering in the vine. Why? Clan-centered politics at the national level was unsurprisingly becoming an unworkable proposition. From that standpoint alone, it was nothing less than miraculous that after two years of excruciating conferencing—that on more than one occasion came to near total collapse—Somali conferees were able to cobble together a government of national unity. That it was a transitional in scope (given the then prevailing atmosphere of mutual suspicion among Somalis) indicated yet another hopeful sign that the TFG would be embraced as the most plausible springboard to democratic governance in the country. Clearly it had the requisite, important feature of legitimacy due to the near unanimous support of the assembled factions plus a measure of international support. Chameleon Opposition and Internecine Wars Suddenly and without prior notice, many of the warlords who in the previous 14 years made life a living hell for Somalis in much of the south began to renege on their public support for the TFG. Meanwhile, they continued to hold ministerial portfolios within the new national government. Their stated reason for this apparent double-dealing was predicated on the TFG's initial balking at its previously forecasted move to Mogadishu—then a lawless city that was overflowing with all kinds of armaments in the hands of highly unscrupulous, ********* operators, at every turn. Besides, some of the warlords as well as others on the side the Islamic Courts were already issuing thinly veiled statements that in effect telegraphed their unhappiness with sharing power with a legitimate Somali national government. The real reason for the warlord reversal though had little to do with the temporary seat of the TFG, since Mogadishu's status as national capital was never in dispute; it had everything to do, however, with their hankering for maintaining the ill-gotten wealth that they were accumulating at a furious base from a slew of rackets, including the sale of narcotics such as kat and other sources of illicit trade, including extortion not to mention the piracy of ships on the high seas. Those illicit trade activities were operated directly from the respective fiefdoms of the various warlords (some of whom later cloaked themselves in religious garb) in Mogadishu and in other locations in the lower Juba area, where they controlled by force of arms. Obviously, the warlords felt that any central government would jeopardize or put to a stop the illicit economic gravy-train from which they had unlawfully benefited for over a decade. And so they resolved to fight the TFG tooth and nail. The ensuing impasse was broken when the warlords got entangled with the interests of a well known philanthropist in Mogadishu who at the time supported the Islamic Courts as a means of maintaining order and keeping a semblance of peace in areas under his purview. The then disparate Islamic Courts were all well armed but they lacked operational unity. That changed quickly on a fateful moment in late May, 2006 when the big-name warlords threw the gauntlet and attacked the above mentioned key ally of the Islamic Courts. The speed with which the so-called Islamic Courts were able to vanquish the powerful, entrenched warlords—with wads of freshly minted American dollars under their disposal—came as a surprise to the outside world (but not to Somalis). This is because due to the on-going effective propaganda machine of some warlords, unsuspecting people have been given the wrong impression concerning the interrelations between warlords of different stripes and their at times interlocking, unlawful enterprises. This includes the creation of a false dichotomy between the well-known, first tier warlords and a second tier group of more ambitious warlords. It is that more vicious second tier group that had superseded the first bunch because of a singular strategic decision they had made a couple years earlier, namely to incorporate a rigid interpretation of Islam into their program. This conversion on the road to dominant position in political power for one sub-clan (not unlike Peter’s conversion on the road Damascus) gave them the emotional appeal with which they were able to draw many of the unemployed youth in Mogadishu and elsewhere that flocked to their ranks. That they were able to pay wages to these indigent youth also helped their mission (for the time being). With that calculated, tactical move, the second tier warlords gained two things: 1) control over the Islamic Courts, which were previously clan based neighborhood-watch outfits, and 2) untold resources in terms of more robust fund-raising capabilities that tapped into Middle Eastern petrodollars from wealthy individuals (and/or groups). With that they mustered the ability to recruit unlimited number of boy-soldiers from throughout the country, across clan-lines, whom they would soon use as canon fodder. This was a brilliant but deadly shift from the basic warlord style of doing dirty business. It was masterminded by half-a-dozen guys belonging to the same sub, sub-clan (practically, distant cousins) who have henceforth all adopted the title "sheikh" for themselves. They include Sheikh Dahir Aways, Sheikh Inda’ade, and Sheikh A’yrow. Whether Sheikh Abdiqasim Salad (the former TNG President) is the actual mastermind in all of these, as has been alledged, is a matter of some dispute. Yet the humiliating defeat of the first tier warlords in the hand of the now religious second tier warlords was a good omen for the TFG for two reasons: 1) The oppression of the first tier warlords was removed from Mogadishu and other points south, and 2) these previously arrogant tyrants were forced to sheepishly come back to the fold and pledge allegiance to the TFG. Religious Smokescreen In a fairly quick turnaround, the battered city of Mogadishu had come under new management. The hastily unified Union of Islamic Courts was the 'new sheriff in town'. As it began to preside over the sprawling but substantially destroyed ancient city, the UIC also began to make rather encouraging statements concerning their future plans. They disavowed political ambition to rule the country by religious fiat, like the Taliban in Afghanistan. They stated that they recognized the TFG as the sole legitimate Somali national government. They also indicated willingness to negotiate with the Transitional Federal Government regarding the modalities by which they could work together in a cooperative spirit. But they also insisted on issuing the one demand they knew would be a deal-breaker, namely to end Ethiopian support for the TFG. The TFG was not about to disavow is friendship with Ethiopia. This gave the UIC the excuse it needed to spread its military and political wings. Confrontation was now all but inevitable. Thus the positive promises the UIC has made in past weeks had evaporated along with the hagaayo rains of Mogadishu. Out of the blue, various self-styled, previously unknown UIC "sheikhs" began to make steady stream of contradictory statements, ranging from conciliatory messages to outright threats against the TFG; all within a short span of time. But the group's real intentions have become clear at their first scheduled meeting with the TFG in Khartoum, in late June, 2006. In that meeting, the TFG was represented by a high-level delegation that included the President, the Prime Minister and the then Speaker of the Transitional Parliament. By contrast the Union of Islamic Courts sent unknown figures that were not in a position to make decisions of any kind. From that point forward, relations between the two sides went down a slippery slope with the UIC becoming ever more belligerent in tone as well as in action. The second Khartoum meeting a few weeks later was a pro forma gathering for which no one had high expectations. If anything the UIC was by now openly threatening to and dismissive of the TFG. And, those were no idle threats. Within the span of one year, the Prime Minister was targeted for assassination three times, while visiting his hometown—Mogadishu. But it is not clear whether these criminal acts were the handiwork of the militant, al-Shabaab wing of the UIC or irate elements still loyal to the trounced first tier warlords. Meanwhile, in another ominous development, the UIC's ragtag but highly motivated militia was on the move on several fronts. As they quickly consolidated power with the capture of a number of towns throughout the South including the strategic port city of Kismaayo, which they took over in late October, 2006, they laid firm plans to take control of the entire country. In November, President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed too narrowly escaped an attempt at his life by a suicide bomber (employing a satanic technique hitherto unknown to Somalis). Further, the advancing forces of the UIC, who, flush with several victories under their belt, were poised to capture the town of Buurhakaba on their way to taking Baidhabo, the temporary seat of the federal institutions; all the while calling for a "holy war" not only against the TFG but also its supporter, the neighboring country of Ethiopia. Buoyed by rebellious exhortations from senior UIC leaders like Sheikh Dahir Aways, Sheikh Indha 'Ade, Sheikh Turki among others along with the standard blood-curling statements from the likes of Ayman al-Zawahiri of al-Qa'eda, soon foreign fighters were flocking to what they called the "Somali Jihad". But, of all the external assistance provided to the UIC military campaign—and that adds up to a tidy sum—none has been more critical than the openhanded logistical support given to it by the rogue state of Eritrea. Now with its forces mobilized and ready for battle, Baidhabo was squarely at the crosshairs of an impending UIC offensive. When the battle was joined in early December, 2006, the TFG had its back to the wall. There was very little room to maneuver. Naturally, as any legitimate authority would have done in a similar predicament, the TFG asked its neighbor, Ethiopia, for help in thwarting a clano-religious insurrectionist movement that was absolutely determined to seize the reins of political power in Somalia, by any means necessary. As advertised, the UIC unleashed it frontal attack. However, due in large measure, to the Ethiopian support, TFG forces were able to route the UIC militia. Within days of their attack on the Transitional Federal Government, the UIC’s remnants, including a substantial number of foreign fighters, were fleeing in all directions. But the militant cadre of their militia, especially the unrestrained al-Shabaab wing, vowed to continue waging their jihad by other means. It appears that they have since settled on a 'hit and run' campaign that has largely victimized civilians but also killed a small number of TFG security personnel as well as members of the Ugandan and Ethiopian peace-keeping forces in Mogadishu. What is lost in all of these conflagrations is the exceedingly deleterious impact that the continuing violence has been having on the lives of the already traumatized citizens of Mogadishu and its vicinity. Many in this population are at wit's end. They have literally lived through nearly two decades of uninterrupted random violence and gangland killings. To what end? No one really knows! Only that the perpetrators seem to show no concern for the suffering of non-combatants including women, children and the elderly. Liberation via Besieged Asmara The leaders of the opposition, in a frantic effort to respond to the successful National Reconciliation Conference, hastily arranged their own "Liberation" Conference in Asmara (September, 2007). It was attended by less than 300 members of the now rudderless opposition, including self-seeking sympathizers. They chose Asmara, the capital of the pariah state of Eritrea. Eritrea is a bankrupt little country that has been turned into a police state by its megalomaniacal dictator, Isaias Afowerki. Its claim to fame is to house all the rebel gangs from throughout Africa. (The country is also at war footing with all its neighbors). The conference was by all accounts a total failure. It was dominated by religious warlords in religious garb. The gathering however did achieve one of its goals: to provide the Eritrean dictator Afowerki with an expanded forum for his ritualistic denunciations of his archenemy, Ethiopia. Beyond that it boiled down to the remnants of the Somali opposition stating in an increasingly muffled voice: "we exist". But their situation is akin to that proverbial conundrum: "if a tree falls in a forest and no one hears it, does it make noise"? Unfortunately their reiteration of their objective to resort to acts of terror in pursuit of political ends opens another sad chapter for the people of Mogadishu. Because the opposition's narrow-minded call to arms would only translate to more destruction for ordinary Somalis, who will needlessly suffer the consequences of the opposition’s misdeeds. Made up of an ideologically heterogeneous group, the self-styled crowd that gathered in Asmara is united by one thing above all else: their strong hatred for the TFG leaders and Ethiopia because of its support for the TFG, not for the false charge of "invasion". Interestingly enough, the opposition's few wealthy benefactors in the Middle East that are bank-rolling what is essentially a Somali on Somali the fratricidal war, do know the difference between the TFG and the UIC. They know for example that the TFG is not only the sole legitimate authority in the country but that it presents the best hope for Somalia getting its house in order. They also know that UIC is an insurrectionist group using religious zeal to achieve political ends. But what they seem to want more than anything else is pit actors in a great geopolitical game of theirs in which Somalis do not a direct stake. That is why the Somali opposition group's best option is to abandon their jihad against their own people and organize a political party inside Somalia. This is the legitimate way to compete for public support in the form of votes not by snuffing the precious lives of innocent Somalis. The indiscriminate use of the fire arms, road-side bombs and contract killings, as has been their wont thus far, would not lead the opposition to 'the promised land'. It will only delay the inevitable: the Somali people's inexorable unity and shared destiny, the safeguarding of which is the key to veritable justice and genuine national development. Inter-clan Harmony, not Clan Hegemony The political problems facing Somalia today are not really about politics in the classical sense of the word. They are about a cruel version of the old clan quarrels that had been carried out intermittently in the Somali country-side over grazing lands and access to water wells for nearly millennia. During the two generations of nominal independence, Somalis saw their government or what passes for one as both the place for best pasture and the most reliable watering hole (for the urban elite of course). Hence, the fierce inter-clan and intra-clan struggles of the past 20 years. The underlying theme (clan dynamics) of these conflicts has not changed since before inauguration of the first Republic in 1960; only the tactics of the warriors of the day had varied from time to time. The clan factor though less pronounced was present during the reign of the civilian administrations (1960-1969). Clanism was similarly ubiquitous during the 21-year military dictatorship (1969-1990). The civil wars (1991-2002) were predicated entirely on perceived clan grievances erupting into the open. They were also about the rapacious desire by some to grab a bigger share of the largesse they had always associated with controlling the levers of power at the national government level. Predictably, in all those situations, the pursuit of clan-based politics had led only to dead-end, underdevelopment and destruction. Hence, the imperative for a paradigm shift in Somali polity. In this regard, inter-clan relations must be harmonized to the degree that no group would be foolish enough to seek clan hegemony. Neither the borrowed ideological veneers of the past governments nor the religious fanaticism by many in today’s opposition hold answers for country’s political problems. Instead, Somalis should consider modernizing what the old anthropologists called Somali its unique ‘pastoral democracy’; known for egalitarianism and fidelity to unfettered freedom of expression. The one proviso should be adherence to the Islamic moral and ethical code, which can be achieved through knowledge and liberality; not by force. Conclusion The TFG has many opponents and they are not all wrong. But the Somali people need to get their collective heads from the clouds of clan politics, where they have been stuck for such a long time. As the Greek stoic philosopher Epictetus observed, "It is impossible for a man to learn what he thinks he already knows". Somalis should stop acceding to the triple yokes that characterize clanism: fear, mutual suspicion, and oppression, which are universally agreed to be inimical to the nation’s well-being. Indeed, there needs to be a far-reaching change that seeks to promote a different, more cooperative outlook and mutuality towards a society where all are empowered and none are disenfranchised. To this end, the role of government in the people's lives must be limited to the few things that governments can do well, including national defense (from enemies foreign or domestic) and the safeguarding the rule of law. Such transformation would engender unity of purpose on the path to freedom from want, oppression, and ignorance. Though far from perfect, TFG is in the best position in a long time to unite the Somali nation towards peaceful reconciliation that would, given a chance, unleash phenomenal social development. After years of "observing" from the sidelines, today the whole international community is behind the TFG’s effort to restore Somalia to its rightful place as a peace-loving, dynamic nation. The United States, the UN, the EU, the AU, the Arab League are all on record supporting the TFG. This represents a golden opportunity, which Somalis must not squander, yet again. The blind obedience, on the part of many in the opposition, to the backward system of judging individuals and communities on the basis of clan origin must cease to exist. Likewise the abuse of religious and democratic ideals at the altar of clannish expediency must end. Lastly, once Somalis liberate themselves, by their sandal straps, from the debilitating burden of chronic clanism and replace it with representative form government, the nation is sure to thrive in the 21st Century and beyond. Ali A. Fatah amakhiri@aol.com Source: Wardheernews

Russia is not anywhere closer to how it was during the Soviet era but the specter of a new cold war has been invoked repeatedly by Foreign affairs experts citing Putin's speech in Munich Conference in which he said, "Today we are witnessing an almost uncontained hyper use of force – military force – in international relations, force that is plunging the world into an abyss of permanent conflicts. As a result we do not have sufficient strength to find a comprehensive solution to any one of these conflicts. Finding a political settlement also becomes impossible. We are seeing a greater and greater disdain for the basic principles of international law. And independent legal norms are, as a matter of fact, coming increasingly closer to one state’s legal system. One state and, of course, first and foremost the United States, has overstepped its national borders in every way. This is visible in the economic, political, cultural and educational policies it imposes on other nations. Well, who likes this? Who is happy about this? " Link Russia has tested recently the most powerful vacuum bomb known as "father of all bomb" in what seems another Arms Race of the late 80s. The new weapon is said to be much stronger than the U.S built "mother of all bomb". Link Another News indicates that U.S is now pursuing a new one that will be called the "Grandfather of all Bomb". lol. What do you think would Russia call the next one after this? Perhaps they will keep continuing until they run out of names.

Originally posted by Mansa Munsa: As we all aware of, there is an internal conflict ongoing in Las Anod, some of the natives of the region are fighting a proxy war, these people need to be stopped by any means necessary, the theory of zero-sum game is applicable to this situation. Excellent point, but don't you think that this meaningless dispute designed to win the internatinoal ticket that one entity controls the city, needs to be settled once and for all. Wax baddan baa lays jiidayey. You know It has its own advantages and disadvantages, but in this case, the advantages that come with it outweigh the other side. People of Lascaanood should say this time ENOUGH IS ENOUGH.

Mansa Munsa The Editorial emphasizes time for a new leadership. However, to who is perfectly fit to lead Puntland. Over the years, Muuse's government has proven to be impotent in terms of NOT taking due account of the economic and political aspiration of the people. My years of keen observation, all that Puntland has been behaving is engage in costly commitment whether it be entering into war with Somaliland, signing illegal contracts, or exploiting the communal weaknesses. Mr. MM, the expectancies of the people you embody in your spirit and love of the motherland are quite too high, particularly from an autonomy whose pillars is the specter of Somalia--that is partition of the country into many fiefdoms. Moreover, it is extremely difficult, almost unimaginable, to set aright the patterns of inequality that comes with such administrations. The only alternative course of action one would better think of mitigating our crisis and the crisis of his or her clan family is to first accept the ugly fact that people naturally prefer to be ruled by their own respective kin folk. I am not absolutely positive in such campaigns, but Sool and Sanaag are unique in their respective predicament, being sandwiched by two entities whose base power has been dependent on the cohesiveness of their kin folk. Neither Puntland nor Somaliland has ever worked to put together the cohesiveness of the people of Sool and Sanaag. It is time Rer Sool institute a new building bloc and freely pursue their economic, social and political development. It is doable if you have the guts saxib.

Ilaah ha kala qaboojiyo. Very sad that this beautiful city has become a battleground.

Seems like morality police on the Gheto fashion but not the bikini fashion? I don't approve of both but I am just exposing the contradiction of what deviates from social values or norms.

Keyf, you right the common good comes from the individual. There seems to be a free rider type of problem. Also, Mr. Point, but what if some of the public services are also privitized like companies who specialize in installing water drilling rigs and with water treatment facilities. There are some privately owned companies that provide such services. They don't have to profit from selling water but finding and drilling ground water tables in every village and this can be done (the cost) with the assistance of NGOs and by raising collective contribution fund from the local populace. The same can be done with the sewage system and waste management. I was reading an article whose author recently traveled from Hargeisa to Bosaaso, an account of his travel. He observed while still in Hargeisa, "The residents of this rapidly burgeoning city are compelled by circumstances to indicate piles of rubbish as the directional signs to their homes. “Go past three rubbish piles and my house is the third left” is the usual way of directing friends and visitors to one’s residence."

Xiinfanini, there is no way this confused group will adjust for a negotiated settlement with the TFG. How could you negotiate or even ask for Saudi Arabia to be the adjudicator in this case if the Asmara calls the TFG illegitimate & occupation force? The more attention you give to these charlatans the more misery we have in Somalia. Instead, the TFg must pursue its current policiy of reconciliation further by inviting clan elders, concerned citizens, and politicians for the well being of our country.

Hunguri, Laba Xiniinyod is one of the intellectuals I admire his posts. I just need to read his take on this in a detailed argument.

The Lawyer has detailed the truth and he backed up his argument adequately.

I truly believe that this group of Asmara and those detached from them are a menace to Somalia's peace and stability and in fact there are countries behind their stern opposition to the TFG regardless of all the resolution modalities that were braught before them. They are just determined to be resistant extremists at the expense of civilians. But they will never be able to harm the government except the defenseless civilians who will bear much of the brunt.

lol, Hunguri is funny?

You wlc Dabshid.

Anna Husarska has this to say about Somalis in his article. I think he has every right to have this perception. It is ironic that our people think of getting luxuries when they can't provide for the basic necessities for themselves and for their loved ones. If Somalis can deliver khat on time, establish a nationwide cellphone system to coordinate its delivery and set up a functioning money-transfer system, why can't they bring water to their taps and build latrines for their people? It would be too easy to blame these failures on the effects of khat. Read the full article @ Seattle Times

From Hargeisa to Bossaso – the Pulse of the Beleaguered Populace Seethes with Rage A. Duale Sii'arag 05 Sept, 2007 "Beware the leader who bangs the drum of war in order to whip the citizenry into a patriotic fervor. For patriotism is indeed a double- edged sword. It both emboldens the blood, just as it narrows the mind. And when the drums of war have reached a fever pitch and the blood boils with hate and the mind has closed, the leader will have no need in seizing the rights of the citizenry. Rather, the citizenry, infused with fear and patriotism, will offer up all of their rights to the leader and gladly so. Julius Caesar A delegation from Maan hadal led by a famed guru of mafrish denominations in Hargeisa and several of his ardent disciples took a trip to Garowe and Bossaso this week to take stock of the developments taking place in neighbouring state of Puntland – another self-styled entity bedevilled by moribund leadership and political stagnation, where the largely disgruntled population remains hostage to a corrupt and immorally self-indigent unpopular politicians and their sycophants who are oblivious and detached from the mundane realities and excruciating misery so prevalent all around them; where the emerging parvenu coterie are tenaciously clung with superstitious blend of mystic faith in astrology and Sufism, gazing heavenwards in the hope of catching the ultimate cosmic wave of Sufi saints. Another stagnant place where the ordinary people are helplessly bamboozled by Machiavellian politicians who are ruthlessly bent on self-aggrandizement; where people talk too much and think little as their stymied fellow compatriots in Hargeisa. None of us carried essential travel survival kits, first aid boxes, books, magazines, camping equipment, sleeping bags or a bivvy sack. Instead, we loaded laptops, sat phones, cigarettes and plenty of fresh Awaday into our four-wheel-drive landcruiser – the best off-road vehicle ever. We mounted our rough terrain vehicle and started off at sunrise driving to the east to what seemed like terra incognita. At long last, an opportunity to escape somewhere from the ongoing unhealthy political climate in Hargeisa and the seemingly inescapable political posturing and vicious wrangling on increasingly insignificant issues of the virtually indistinguishable rival political parties, come into being. “A good rider doesn’t forget the horse” goes an old adage. As savvy travellers, we were mindful of the possible scarcity of our daily sustenance in the eastern regions where fresh stocks of Awaday are often unattainable. Awaday is an essentially indispensable travel companion for itinerants driving on the increasingly potholed and dilapidated roads of the largely underdeveloped and ungoverned Horn of Africa region. As the morning dawned bright and warm, wind blown garbage, plastic bags, newspapers, and Qat residuals littered the streets. Owing to the collapse of the municipal order, heaps of decaying and stinking garbage scattered everywhere are threatening the health of the resident population in some parts of Hargeisa. The residents of this rapidly burgeoning city are compelled by circumstances to indicate piles of rubbish as the directional signs to their homes. “Go past three rubbish piles and my house is the third left” is the usual way of directing friends and visitors to one’s residence. At a roadside stall in New Hargeisa, we collected the Saturday editions of Somaliland Times and The Republican newspapers, fresh from the print. “Ethiopia Troops Will Not Deploy In Somaliland” reads a front page headline in the Somaliland Times. The news item states that the “Market talk in the Somaliland capital Hargeisa focused on rumours that President Rayale’s administration might deploy Ethiopian troops to the region if the opposition continues to expand.” We ridiculed the item as a plain whitewash. Already Ethiopia has a full-fledged presence in Hargeisa with unparalleled influence in the political arena. We chatted merrily for a while as the driver sped in blithe disregard for traffic rules. The trip evoked memories from memorable past as we gathered speed. A sudden flashback from the scenes of the Gone with the wind reverberated in my mind.With unnoticed celerity, we were greeted with the blistering heat of the port city of Berbera. Yet respite was virtually at a corner as we began the winding ascent of the Sheikh range of Mountains. We stopped for a lunch and refuelling in vibrant, noisy, sprawling, dusty and nondescript Burao, where we gathered the most recent news updates from the frontline where thousands of heavily armed militias are facing each other at Adhi Adeeye flashpoint. The impoverished, misgoverned and politically isolated self-styled regional entities of Somaliland and Puntland have been technically at war since early 2004. Both entities are diverting enormous resources to this increasingly inexplicable and senseless standoff that is only serving the empire-building egos of the power-thirsty politicos at the helm of affairs in Hargeisa and Garowe. Much to our amazement, we were forced to change some green bucks after local vendors in Buroa refused Somaliland shillings. The most favoured currency in recalcitrant Burao was the worn out Siad Barre’s old Somali shillings which obviously outlived their utility and in tatters. In a similar vein, we heard vociferous and virulent criticism towards the Rayaale’s administration from people we met in Buroa. Disgruntlement with Hargeisa was the order of the day in defiant Buroa, the home of the legendary poet and lyricist Mohamed Ibrahim Warsame (Hadrawi). We left Buroa after midday prayers hoping to cross the combat zone before the last light. Seized by the spirit of this momentous trip, we purposely commenced munching the lip-smacking Awaday Qude with earnest. The car stereo played a selection of all time favoured Qarami songs. The ambience was almost immediately animated. Somewhere between Ainabo and Adhi Cadeeye, we were flabbergasted to sight a military helicopter flying low down over the main road. It tracked just above the tress going from north to south and back again before it disappeared in the horizon. It was obvious that the chopper belonged to the ubiquitous Ethiopian defence forces that unabashedly court, arm and train both the warring militias of the antagonistic administrations; a phenomenally mysterious relationship that is yet to be deciphered. We reached the first check-post of the intimidating frontline at Adhi Adeeye just after the sunset. To cross the volatile frontline, we generously greased the palms of several undisciplined, half-crazy, trigger-happy, gun-toting militiamen manning separate checkpoints, on either side of the disputed frontier, with bundles of Awaday and packs of cigarettes and hence managed to wangle our way with ease. We checked in a well-run and comfortable hotel in Las Anod, the nerve-centre of the historical Darwishland. Due to the after-effect of the Awaday or perhaps owing to the travel fatigue, I had a fitful sleep that night. Early next day we headed to Garowe, ending our brief sojourn in Las Anod. In the ensuing three weeks, the Maan hadal delegation had extensively travelled through a large expanse of territory stretching from the scenic Las Anod to the booming, full-blown urbanized port city of Bossaso. Hospitality turned up everywhere as people came to know that we were from Hargeisa. As we countenanced the agonizing reality of Puntland, the lack of difference between this anguished entity and its antagonistic neighbour, Somaliland - apart from the suffix land - confounded our naive minds as we drove deeper into the labyrinths of the legendary land of aromatic frankincense. The analogy was manifestly apparent. From Las Anod to Bossaso, we were greeted with a wind of discontent similar to the widespread resentment and disquiet brewing in places like Hargeisa and Buroa. The misruled, alienated and divided masses are having their rude awakening. Whether in Hargeisa or Garowe, their hearts beat in tune with each other. While the rulers yearn for the perpetuation of their tyrannical regimes and their invidious monkey business, the subject people are trying to redeem themselves as their prayers fall on deaf ears. Feeling the pain of privation and their fundamental rights trampled upon, their patience is running thin. In the rule of the jungle, ‘the survival of the fittest’ has been the conventional wisdom of the survival game – a game favoured by the bullying monsters. Justice and good governance are hard to come by in a country where there is no rule of law and the wretched population are at the mercy of ruthless gangsters. So is in present day Somalia where survival has become the prerogative of a select few who are fleecing the resource-rich lands without having any benefits trickle down to the less fortunate masses. One sad fact is that the problems facing the ordinary people in both Somaliland and Puntland are identical in many ways: lack of functioning governmental institutions, single clan domination, rampant corruption and mismanagement, intimidation of free press and public dissatisfaction with the ruling goons - a mere microcosmic mirror of the malaise that besets the troubled Somali society. One does not need to be possessing Socratic sagacity to decipher into the ubiquity of economic and social injustices dotted about in this part of the world. The streets in Bossaso present the spectacle of diametrically opposed lifestyles where a fleet of expensive cars speeds past the paupers leaving them in a cloud of dust for hours. The struggle between the less equal and the more equal is glaringly upfront, and it appears that institutionalized corruption is the hallmark and effective measures are underway to further impoverish the poor already caught in the cobweb of skyrocketing inflation with lesser income generating opportunities. With the absence of responsible, benevolent government; adequate legislative mechanism, corporate watchdog to regulate and minimize systemic risks, and owing to endemic corruption and mismanagement, the situation is exacerbating day in day out. A very outspoken intellectual we met in Bossaso has characterized Adde Muse’s administration as a "den of the cannibals". As a politician with insatiable passion for cupidity, Adde Muse is living in hermetically sealed chamber where banal criticism, political or ethical debate, and humorous newspaper caricatures are forbidden much in the vein of other despotic rulers in the neighbourhood. He is surrounded by cruel and crafty coterie of likeminded self-seeking politicians who are adept at soft-pedalling of the prevailing grim situation. The Puntland administration of Adde Muse is widely believed to be milking from the economically devastating scam of minting the Somali shillings, defrauding the unsuspecting populace and hence generating severe inflation rates necessitating skyrocketing of the consumer goods prices that has further reduced the purchasing power of the impoverished masses. In a voracious fortune hunting spree, Adde Muse has been wooing unscrupulous oil companies, clandestinely signing shadowy deals whose terms had never been disclosed. As a plethora of evidence suggest, Adde and his kitchen clique must have pocketed generous kickbacks from these illegitimate deals. Nobody in Adde’s government is humane enough to take cognizance of the booming slave trade or grisly human trafficking, which is causing attrition to the population on the one hand and increasing the weight of traffickers’ kitty. Thousands of internally displaced and dispossessed people, economic migrants and “boatpeople” are flocking in droves to the shores of Bossaso. The prevailing relative business boom in this sprawling city of clan hodgepodge is adversely serving as a pull-factor for thousands of disadvantaged, underprivileged and needy people from southern Somalia and the Somali region of Ethiopia. Thousands of Somalis and migrant Ethiopians are risking their lives every year on overcrowded fishing boats with the hope of finding sanctuary in the oil-rich arid Arabian Peninsula, from grinding poverty, instability and state-orchestrated ethnic cleansing. International aid agencies and the UN have repeatedly tried to draw the attention of the Puntland authorities to the flourishing deplorable human trafficking but all in vain, for these human traffic fodders hail from a land where life does not have any value but death sometimes has in high seas when the children of this universe are plunged at gunpoint into fathomless seas whose waves have now become brackish with their cadavers. Like that line from Macbeth, “. . . life’s fitful fever . . .” There are times in the history of every society when ideas germinate and revolution becomes an imperative necessity, when it heralds itself as inevitable.In Greek mythology, it is believed that whom the gods want to destroy, they first turn him mad. With these [new] states failing to forge ahead “with vision of development that included broad social benefits” (Hussein Adam, From Tyranny to Anarchy: The Somali Experience 2007), but only capable to re-enforce social injustices and “autocratic rule” by elites, the two regions are on the verge of social upheavals. The recent violent demonstrations in Garowe and this weeks protests in Hargeisa and Buroa are precursors to something terrible, and a time would come when even the silent majority would fraternize with them and would storm the streets, lay siege to the palaces and the land of the gallant Somalis would be liberated from the clutches of callous gangsters. Maan hadal foresees a mellowed wave of reawakening among the harassed masses and galvanization of people’s power for the restoration of their usurped rights and dignity. No power, big or small, can stop a revolution whose time has come! A. Duale Sii'arag E-Mail:baxaal@yahoo.com WardheerNews Contributor at Large

Originally posted by Laba_Xiniinyood: Maakhir State of Somalia is something not recognised by the residents of Sanaag. Having come back this week from Badhan itself, majority of the residents are neither aware of its existance nor are they in any way interested in its creation. The idea of MSS is the brainchild of only a few individuals and with Jibril Ali Salaad Aadan as its head, what is to be exoected from it? Could it be another one of those strategies to segregate and seprate people and create animosity between clans perhaps? Laba Xiniinyood, the adminstration is still new, so probably you have left Badhan prior to its establishment. There have been a number of meetings and Diaspora campaign in support of the adminstration. But if you still oppose the idea, you could at least explain to us why is that you are opposed to an adminstration that wants to be independent of both Somaliland and Puntland due to the prevailing circumstances created by the two adminstration. You see the idea is not only to become an alternative but also to inform the U.N in particular the local community would never accept being made appendage to an entity that they do not want to be part of.