OOdweyne I knew your ***** **** brain stopped functioning decades ago. Just Look at how my position and Mr. Ooge's are consistent. As a matter of fact, I came across his article right after I enunciated the facts Particularly as it regards to the content of the document. You should answer the questions I raised. You don't have to prevaricate. [ November 16, 2007, 12:35 AM: Message edited by: Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar ]

We have extreme blockheads in the Net. Should anyone in the adminstration enforce the rules and put these guys in the cage.

^ I think it is but i never thought the poem was an indirect insult. Adigaa iga badiya dhinacaas. You are great thinker. You should write a book for your short stories. The earlier you start the better it is.

Somaliland Moves to close its Borders: A response By:Mohamoud Oogle November 05, 2007 Dr Weinstein’s article which appeared in Wardheernews is certainly well informed on the recent developments regarding the “contest” between Somaliland and Puntland over the Sool region. One can only welcome his perceptive analysis and also concur with his insightful conclusion that Somaliland’s capture of Lascanod, the capital of the Sool region of Somalia, could unravel its much-vaunted internal peace and political stability and may do more harm than good to realising its long-sought recognition. Much as Dr. Weinstein’s assessments are to be commended, they are unfortunately accompanied by a number of fundamental misconceptions and misrepresentation of the facts. “Somali land” and “Somalilands” A common mantra of the secessionists and their foreign supporters is to present the union of former British and Italian Somalilands in July 1960 to form the Republic of Somalia as two historically separate and unrelated territories and peoples coming together for the first time on that date to establish their union, much the same way as the union of Egypt and Syria in 1958 when they formed the United Arab Republic (UAR); and to see the secession of Somaliland from Somalia as akin to the secession of Syria from the UAR in 1961. This analogy and other far-fetched ones are often used by the separatists as providing precedents for Somaliland’s recognition. Dr Weinstein’s article does implicitly if not explicitly echo this argument. The realities pertaining to the genesis of the union of former Italian and British Somalilands shares little with that of the UAR or with other failed unions one might care to mention Dr. Weinstein should know that the history of the Somali people did not start at the time European “explorers” came to Africa in the late 19th century when they would claim to have discovered various African counties and often christen them after their kings, queens or self-serving “explorers”. The Somali people existed for millenniums in the Horn of Africa as disparate clans, admittedly lacking overarching common aspirations, but all the same remaining the most homogenous people in Black Africa. When British “explorers” referred to their area as “Somali land”, it was a generic, descriptive name signifying that the land belonged to a people called “Somali”. “Somali land” in the end evolved into “Somaliland”, a name also adopted by the other colonial powers. British Somaliland, French Somaliland, Italian Somaliland and Ethiopian Somaliland have come to have “Somaliland” as their common denominator. As such, and contrary to the claims of the secessionists, the name “Somaliland” did not uniquely refer to the British part but to all the colonies; and hence a Somali in any one “Somaliland” could have claimed to be a “Somalilander. If the colonisers looked upon the inhabitants of their respective colonies as their subjects, that was something not shared by the overwhelmingly nomadic Somali clans who were rarely ever in contact with the colonisers and their rule. Since their traditional grazing territory straddled those artificial colonial boundaries, and crossed them to and fro as if they never existed, these clans could have been technically identified, if they so wished, as being the subjects of any one of the colonial powers, depending on their whereabouts at any particular time or season. But that consideration was alien to them and belonging to their respective clans and leading their lives unhindered was what mattered to them most. Britain may have carved “Somaliland Protectorate” out of the Somali homeland, but has it moulded during its 80 year rule a sentiment of “Somaliland” and “Somalilanders” out of the hotchpotch clans in its colony? The answer is no. While that task would have been daunting, requiring major and sustained investments in social, political and economic development, yet the British did not even try it. Britain’s colonial policy of divide and rule has been given as one explanation for this neglect. Others would say that Somaliland had little use for Britain other than to protect and provide fresh provisions for Aden, its far more important possession on the other side of the Red Sea. What ever the reason, and as independence approached, the territory was conspicuous for its abject underdevelopment in every sphere. The union of British and Italian Somaliland As the wind of change that was blowing throughout Africa in the late 1950s, and the end of foreign domination were dawning on the Somali people in British Somaliland, the drive for freedom was not independence for Somaliland per se but union with their fellow Somalis in Italian Somaliland, scheduled to gain its independence from Italy on the 1 of July 1960. In order to facilitate this union, the British government not only acceded to grant the independence to British Somaliland but brought it forward so that it was in time for the union with the South. All the pre-independence negotiations with the British were about the union with Italian Somaliland. And it was with that union in mind that the British granted independence to Somaliland Protectorate. Somaliland’s 5 day independence was merely a prelude to the union and nothing else. Declaration of secession Dr. Weinstein has to some extent fallen for the propaganda of the separatists that the secession enjoys support from non-***** clans in the territory. The truth of the matter is that the secession is largely supported by the ***** clan, openly opposed by the totality of the ****** clan except for a handful of paid collaborators, while the remaining smaller clans are ambivalent about it if not against it. Somaliland’s juridical claims Once that union become into effect, Somaliland ceased to exist and would not be revived by the declaration of secession by one clan in 1991. It sheer arrogance for one clan to claim that its declared secession is binding on everyone else in the former British territory and to use force to enforce it. It would require the consent of the Somali government and Parliament to agree to a referendum in the country as to whether a secession requested by one clan, which does not include other unionist clans in the region, should be allowed to secede. If the vote is in its favour, it is only through that process that Somaliland can gain international recognition and not otherwise. Resort to force in Sool The separatists, aware that their one-clan driven secession is seen for what it is by the international community, had embarked on their reckless invasion of Sool as a prelude to occupying all the recalcitrant ****** regions, thereby meeting the contidions for their recognition. The ****** clans are committed to Somali unity and there is no way that they can be converted to the secession at gun point. The resort to force in Sool by Somaliland far from achieving their desired objectives may on the contrary have dangerous ramifications that could engulf the Horn in a wider ******/ ***** fighting. In its desire to win favours with the Ethiopian government, the Somaliland government had already antagonised the ****** ****** clan by handing to Ethiopia some innocent ******i residents in Hargeisa falsely accused as ONLF suspects. Far from achieving its goals, the secessionist enclave has poured oil on peaceful waters. The peace that hitherto prevailed in the region and the neighbourly co-existence among the different neighbouring clans could be the first casualties which in turn could affect Somaliland’s own stability and existence. Atrocities against the ******* The atrocities committed against the ****** clan by the Siyad Barreh regime is beyond dispute. Although the figure of 50,000 killed is often repeated, yet the precise magnitude is unknown since there has never been any independent international inquiry. Whatever the scale, the secessionists had cynically exploited it by drawing intolerable comparisons with such historical pogroms/ genocides as the Holocaust and the Rwanda Tutsi genocide. The intention was to seek sympathy and support for their recognition from the international community and particularly from Israeli and Jewish lobby in the USA. Dr. Weinstein should have been wary of repeating such nauseating comparisons. It is all the more important to recast our minds into those events and dispassionately set the record straight to the extent possible While no one is defending Siyad Barre’s regime, it should be born in mind that it was the ***** supported Somali National Movement (SNM)militia who initiated the fighting by invading Hargeisa and occupying some civilian residential areas. In the ensuing fighting for the control of the city, both antagonists had used long range artillery and mortar fire and indiscriminately shelled civilian areas. Both parties are therefore guilty of war crimes and in particular the government which also used Mig jet fighters flown by South African mercenaries. Comparisons with Mogadishu It is important to bear in mind that most of the residents in Hargeisa run away from the city at the height of the fighting and much of the damage was inflicted on buildings. It was a situation not much different from Beirut during the Lebanese civil war, or the fighting in Mogadishu some months ago between the Ethiopian army and the fighters of the Union of Islamic Courts. By all accounts, the fire power used by the Ethiopians in Mogadishu was prolonged and superior to that used in Hargeisa by the forces of Siyad Barre’s regime. In the case of Mogadishu, just over a thousand people were killed, countess others injured, and over 400,000 displaced, leaving some districts destroyed as also was the case in Hargeisa. Even if reasonable comparisons can be drawn between what happened in Mogadishu and Hargeisa, what is needed is an independent international inquiry into all atrocities committed in the country, whether by the government of Siyad Barre in the North West and North East region, the Ethiopians in Mogadishu and the SNM in North West of Somalia. The siege mentality “Never again” and maintaining the spectre of the alleged atrocities in Hargeisa are part of the propaganda planks of the secessionists. What does it take to change that siege mentality? Not the fact that another dictatorship and government organised atrocities are very unlikely to emerge in Somalia; or that all the clans and regions will enjoy autonomy and equality under the new federal system in Somalia. For the secessionists, it is free “Somaliland”, all of it, and nothing else. In their eyes, the inalienable rights of other clans in the North West region to remain part of Somalia count for nothing. They believe they have god-given right to decide for every one else. As the invasion Sool attests to, this is a recipe for confrontation and conflict. Alleged Puntland occupation of Sool Dr. Weinstein is wrong to say that “Hargeisa lost control of Sool and Lasanod in 2003, when forces from Puntland successfully occupied the region based on clan affiliations with the population”. First of all, Hargeisa had never controlled Sool until its capture of Lasanod on the 15 of October 2007. Secondly, Puntland had never occupied the region. The *********** and ******** clans in former British Somaliland had voluntarily joined Puntland in 1998. The driving reason for joining Punland was their fear that the well armed Isak militia might attack them and force them to join the secession. Indeed, it was this fear that brought the Puntland forces, most of them from *********** but also including others, to defend Lascanod against possible attack from Somaliland. Mohamoud Oogle Email:mohamoud_oogle@yahoo.co.uk wardheernews _____________ [ November 16, 2007, 12:27 AM: Message edited by: Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar ]

Human Rights Watch. Map showing insurgent attacks only in March and April. Northerner, You seem to be condoning the insurgents attack on civilians as well. There is no way you can deceive the world that what the insurgents are doing to the Nation is a justifiable action.

Do you know that SYL was the first Somali political party to open an office in the North. When was the Union initiated? Before the "Independence" or after the much repeated five days?

Dear Ayoub, are you tolerating the impunity with which the insurgents use populated areas as a launching pad? They even threaten and assasinate when individuals whose neighborhoods they use as a launching pad resist and protest. I know the "landers" pray for the return of anarchy and lawlessness in Mogadisho because such a despicable scenerio ensures them an opportunity to convince the world that they can no longer wait the south to settle down and thus arrange for the highly articulated but baseless "eventual negotiation for a two-state solution".

The Somali Prime Minister's resignation deepens the political crisis and security The Prime Minister of the TFG Ali Mohamed Gedi has submitted his resignation letter to President, The Abdullahi Yusuf, last week after long time of feud between them, in which deepening the political crisis and security that the country has witnessed in the civil war continued since 16 years. At a time, when Gedi submit his resignation from his post which had been occupied since 2004, hundreds of civilians continued to flee from the Somali capital resulted by continues fighting between the rebels and the government forces allied with the Ethiopian arms. Mr. Gedi has tendered his letter of resignation to the Somali President during a meeting in Baidoa (250 km north-west of Mogadishu), the head-quarter of the transitional parliament. This resignation came after the Present and some countries those are interesting in Somalia, agreed to end the political chaos. The political dispute between the President and Prime Minster has jeopardized and paralyzed the government’s work for several weeks. The President Abdullahi Yusuf has put a pressure on the Parliament for a vote against Gedi, accusing him not to shoulder his responsibilities and not to end the violence in Mogadishu. And also he (the prime Minster) was behind entering the Ethiopian army in the country against Islamic courts in December 2006. The chaos engulfed Mogadishu for the last two weeks and still continues in which prompted civilians to flee, with Ethiopian soldiers opened fire on demonstrators, resulting in the death of three of them. Witnesses reported that the Somali government forces and Islamic rebels fought clashes in broad daylight in the south of the city for the consecutive days. Many people believed that if the Gedi’s resignation is over, the situation of the Capital get better, but this happen reversely, and the violence is continuing between two sides. Therefore we can say that the Prime Minster’s resignation deepens the political, security and humanitarian crisis. Written By: Saacid Nageeye. He can be reached at: sn_xa@hotmail.com Source: Allgedo

Nov 09, 2007 (UN News Service/All Africa Global Media via COMTEX) -- The senior United Nations envoy to Somalia is holding talks in Nairobi with the country's President and other political leaders as UN staff report that worsening humanitarian conditions inside the capital, Mogadishu. Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf arrived in the Kenyan capital yesterday for the talks with the Secretary-General's Special Representative, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, and other UN officials, UN spokesperson Farhan Haq told reporters today. Mr. Ould-Abdallah and Mr. Yusuf will focus on the ongoing selection process for Somalia's next prime minister during their discussions, according to the UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS). Earlier today the Special Representative also met with Ali Mahdi Mohammed, the Chairman of Somalia's National Reconciliation Congress. The Nairobi meetings are taking place as the killings, violence and displacement continue across Mogadishu amid fighting between the insurgents and Ethiopian troops, which are in Somalia to support the country's Transitional Federal Government (TFG). Mr. Haq said some 50 civilians were killed and another 30 wounded during the past 24 hours in the capital, and as many as 114,000 residents of Mogadishu have been forced to flee their homes in recent weeks. In total, an estimated 850,000 Somali civilians have been displaced this year by the intermittent but deadly violence across the Horn of Africa country.

Ethiopia will not stay, mark my words. The United Nations has to support financially the AU and IGAD in sending troops to Somalia. That is at least what we are asking from the U.N. at the moment.

Any meaningful strategy whose aim is to revive the Somali republic must consider how to deal with Ethiopia. In my mind there two options out there for us to consider. One option would be to listen to Ethiopia’s concerns, both economic and political concerns, and a give a serious consideration to reasonably address them in a manner that alleviates her fears of us. And that’s to say to our selves lets not beat around the bush here and face the harsh reality that’s before us, lets give Ethiopia what it wants and desires. Give up the claim on the Somali region in Ethiopia. Sign a peace pact with Ethiopia. Provide her an easy access to our harbors and ports. And accept the junior role in the horn affairs such arrangements entail. In my mind we still have too viable a economic and intellectual resource, still able to muster regional and global alliances, and have a non-dying nationalistic and religious surge to build on to accept such a humiliating position as it regards our relationship with Ethiopia. I agree with this option in terms of dealing with this geo-political issues and finding practical solutions. This is the same strategy the TFG seeks to bring Somalia back to its then normality. It also sees internal obstacles on her way. We can follow the same model as the Nile Basin Countries. For instance, the Blue Nile originates from Ethiopia and 98% of Egypt's water resources comes from the Nile River. Ethiopia is thus subject to the 1929 Naile Basin Treaty and the revised 1959 , which effectively ensures Egypt's right to its access and that neither Sudan nor Ethiopia can reduce the volume of this water. The effect of this politically is still visible and profound, but countries have still pursued a resolution policies that would benefit them. So Xiin, your first option is viable and we should work out other options to mitigate our regional crisis. Ethiopia still suffers at the hands of both Sudan and Egypt's dominance over the water resources. Although these issues still stand and might trigger a major conflict in the region, riparian states periodically hold conferences to discuss possible solutions for the effective and fair distribution of the water resources.

Somalithinker, you have to understand Djibouti is not only a Somali territory. It is a Somali and Afar territory. It is a nation formed out of a multi-national group like Kenya. One of the reasons Somalia went to war with Ethiopia for the reacquisition of the Somali territories was based on this.

I am questioning his ability to save this country. I didn't say he was the savior. You are merely rearranging your prejudices.

Originally posted by Oodweyne: Secondly , is it your contention, again, that this Legal Document, justifies the case against present-day Somaliland , given that your argument is, that there was no such thing call Somaliland - i.e., from legal perspective - in which the present-day Somaliland could have return to that year of 1991 ; particularly if it withdraws from the old union of 1960 in which the then Somali Republic was based on. Absolutely “Somaliland” had never transpired into a state of its own to return to its self-declaration of independence in 1991. If so, I would kindly ask you to bring proof without resorting to a long and superfluous explanation. It all started when Britain liquidated its administration in the Haud and Reserved Areas without prior notice and consultation with her Somali subjects. Massive protest and demonstrations ensued in which Somalis expressed outrage with the administration’s neglect and surrender of these territories. In 1957, Britain for the first time indicated that it would not oppose the eventual union. Why do you think it did? In fact, the above events facilitated the formation of a committee led by Micheal Mariano in order to recover the Haud and obtain Independence to which the protectorate would allow it to unite with the south. And by the time delegates from the protectorate discussed with government leaders in Mogadisho, Somalia's constitution was complete. It was agreed in its general terms by both leaders that the government which they will form will be a unitary state with one flag, one parliament, one president, and integrating one judicial, economic and administrative system. The April Motion of 1960 called for an Independence and union with the trust territory of Somalia. There was no demand for Seperate Independent Statehood except uniting with the trust territory. Still, the British administration considered the motion precipitate despite its early indication of approving the eventual union of the two Somali territory. Therefore, On top of administrative and economic neglect in the protectorate which retarded development, I shall repeat the transfer of Haud ignited the nationalist fervor and our people in the North demanded immediate unification with the rest of Somalia. Thirdly , is it your considered contention, that the old tribal leaders or the then recognised by the British Authorities clan-leaders of then British Somaliland's Protectorate , namely the descendent of the old tribal signatories in which the protectorate Treaties that Somaliland's validity under the British rule was based on, who requested the granting of independence from the British's government in London , were specifically not asking for an independence Statehood of their own, per se. They did not ask for Seperate Independent Statehood. The Protection treaties were invoked merely to end the Protectorate on June 26, 1990 in order to complete a successful and lasting union demanded by the leaders of both Regions.After the Protectorate was ended, the Legislative Council in Hargeisa passed and ratified the union law which stated in Article One, “”The State of Somaliland and the State of Somalia do hereby unite and shall forever remain united in a new, independent, democratic, unitary republic the name whereof shall be the Somali Republic.” Also, note the State reference is nothing but the characterization of the territories in their respective colonial history. Fourthly , is it your contention in here, again, that Somaliland's political elites at eve of the independence, who were the ones who took part in that London Constitutional Conference , in which your argument alludes to, did not merely asked for a legal independent Statehood of their own from the British government, per se. I have already answered this question. The independence was to pave the way for unification. If yes, let me ask you these questions: What was the flag of the "state" of British Somaliland? Did it apply for membership? And was there a single country that recognized its independence?? Kindly answer these questions with Proof I have answered all of your questions and I regarded those you might think I didn't answer as repetitive

Abu-Salman, are you saying Ethiopia plays a major role in Djibouti's national affairs?

^Abdiqasim is responsible for the mayhem and destruction that his clan perpetrated in the Deep south. He is responsible for investing in his tribesmen and creating all the warlords that ruled from Afgoi to Kismayo.

Gediid, I think you haven't been following the 17 year long campaign of seceding from Somalia. Pro-secessionist from Hargeisa have always hoodwinked the international media and African policy makers, and the hired apologist of "Somaliland" on this issue. This is the line the pro-secessionist often regurgitate to sell their case to the international community. The story started on June 26, 1960 when Somaliland gained its independence from the British. It was the first one of five Somali territories that emerged from foreign domination. The other four were French Somali Coast, the present Djibouti, Italian Somalia, present Somalia, and the two Somali regions each in Ethiopia and Kenya, historically known as the Reserved Area and Northern Frontier Districts respectively. Somaliland was recognised by the United Nations, with its flag, its currency, its executive and judicial system, its police and military forces, its distinctive British governance and education and its internationally recognised borders. Bashir Goth The independence for the protectorate came out of a request from our leaders and tribal elders in the North to join the Italian Somaliland, after learning the resolution passed by the U.N. General Assembly granting independence to Italian Somaliland, which had enjoyed 10 years of preparation for nation building to achieve self-governance. The British adminstration at the time was not willing to grant independence and as the adminstration acknowledged that "There were practical problems to be resolved if Independence were to be achieved in so a Short of time". Among the issues that needed to be resolved included: Termination of Protection Treaties entered with Somali tribes Grazing arrangements and statement of policy I think this author Hirad captures the exact situation prior to our Independence on July 1, 1960. Therefore, the “Somaliland Protectorate” had never transpired into a state of its own right to return to in 1991, as some have falsely claimed thereafter. I must re-emphasize that it had only existed for four days in which, essentially, preparations were being made for travel and, in effect, reunion with the other part. Hence, to speak of “ Somaliland” ever being a state is also a very flawed assumption. “ Somaliland” was, at best, defined by its colonial history not by its independence of only four days before immediate re-union with that other part of the partitioned Somali nation. A return to the state of “ Somaliland” represents a platitude or an empty inanity, at best. I hope you get the gist of the message and acknowledge how the history of this protectorate are continuously falsified to better sell the idea, but the world can't be easily swayed as the elite in Hargeisa often articulate to the unsuspecting international press.

You might want to read this archived article. Truculent Abdiqasim and his Warlords By: Ahmed Hersi March 27 ,2005 I was surfing the net when I came across an article, titled, “Somalia must pay arrears to win new loans,” on March 25, which was addressed to the newly-established Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG). It demands the payment of an outstanding $430 million that was given to the former transitional government (TNG) in the form of assistance. Thus, in order to win a new loan, the new government must pay it as a condition for another loan. Suddenly, a wave of shock interrupted my thought process from its natural course, a normal course of recycling previous information that my brain had recorded and used for a period of five years. Initially, I was impressed by the said integrity of Abdiqasim as authority figure and democratically elected president, but I was proven entirely wrong of these pre-recorded conceptions. In fact, my country was never forgotten in terms of humanitarian and financial aid despite the ceaseless blight of Somalia. The TNG of Abdiqasim did not fail because of deficient trust and support from nationwide but deceptive schemes that betrayed its promises and which had led to the treacherous renegades. In this regard, Abdiqasim and his former interim government stand responsible for the onerous task that was left unfulfilled, along with the subsequent corruption and embezzlement, which sprang up after the government began to function in Somalia. Dr. Ali Khalif's defection, for instance, with an alleged sum of national funds was a noteworthy lead of the TNG's collapse and succeeding activities that eroded its resources. Faced with uncertainties, Abdiqasim underestimated the effective reshuffling of his cabinet to rescue it from further duplicity and duress. The twilight of fascist culture ringed in his mind and it was an opportune time for him to change his political philosophy. He thought of himself as the aggressed and not the aggressor of the burdensome task. As Sam Izu once said, “it is a tragic world but a world without guilt for its tragic flow is not a flow of human nature.” Abdiqasim was guilty of absolving himself of any guilt for the tragic flow of his actions . The myriad evidences of internal conflicts and the indifference to it, constitute glaring prima facie case for the bygone money. Besides, this change of him per se was blunderingly moral trajectory for a president widely perceived as trustworthy and religious pundit. The article has stressed and demanded of where that $430M had gone. “Impoverished Somalia must clear $430 million of debt arrears to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund before the bank can start lending to the new government, a bank official said on Thursday,” it said. The press release from World Bank came in response to TFG's appeal to donors for $77.3 Million for its relocation and reconstruction budget. Abdiqasim was indeed very silent and fastidious in his personal plots. In it, he receded to the practice of fascism kindly similar to that of former president Siad Barre, using nepotism, blandishments, intimidation, oppression, arbitrary killings, embezzlements, etc. In two years, Abdiqasim had built multitude militia factions loyal to his cause and transitional government, who mostly identified with his clan (Ceyr). The creation of Juba Valley Alliance (JVA) and powerful Islamic organizations ensued as part of ongoing secret deals with different interests and faces. Like the “manifest destiny doctrine of 19th century,” He sought land expansion by aggressively investing in his tribesmen and allies with abundance of money that afforded them the purchase of modern munitions mounted on hundreds of pick-up trucks. They easily conquered the coastal and riverine localities south of Mogadishu. How much misery and horror his militias factions have inflicted on the local people of these areas stay limitless. Until now, these multitude militia factions hold hostages of the defenseless urban and agricultural societies that live in areas starting from Mogadishu south to Kismayu. They operate under the commanders of a previously unheard number of warlords, who in their daily pillaging, killing, raping, and extorting the locals, have carved out notorious names such as Indha Cade, Galaal, and etc. They have even began to arrogate proprietary rights to their clans about the territories in which they have forcefully occupied and ruled under martial law. Abdiqasim did not stop there. He confides to his so called strongmen to continue their systematic land expansion and indiscriminate eradication of local resistance so that they can continue milking the cow. It is a series of odd monstrous activity that turned the whole southern Somalia into complex intricate web of fiefdoms. With the soaring statistics of poverty and extreme mortality rate, these infamous activities will continue unless they are stopped by forceful measures and stern actions from IGAD. The Warlords have reiterated so many times that they will never give up or compromise for their illegal occupations and the current status quo with or without the agreement they had entered and signed in Kenya. At times, they contrive excuses of wanton exclusion of some IGAD countries from frontline states particularly Ethiopia, accusing them of having ulterior motives. This position is plainly devoid of persuasive weight in terms of international law standards. Basically, the sovereignty of a nation is safeguarded from enemy invasion by International law. The U.N can wage a just war against the aggressor under the just causes of war doctrine that uphold one of the principles of U.N charter that if a country is invaded illegally, it should receive the protection of world wide support militarily and economically. Hence, the right of intention of Ethiopia's involvement in Somalia is blocked from violation of territorial integrity except enhancement of security and safety for the TFG. Somalia needs military intervention at this circumstantial stage. Warlords can not seek a way out of this marriage contract they lastly vowed to uphold its pillars and to be liable for its proviso. Nor can they stipulate a condition for which the government should take alternatively. I believe the cause of what is generating this mayhem and wanton intentions is the initial recommendations given by the gullible International Crisis Group that Somali parliamentarians should always consider consensus and compromise over their pressing issues. Rationally, consensus cast insoluble riddles on practical solutions. It also empowers the cunning plots of these warlords to sabotage the two-year long peace process. Therefore, this plaintive yearning for solution by ICG is unworkable and dispensable. The government should pursue general vote for every pressing agendas, which I think it is pursuing them effectively and efficiently, a just aim that would accomplish militia disarmament, tranquility, enforcement, and legitimate institutions for this exiled government. This step could also be a golden chance to improve itself from the ruthless remnants of Abdiqaasim's former TNG. Source: Wardheernews

Kat, I have seen Somali girls from Toronto doing the clubbing stuff even a married one. It astonishes me. Xoogaa waa naga ilbaxsan tihiin.

Personally,I would arather be a proud goat anyday than a clueless Sheep. Laba-Xiniinyod, why the Sanaag folks overwhelming rear sheep? Is it the environment there that is suitable for keeping these type of livestock? It reminds me this famous poetic line Badhan iyo Xadeed bay Idaha kaga macaashaane

Xubeer, don't you think this is the conspiracy theory of the Amhara who vehemently oppose the Federal System of Ethiopia?

I truly believe the United States must step up its support for the AMISOM and Somali government if its concern for Somalia is genuine. So far, nothing largely tangible has been received from Washington.

Socod-badane, you have contradicted your ideas too many times and it is not wise for us to proceed further with this debate. It seems you are speaking for the plight of our people in the Somali region of Ethiopia, yet you implicitly approve of Somalia's border. You seem to be saying that Ethiopia crossed the border of Somalia. What border are you speaking of in the first place. Is it the border that was drawn by the colonial system. If so, what is your point? You can't speak in the sense that Ethiopia crosses the border while sympathising with the plight of our people in Ethiopia. In sum, multiple national identity to which you implicitly subscribe to entails elements of inflexibility in your thoughts and social reality. You are confounded by the opposite political perspectives in the region. This is similar to how the leaders of the Islamic courts self-contradicted themselves many times. The paradox is and was that some are exploiting our traditional base to nurture dissent against the TFG and kill any hopes it might try to achieve in its future objectives. I hope it doesn't happen, but such reactions would have been better served had it been channeled from the proper and genuine sentiment to the right direction. Our people in the Somali region of Ethiopia, in my days of Somalia online, have never been given the attention they deserve. Their voices were stifled and hardly debated over and no Somali sites gave their plight much coverage, except WardheerNews. In fact, I posted several articles in regard to their plight and mulled over ways to convince our people to compromise over the disputed issues, promote communication and preserve relationship. However, no one was interested and the most sentimental Nomad here sent only abstract sympathy and empathy. We shouldn't use the plight of our people in OG-Land to pursue parochial clan interest. Let us be true to our selves and refrain from hypocrisy and absurd claims of cry and hue for the so called invading troops. They are not invading us, for they could have invaded us long time ago, but the pretext for them to enter our country and protect the government was made possible by the Islamic courts in their attempt to destroy the TFG. Now with Ugandan troops in Somalia and the coming AU troops that will replace the Ethiopian troops in Somalia, I will sincerely ask those who oppose the government based on Ethiopia's presence in Somalia to give time and to dispense with their militancy and senseless suicide bombing. The clan insurgents have been engaging in a systematic and organized killings and political assasination for many years. It is time to forgive each other and completely transform the demographic change caused by the push factors of the civil wars. This is in a way resolves the illusion of We vs Them

Was it Miskiin Macruuf who said leave Cabdiqasim, he is a good man.