Rice stresses need for political solution to Somalia's crisis ADDIS ABABA, Dec. 5 (Xinhua) -- U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice on Wednesday stressed need for political solution to Somalia's crisis, saying that ensuring rapid deployment of peacekeeping mission to Somalia is crucial to bring lasting peace in that country. "The U.S. believes two steps should be taken to address situation in Somalia," Rice told a press conference. Rice arrived here Wednesday for talks with African leaders aimed at resolving the lengthy conflict in the Great Lakes region, Somalia and Sudan. "The U.S continues to believe that there are really two steps needed to be taken in order to bring peace to Somalia," she told journalists after the talks. [1]Encouraging the broadest participation of all political elements across Somalia, excluding terrorists, and [2]rapid deployment of peacekeeping forces is vital to bring lasting peace in Somalia, said Rice. At present, 1,600 Ugandan troops are stationed in Somalia's capital Mogadishu as part of the proposed African Union force of 8, 000 peacekeepers aimed at helping Somalia's Transitional Federal Government. Political participation in Somalia should be more inclusive, she said. "The Somali leadership is going to have to really reach out to all the elements that are not linked with terrorism." Rice said the U.S. also wants to tackle the humanitarian emergency in Somalia. Source: Xinhua

I know poet Hiirad. He is like my uncle to me. We were eating from the same table yesterday in a Somali restaurant, here in SD. He is good natured person and harbors no ill for no clan. He treats everybody the same.

Somalian President’s Illness Raises Fears on Stability By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN December 5, 2007 NAIROBI, Dec. 4 — The president of Somalia was abruptly hospitalized in Kenya on Tuesday, adding a new set of worries to an already very jittery and troubled nation. There were conflicting reports about how serious his condition was, with the president’s aides playing down concerns by saying he just needed ``a checkup” while one Western diplomat said ``he’s very sick.” The president, Abdullahi Yusuf, is in his 70s and has been hobbled by chronic health problems ever since he received a liver transplant 10 years ago. Mr. Yusuf, a former warlord, is one of few figures in Somalia’s weak transitional government who has any sort of following, and many Somalis are constantly on edge about his health. Because doctors said he will be hospitalized for at least another day, Mr. Yusuf will miss an important meeting with Secretary of State Condeelezza Rice, who is scheduled to arrive in Ethiopia on Wednesday to discuss the rising instability in East Africa, where internal conflicts are raging in Somalia, Ethiopia, Congo and Sudan. Mr. Yusuf’s doctor at Nairobi Hospital, where he was admitted Tuesday afternoon, said that x-rays showed the president had a mild chest infection but that he was fine otherwise. ``This is not a big deal,” said Mauro Saio, the president’s doctor. Dr. Saio said that Mr. Yusuf had flown from Somalia to Kenya on Tuesday morning and was planning to continue onward to London for his annual physical. But the president had a bad cough and decided to consult a doctor before making the long trip to Europe, Dr. Saio said. Mr. Yusuf would probably spend another day or two in the hospital in Kenya, Dr. Saio said, before going to England. Many Somalis questioned the timing and wondered why the president would skip the event with the American secretary of state, who is scheduled to meet several of the region’s top leaders, unless it was absolutely necessary. Muhammad Ali Nur, Somalia’s ambassador to Kenya, said that the president had already decided to send Somalia’s newly-appointed prime minister in his place.``He’s delegating,” Mr. Mohammed said. The sudden death or incapacitation of the country’s president is about the last thing Somalia needs. Despite more than a year of reshuffling the cabinet and making promises to reconcile with opposition groups, the transitional government remains weak, divided and utterly dependent on the tens of thousands of Ethiopian troops in Somalia. Ethiopia invaded Somalia last December and installed Mr. Yusuf’s shaky government in Mogadishu, the capital. Both the United States and Ethiopia considered the Islamist movement that had seized power in Somalia last year to be a regional security threat, and the United States gave Ethiopia prized intelligence to overthrow the Islamists. But since the Ethiopians have arrived, Somalia, which has been without a functioning central government for 16 years, has plunged deeper into chaos, with near-daily battles between insurgents and the Ethiopians. Poor rains, disrupted markets and one of the world’s worst piracy problems have imperiled the country’s food supply and put Somalia on the brink of starvation. Though his support tended to be limited to members of his clan, Mr. Yusuf is at least seen as a figure with some gravitas. He commands one of the largest militias in the country and fought for years against Somalia’s previous dictator, Siad Barre. He is well-connected to Ethiopia’s military and was chosen in 2004 by Somali politicians to lead the country. On Tuesday, many Somalis said they were afraid of what might happen if Mr. Yusuf became very ill or died. ``The gloomy days of clan war will come back,” said Abdulkader Mohammed Abdi, a shopkeeper in Mogadishu. ``If Yusuf goes, many politicians and warlords will struggle for the leadership of this country. We know what this will bring.” Source: NYtimes

Gj, as in the news, the restriction charge is political because it came a day after John Holmes, the U.N.'s top aid official objected to Yusuf's landmark speech of the U.N.s conflicting policy and practice. Mr. Holmes said that he would seriously sit down with the president and his prime minister to discuss on issues of obstacles to the aid delivery. But how can the goverment guarantee the security of the food delivery when it is hampered by the activities of the insurgents and lack of jurisdiction over the administration of the aid. The U.N. food agency, WFP, has its own Somali team in Somalia, which handles all the day to day affairs and the administration of this Aid, and which might end up in the wrong hands. The president is concerned of the accountability of this critical operation because he thinks the misdirection of this aid helps fuel Somalia's instability by giving life and sustenance to the insurgency. His government, which enjoys the benefit international recognition, wants to be in charge together with the U.N. agencies.

Originally posted by Gediid: Two idiiots if you ask me but kuwaas waaxa ka daran kuwa quote gareyey.... Kuma fahmin saxib? Is balbalaadhi oo si wacan hadalka u dhig ?

The New Prime Minister has now made a political decision that might lead us to a new path. He made significant changes into his cabinet and replaced all the emasculated warlords that held major posts to enhance the competence, experience, and expertise of his cabinet . Although this new cabinet waits the approval of the Parliament, the president has counseled, forewarned, and given his PM one year to recuperate the Nation and make up the lost time of the mandate , which missed target priorities due to conflict. Hard task but doable. C/llaahi Yuusuf oo hadallo dardaaran ah u jeediyay Golaha wasiirada; Muqdisho, December 03, 2007 (WDN) - Madaxweynaha xukuumadda kmg ah Md. C/llaahi Yuusuf Axmed oo la dardaarmayay xubnaha golaha wasiirada ee xalay lagu dhawaaqay ayaa sheegay in xukuumadda cusub looga baahan yahay in ay muddo hal sano ah oo maanta ka bilaabmaysa ay ku qabato wixii dawladda federaalka u qabsoomi waayay mudadii seddexda sano ahayd ee laga soo gudbay. Madaxweyne C/llaahi Yuusuf Axmed waxaa uu sheegay in aanu cidna ku eedeyneyn waxqabad la’aanta seddexdii sano ee la soo dhaafay ee xukuumadda, balse waxa uu carrabka ku adkeeyay in haatan iyo wixii ka dambeeya la iska doonayo in si xoog leh loo shaqeeyo, isla markaana mudadaas sanadka ah wax badan lagu qabto. “Mudadaas sanadka ah marka ay dhamaato waxa dalka uu u gudbayo waxay noqon doonaan doorashooyin madax bannaan oo ay dadku doortaan ciddii ay doonayaan. Waxaase loo baahan yahay si doorashadaas waqtigeeda ay u dhacdo in laga shaqeeyo oo la sii diyaariyo dastuurkii federaalka, maamul goboleedyadii dalka, markaas ka dibna la sameeyo guddi madax bannaan oo doorashadaas qaabilsan” ayuu yiri Madaxweyne C/llaahi Yuusuf Axmed. Madaxweynaha oo sii watay hadalkiisa ayaa sheegay in haddii aan waqtiga u harsan dowladda aan lagu gaarsiin dalka doorashooyin in aysan xukuumadda federaalka meesha ka tegi doonin. “Annaga ma dooneynno in aan sida xukuumaddii TNG-da aan meesha iska fadhino. Kuwaasi oo sidii ay isaga fadhiyeen k adib la yiri shir dib u heshiisiin ah baa la qabanayaa ee ka soo qeyb gala” ayuu yiri Madaxweyne C/llaahi Yuusuf oo sheegay in uusan aaminsaneyn in shir dib u heshiisiin ah oo kale Soomaaliya loo qaban doono. Ugu dambeyntiiba madaxweyne C/llaahi Yuusuf Axmed waxa uu ugu baaqay beesha caalamka, shacabka Soomaaliyeed iyo hay’adaha kala duwan ee dawladda federaalku in ay wada shaqeeyaan oo markaasina meel looga soo wada jeesto sidii Soomaaliya looga dhigi lahaa sidii ay ahaan jirtay. Dhinaca kale Wasiirkii hore ee Isboortiga iyo dhalinyarada Md. Mowliid Macaane Max'ud oo xalay iska waayay liiska Golaha Wasiirada ee xukuumadda cusub ayaa ka dhawaajiyay in xukuumadda Nur Cadde aysan ahayn mid u hogaansantay sharciga wadaagga awoodda ee hab beeleedka. Mowliid Macaane Max'ud waxaa uu sheegay in uu aad uga xun yahay xilkiisii wasiirnimo in uu ka waayo xukuumadda cusub isla markaana aan lagu bedelin shakhsi kale oo ka soo jeeda beeshiisa Jareer Weyn. ''Aniga ma diidayo xukuumadda, mana ka soo horjeesanayo go'aanka ay isku raaceen madaxweynaha iyo r'iisal wasaaruhu laakin beesha Jareer Weyn ayay u taallaa. Taas oo degta 9 gobol, 7 kursina ku leh Baarlamaanka in la duudsiiyo xaqeeda ''ayuu ku cataabay Macaane. Wasiirkii hore ee dhalinyarada iyo Isboortigu waxa uu sheegay in ay kulan degdeg ah la qaadan doonaan Md. Nuur Cadde si ay ula socodsiiyaan arrinta ku aadan golaha cusub ee wasiirada. Mar wax laga weydiyay Mowliid Macaane waxa uu sabab uga dhigayo in xilkii uu hayay uu waayo ayuu sheegay in taasi ay tahay la safashadii ay la safteen ra'iisal wasaarihii hore Md. Cali Max'ed Geeddi. Jamaal Cismaan WardheerNews, Muqdisho

Pls stop this list of non-sensical Fact.

Area Somalis talk with homeland leaders By Christina Killion Valdez Post-Bulletin, Rochester MN December 03, 2007 Faced with the daunting task of rebuilding the war-torn nation of Somalia, Awad Ahmed Ashareh, a member of the Somali parliament found support from Somali Americans living in Rochester. Awad Ahmed Cashara - Visiting Somali Parliament Member Awad Ahmed Cashara smiles as he listens to a speaker during a meeting with local Somalis on Friday at the Holiday Inn South in Rochester. Brian Kilen/Post-Bulletin About 100 people gathered Saturday night at the Holiday Inn South for a meeting with Ashareh, who traveled to Rochester after attending a hearing at the United Nations in New York. In addition to meeting with Ashareh, members of the Somali community here also spoke by phone with Somalia's Prime Minister-elect Nur Hassan Hussein and President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed. "We want to show sympathy and support for the people who can make the country better," said Abdifatah Abdimur, one of the organizers of the meeting. Ashareh said the government also wants to show support for its refugees and reverse the brain drain that's happened during the civil war. The government is in the process of creating a plan that would provide land and tax exemptions for those who return, he said. However that is just one thing this government hopes to accomplish. The government must also establish rule of law and disarm terrorists, as well as create a government infrastructure, including a federal constitution and election and economic policies. Adding to the immediacy of the charge is that the current government is three years into its five-year term, he said. The support of Somalis living abroad helps. "The overwhelming majority are supportive," Ashareh said of the people in Rochester. "They want Somalia to have a government." The Somali Americans also called for unity. "Unity is sacred for us," said Aisha Kassim, who spoke at the meeting. Recalling a time when Somalia was the powerful "Horn of Africa," she said it was a unified people that defeated British and Italian rule to gain independence in 1960. That unity has since fractured. "I grew up in a Somalia where there was a government, rules and order, not tribes. I learned about tribes now," she said. "My children, I feel sorry for them, they don't know the way Somalia was." Ali Egal, one of several members of the Somali Unity Alliance of Minnesota in Minneapolis, said that unity among Somalis can be found in Rochester. "Rochester is the model of this organization," he said, noting that although more Somalis live in Minneapolis, the group looks to the cultural leaders and professionals in Rochester for guidance. "We want to unite the Somali people in the United States and support democracy in Somalia and contribute to rebuilding the nation," said Omar Ali of Rochester. "We want to be the bridge as a community." Source:Post-Bulletin, Rochester MN

JB and Zack, Pleasantly Amusing response by Mohsin Mahad Who does the ONLF Represent- A Response By Mohsin Mahad December 04, 2007 In his seven-pages article in Awdalnews, entitled: “Who does the ONLF Represent?,” Ismail Ahmed considers the best way to approach the question he raised in the title of his article is to take his readers on an awareness creating virtual “sightseeing” trip around the Ocaden territory. His intention is that at the end of trip, his readers would know the answer as to who the ONLF represent. Thus, he takes his readers on a train journey from Djibouti, stopping at various places on its way to Dire Dawa, its final destination. This is reminiscent of the fabled Orient Express that used to ply between London and Istanbul during the Ottoman Empire, when well-off adventure-loving European travellers would set off for exotic distant places. As the train arrives at Aware Afdam, halfway between Djibouti and Dire Dawa, Ismail draws the attention of his readers to sights and sounds that he assumes are of interest to his presumably Somali readers. Thus, he points to the sights of “charming young Somali girls selling fresh camel milk in leather containers” or the “Somali nomads men displaying traditional handicrafts” or “men with white togas and young men in their traditional dresses”; and last but not least the “traditional Somali dagger mounted on the hip known as Golxob”, not forgetting to warn his readers “never to try to tamper with Somali daggers” as if his Somalis readers were unfamiliar with these sights. At this early stage in his article, one wonders who is Ismail talking to on this “sightseeing trip” when he makes such bizarre observations? Surely not Somalis but perhaps uninformed “Musungis” (whites) tourists as they are known in Swahili in East Africa coming to the territory as first time After taking his readers to Dire dawa, Alamayo, Harar, Babile, and Jigjiga, Ismail proposes to “wrap up” the “sightseeing tour” in what he calls “this vast territory inhabited by majority of non-Ocaden” and selects the village of Gaashaamo as a fitting finale to the guided tour. This small village is located in a camel territory typical of the rest of the Ocaden lowlands. And unless there is something especial about the camels in Gaashaamo, which is not the case, this dusty and desolate place has no tourist attractions for Somalis or for “Musungis”. Perhaps there is more to Gaashaamo than meets the eye and that surprise is what Ismail had in mind in choosing Gaashaamo. The choice of Gaashaamo as part of his “sightseeing trip” provides a revelation that unmasks Ismail’s true colours and puts his wild diatribe against the ONLF in a different light than he intended. Gaashaamo, it seems, is Ismail’s home/clan area. But more importantly, Ismail wants to present it as a show case that vindicates, in his view, the 100 years of Ethiopian colonisation in the Ocaden . He does this by trumpeting the “benefits” Ethiopia’s rule has brought to this Gaashaamo district- an achievement which he considers merits publicity and perhaps gratitude. Far from being something to show off as a success story, a derisory token aid amounting to one solitary school after all these 100 years, and which is typical of the rest of the territory, is on the contrary a damning indictment of Ethiopia’s colonisation of the Ocaden. And it is also tantamount to betrayal for any Somali to whitewash Ethiopia’s crimes against the Ogadeens or Somalis any where in their God-given territories. It is clear from Ismail selection of places in his “sightseeing tour” that his main purpose is to contrast the progress and prosperity that he claims prevail in Gaashaamo and other non-******* areas and the poverty that he alleges is pervasive in the exclusively ******* inhabited areas. To do this, and following his visit to Gaashaamo, he takes his readers to a village called Fiiq. What strikes the reader immediately on “arrival” at Fiiq is how Ismail’s earlier bubbling and buoyant mood on the trip up to Gaashaamo has suddenly fizzled out as he gets worked up into venomous tirades against the Ogadeens. Fiiq is portrayed, perhaps with his Gaashaamo in mind, as a “dilapidating poor town that rightly belongs to the Ocaden clan” and as an “inhospitable hostile place for other Somalis … in contrast with other non-Ocaden cities where everybody feels at home”. In contrast to the eye-catching, “adorable” sights elsewhere in the “sightseeing tour”, here in Fiiq, Ismail is eager to look for manifestations of poverty for which the Ogadeens and their support for the ONLF are to be blamed and not Ethiopia. Thus, he points to “begging … half-naked children” or mothers carrying their “emancipated babies” as if these sights were unseen or unheard of in other parts in the Ocaden region, or the rest of Ethiopia or Somalia itself (including Somaliland, his beloved renegade region). Once his fleeting visit to Fiiq ends, Ismail continues to lashes out his hate-ridden diatribe against the Ogadeens and the ONLF. What Fiiq has done to Ismail, quite clearly, was to stir and bring to the surface his already festering anti-******* xenophobia. As such, his remarks and assertions in his article are simply reflecting this strident antipathy. He is therefore disqualified as someone who can objectively and dispassionately assess matters pertaining to the ******* people, their territory and the ONLF. The whole purpose why Ismail concocted this fantasy trip and his desire to contrast the “prosperous” non-Ogadeens and the “poverty-stricken” Ogadeens is to blame them for their plight and to suggest that they could also enjoy similar bounties from the Ethiopians, like Gaashaamo’s boarding school, if only they would give up the armed struggle and submit to what he sees as Ethiopia’s benevolent colonisation. This reasoning recalls the old clarion call by European colonisers, or the racist rulers of South Africa and Rhodesia, that their loyal and peaceful Africans were better fed and better off than their compatriots who chose the armed struggle against oppressive, de-humanising white rule. In other words, the quest for freedom, even if painful, should be sacrificed in favour of basic survival. At least, one could expect such condescending sentiments from die-hard European colonialists and their settlers in Africa but it is another thing when it comes from a Somali, albeit a secessionist (or Somalidiid), who has no qualms to act as devil’s advocate for Ethiopia. His mind-set reflects not so much his pro-Ethiopian stance, but rather his xenophobia towards the Ogadeens, the wider ****** clan and to a lesser degree all other Somali clans- his own ***** clan of course exempted. Ethiopia is held in good favour not for what it does directly for his Somalilnad but in its capacity as the arch enemy of Somali unity, and as the only country doing everything possible to thwart the revival of a strong Somali government- a prospect which he believes can only benefit Somaliland and its recognition whether intended or not. Following the old adage that the enemy of ones enemy is ones friend may sound appealing on the face of it, but it is short-sighted and self-defeating. In following Ismail’s fantasy trip, the reader would be forgiven in believing that this organised trip had little to do with the subject matter of his article but was perhaps a tourist promotion publicity aimed at luring Western tourists to the territory for whom the breath-taking panorama of the country side, and the sights of charming natives in their traditional setting would have a special appeal. Ismail is consciously aware that his readers are mainly Somalis and yet assumes unbelievably that they are ignorant of the territory and by implication the ONLF and its support base. He therefore believes that the best way to inform them is to take them on a virtual “sightseeing trip” to places he thinks they don’t know but of course they do know as much as he does. A man who talks to his readers perceives his readers in this strange way, as if they are not Somalis, when indeed they are Somalis from the same country and speaking the same language, can hardly be taken seriously If Ismail’s intention was to familiarise his readers with the salient tourist spots in the territory, his trip was pointless since they already know about these places. And if his objective was to inform them on the ONLF and its support base, the subject matter of his article, he has once again dismally failed for he hardly touched on this subject. The question Ismail raises as to who the ONLF represents remains unanswered. Instead, what we get instead is a change of subject in which Ismail trots out simplistic bland observations highlighting the apparent differences in development and prosperity that exist between what he calls peaceful areas and those where the ONLF holds sway. In his view, the lesson for the lagging ******* clan is that they should jettison the ONLF if they value economic betterment. In other words, the ONLF is to be judged not so much on the strength or otherwise of its support base but on hard economic considerations and how far the Ogadeens could be better off without the ONLF. This is clearly a different subject than the one Ismail raised in the title of his article. And if economic considerations are Ismail’s undeclared preference, as it seems, he should have been clear from outset in which case he should have spared us his silly shallow “sightseeing” story. What in this case was required of him was to come up with a serious presentation of the territory’s overall human development situation and show convincingly to what extent the ONLF liberation activities had adversely impacted on the development of their clan areas. Even if in this regard Ismail was to succeed to make a good case against the ONLF on the economic front, that by itself does not mean that the Organisation would have lost its raison d’etre for it will ultimately be judged on its achievement on the political front and whether it freed its people from Ethiopia’s colonial shackles. The indisputable suffering of the ******* in the meantime will be seen as the necessary sacrifice for that higher priceless goal: freedom and independence from one of the worst types of colonisation – a primitive, merciless African one. The fact that the are alone in this struggle, with other Somali clans in the territory either hostile to the liberation struggle as Ismail clan is, or simply sitting on the fence, or else watching passively from the sidelines, in no way detracts anything from the justice of their cause nor the legitimacy of the ONLF as a liberation organisation fighting on behalf of ALL the people in the Ocaden. It has been the same in all other countries where liberation movements had to contend not only with the forces of the colonisers but also their indigenous collaborators and large sections of the populations not committed to the struggle. So is the case in the Ocaden. When freedom is won in the Ocaden, other Somali clans in the territory will not hesitate to make their claim for their share of the newly won freedom. Needless to say, there are free riders in the political struggle when those who paid the price for independence and those who chose otherwise will come to share that freedom equally when it is attained. Isamil is currently betting on the Ethiopians defeating the ONLF. But I can see him tomorrow in a liberated independent Ocaden claiming to have been a Mujaahid all along no less so than ONLF. . Mohsin Mahad Email:mohsinmahad@yahoo.co.uk.

^Which land, and what land, and whom? Is there a specific group that you are playing on their sense of injustice? Who are you fooling here? :mad:

He means Somalis, not Somalilanders.

Good Debate by the Sheikhs

Duke The President's landmark speech indeed helped. The World Food Program for the first time since 1993 has started distributing wet food in Mogadisho. More open talk that highlights the truth about the zoning injustice perpetrated by these International NGOs and U.N. bodies and their appointed Somali associates is what our people need.

Gj, In the midst of the first round of talks held in Khartoum, the ICU were consolidating its power, seizing more territories. Prior to the second round of talks, They were given 50% of the parliament and a joint police force, but they squandered all of this chance and embarked their holy campaign of 'liberating Somalia' from what they considered as "warlords" including the TFG. Let us be honest with each other, this defeated ICU has no solution for Somalia and were driven by a general perception of fear and distrust against the president's clan. Their demand for withdrawal of AU and Ethiopia that leaves the TFG in the lurch is seen a great opportunity to defeat and kill the TFG in its infancy. However, the TFG was lucky enough to stave off the challenges of domestic realities in southern Somalia constrained by its thin military forces and lack of international support. It still faces huge obstacles from a coalition of forces led by a messianic, expansionist idealogy.

UNDP's programs are misguided and will indeed fuel the crisis in Somalia and particularly in the peaceful North. In my response to Dr. Diriye's article calling for a paradigm shift for Somalia, "RRARA is the Real Way to Go for The Reconstruction of Somalia: A System Based on Responsibility and Accountability for ALL the Stakeholders[posted on Hiiraan , I harshly criticized the UNDP's misguided programs in aiding and abetting Somalia's deep crisis through the facilitation and implementation of these programs when Somalia is still under chaos but more so allowing (perhaps for their own interest) Sool and Sanaag regions being bulldozed with the Hargeisa's clannish administration. This is what I proposed: I think in many ways Dr. Diriye’s propositions are what Somalia needs. A new approach that looks into the political, social, and historical characteristics of the hotspots is very indispensable. First, UNITED NATIONS' administrative zoning arrangement must be reformed altogether to the extent that it reflects the prevailing circumstances in SOMALIA. For instance, (and speaking of one of the emerging Hotspots mentioned in the above article) according to the Joint Needs Assessment, 'Somaliland' still has jurisdiction over the regions of Sool and Sanaag, which indeed inflame the conflict and hostility. If majority of the people of these regions oppose the clannish-driven secession, is it a viable program that these communities’ interest be placed in line with those whom they perceive as regional rivals. This is the root cause of the conflict in in the North and the reason why these two regions still remain volatile and in conflict. Taking advantage of the unfair system the U.N placed in Somalia after the collapse of Somali regime, any tribe that has the monopoly over the illegal acquisition of the country's Economic Infrastructure has been imposing its will on others, thereby exploding the situation. The State of Makhir was created as an alternative to these grievances and in response to the needs concerning economic and social development, the gap of which created by none other than the United Nations’ office in Nairobi. In addition to that, I believe the external influence of Somalia's conflict and their overlapping hidden interest in keeping the country under chaos and endless conflict need to be looked with another angle. Our conflict is nothing but tribal and disagreements over the equitable sharing of scarce resources. Imposing one tribe on another based on misguided political and geographic information hasn't worked so far and it will never work. The best conflict resolution mechanism in resolving the outstanding issues is to address the HOTSPOTS as the Dr. Diriye highlighted separate from the influence of another entity. For instance, Sanaag region and its stakeholders should be dealt with alone; Sool also should be dealt with its stakeholders, so on & so on. The U.N or any other international actors must not approach these regions or any other hotspots while violating the inalienable rights of their indigenous people. It has never worked in 17 years and it will never work.

JB, what about British Somaliland? Is it not also a long defunct colonial Protectorate? Even ONLF has more political appeal to the international scene for the principle of the self-determination of peoples than Hargeisa populace seek.

Many thanks Neyruus for clarifying things out. In the first part of his speech, the Prof.(Samatar) somehow evinces the posture of a reformist Muslim. He advocates the infusion of western democracy into our religion. He says like liberal democracy can't function without religion as it is often argued and embraced as an American value. He mentions the title of a book, which I don't recall at this time, as the source of American values. To somehow concur with the points the Professor makes, both the compact of Madina and the principle of Shura can be considered as elements of democratic ethics in Islam.

^Yes that is right but it was the divide and rule tactics of the colonial system. Our leaders must not fall for this colonial legacy that divided Somalis in the region. President M. Bare was very smart enough to see the political ramification of such a name, thus forming the regions' first movement organization, WSLF.

Nomadique, the TFG is willing to sit down and hold talks but will the Asmara group acquiesce to this invitation and diplomatic gesture by the new Prime Minister? To lessen the further displacents and killings of those who are caught in the crossfire, the Asmara group must stop resorting to guerilla type warfare and join their brothers in building the state.

Originally posted by The Zack: [The ONLF already did make those attempts sxb and it was never successful. You may need to further research the region's history. I know Its history and the reason how the name of the organization was chosen. Early Comment

A well representive Government! As a matter of fact, the main Somali clan in Mogadisho (All, not Particular subclan) have been given political rights disporportionate to their size and land.

Thnx Jamal for reviving this great topic. I hope to reflect on some of your other questions should time permit IA.

A good project for those who are interested in helping their motherland. Qualified Expatriate Somali Technical Support Project[QUESTS] The QUESTS Project provides a vitally important mechanism in enabling both public institutions and private entities engaged in public service delivery in Somalia to access the skills and expertise of professionals from the Somali diaspora. During its first phase, 2004-06, the QUESTS Project facilitated the placement in Somalia on short-term contracts of 22 consultants, representing various diaspora communities and a wide range of sectors. 25% were from the USA Placements were allocated to agriculture (8), education (8), health (2), economics (1) and multi-sectoral (1). During Phase II of QUESTS, which has recently been launched, the Project will: Increase the number of Somali professionals from the diaspora it places in Somalia Extend the length of placements to a maximum of 12 months Consolidate existing, and foster new, relationships with diaspora community associations—there are about 47 in the USA alone—as a means of raising the profile of QUESTS Introduce matching funding for diaspora-initiated development projects in Somalia Develop an Internet-based database of all professionals in the diaspora Facilitate the development of closer linkages and partnerships between key Somali Government institutions and overseas universities. For more information on the Quest project, please contact Kaltun.Hassan@undp.org Source: UNDP

My visit of this forum is very rare but I am learning every day in here.

The guy, a lion trainer at this zoo in Iran is trapped inside the lion's cage and he and his friends struggle to break loose from the Lion's fangs, which by now profusely bleeds the man. Watch the whole video and their final resort Watch