Red Sea, from what I gathered, you support "Somaliland" only for its role as a reserve of stability for the rest of Somalia and therefore won't mind if it were absorbed into a centralized, islamist-inspired state whatever the outcome? That you won't entrust this beloved land of yours with a secular or a combination of secular/tribal and islamist goverment is the fundamental difference you have with SOLers . The latter is what the D-jibouti accord is based on as a long-term solution in both domestic and regional outstanding national issues in my understanding. I haven't listened to the two brothers but it seems that they stand at the end point of two diametrically opposed views as far as preserving the nation from complete disintegration is to be the baseline number to which the future of our posterity is to be predicted.

Red Sea, from what I gathered, you support "Somaliland" only for its role as a reserve of stability for the rest of Somalia and therefore won't mind if it were absorbed into a centralized, islamist-inspired state whatever the outcome? That you won't entrust this beloved land of yours with a secular or a combination of secular/tribal and islamist goverment is the fundamental difference you have with SOLers . The latter is what the D-jibouti accord is based on as a long-term solution in both domestic and regional outstanding national issues in my understanding. I haven't listened to the two brothers but it seems that they stand at the end point of two diametrically opposed views as far as preserving the nation from complete disintegration is to be the baseline number to which the future of our posterity is to be predicted.

Red Sea, from what I gathered, you support "Somaliland" only for its role as a reserve of stability for the rest of Somalia and therefore won't mind if it were absorbed into a centralized, islamist-inspired state whatever the outcome? That you won't entrust this beloved land of yours with a secular or a combination of secular/tribal and islamist goverment is the fundamental difference you have with SOLers . The latter is what the D-jibouti accord is based on as a long-term solution in both domestic and regional outstanding national issues in my understanding. I haven't listened to the two brothers but it seems that they stand at the end point of two diametrically opposed views as far as preserving the nation from complete disintegration is to be the baseline number to which the future of our posterity is to be predicted.

^Our brothers from the North West are not that extreme with the idea of a divided Somalia. There are just grievances on their part that should not fall on deaf ears eventhough every Somali is affected by the tragedies of the civil war either direct or indirect way. No one is proud of a colonial heritage or like his land to be associated with a term that suggests this part of our history as a form of deliverance away from savagery, should I borrow from the renowned East African author, Ali Mazru.

Seems like the new face of the war. Allaha u naxariisto.

Oodweyne, The damage has already been done and a disporpotional one at that. It's just too naïve to relate to all the tragedy that is still happening in Somalia to co-incidental events or a natural consequence of the political status quo. Reflect on how precise things came to appear and all of sudden took a U-turn. The bankrolling of a few allied warlords to do the impossible was well intended to spawn new players whose political and idealogical framework as far as ruling Somalia was consistent with the War on Terror policy. The new players, not all but elements , were simply acting on and revolving around the orbit of Nash Equilibrium, that is pursuing own or multiplying their chances of survival, prestige, power and preponderance v.s their perceived enemies. Will American policy siuddenly take a positive and benovelent turn, I highly doubt so. It's a dog eat dog world and unless we show a sense of urgency, compromise and reconcile our differences, no one will extend a helping hand to us, including the so called Arab League.

Somali castro thinks far ahead. His clear position in the defense of one nation one flag only agitates some of our misguided people. It's just hard to believe how entrenched this belief of a colonial residue that is consigned to the dust bin has become in the minds of some of us, particularly the young generation.

Duke, though it has become a circular argument "Somaliland" the term itself was not exclusive to any region but to all Somali lands. The relative calmness in that part of Somalia can best be predicted to be a temporary status because the components that make up its shape and form has the clan factor at its core nucleus. Therefore, it's not a solvable equation. Only the concept of Somalinimo will hold the constituents strong and permenant. What is sad is that, over the years of this ongoing conflict, we have lost our sense of national identity-the wall that insulates the nation from a corruption of its bond, compassion, genorosity and common self defense. Indians for instance resent the term "Bombay" the reason being its anglical roots. I remember watching Larry King during the Taj Mahal hostage crisis. Larry employed the term and was immediately corrected. I reckon it's quite offensive to call Mumbay Bombay. Fact is our state collapsed so do the fabric of our society, culture and history.

It's true that BBC had to rely on a second hand news since its reporters were blocked from going into Gaza. Al-jazeera had the advantage in this saga of a first hand reportage. The Arabic version had more than 4 reporters inside Gaza before the war started, sort of like "lahayste meeshaan ka dhahno" BBC is mostly impartial and credible but this time its fault on reliable news coverage is noted.

DQ, you have an impossible theory to the complex issues of Puntland. Reer Makhir has both territorial claim and huge business and estate investment in the city of Bosaso for all eons the past and its surrounding. Consequently, the city will still be an integral part of their economic infrastructure should they decide to set up own self-determined state that is endorsed by their Sultans (it only takes his traditional power to sanction the formation of such a state). Unless a radical change is instituted as Che said, political and social relations of the contractually-bound stakeholders will never be the same again. I am however afraid that this credible eventuality would have a major impact in its internal cohesion as well as its political weight to instill influence and confidence into its leaders. In the past, it was USP which tipped the balance in the power configuration of SYL initially dominated by southerners. I doubt Puntland in its current isolation would be a dominating factor in Somalia's pricing matrix.

Good Call.

Fahiye, the borrowed phrases that Duke used do not in any way suggest comparison of Makhirians with African Americans like "change you can believe in". He also employed other familiar phrases like "battle ground states" for Sool region and the district of Buhodle. Saxib, your insinuation of references to which you accused of Duke is itself an affront to the Makhirians. What alternative would these phrases suggest other than our people's yearning for democracy and good governance?

Brother Fahiye, Yusuf was too unsophisticated for the formation of Puntland though he gets most of the credit(take an example of Prof. Said's long article). It was actually to the support and idea of Abdalla Hirad, at the time a UNDP Program administrator for Somalia and his PHD wife, at the time Charge De affairs for Somalia. The navigation and the conceptual process of Puntland came up and was implemented after the power-sharing humiliation in the Cairo peace comference in which both Yusuf and late Gabyow walked out in protest. As you all know Col. Yusuf has been a close friend of Hirad and the master idea of Puntland was indeed his despite Yusuf having succeeded mustering the resources and power to convince H- sultans and elders for the grand conference that was held in Garowe. Adeer, good luck.

Baashiyow , your argument that politics is dirty and tricky smacks one of wisdom. (Third world ?)Politics is but the science of government, and what underpins the functions of any political structure is that which shuns irrgularities, incompetence, corruption and other dirty tricks that clog the process of of good governance. In fact we won't have been in this disaster were it not for the widespread misconception of politics. To the average Somali, integrity, good public reputation , experience and knowledge take a back a seat but what wins an office to them is who is more infamous in the art of fascism or how to steal, rob or kill. But his lacking of the above-stated reasons is actually part of his "upsetting loss". The main reason is the unfair composition of the parliament as Fahiye said. Sorry to spill this, Somalis confuse National Interest(from realist/neorealist standpoint) with domestic politics and good governance. Xiin, Wayfarer and Masciid(S-Warrior), points well-taken. Busy with work. Nuune, adeer your comment makes no sense. Come again!

A big Opprtunity lost with the Selection of Faroole. I like to convey some crucial points with due diligence on the extensity of the long-term impact the outcome might or might not have on the political and social relations within the clans which formerly united to form this entity- born out of the crisis of Somalia. I know many of our brethrens like Duke and others are upset with the outcome - which has involved lots of external interferance, bribery and pledges paid to the Commission, and the entrenched disadvatage of the voting system over the people of Sool and Sanag, I congratulate Farole. First as a consequence of this evolution Puntland is yet a maamul goboleed hoose subscribing to the unproven assumptions of the building bloc system, but we were were convinced that the Gen. could engineer a transformative era that would have inspired the whole nation and would have braught many disillusioned quarters of Somalis closer to an enduring solidarity. We were also convinced that the quality of leadership Gen. Abdulahi Ilka-jir has in transcending across clan borders, education and his credentials in the now defunct Somali National Defence would be an opportune time for the region and its people. With him as a president, Somalis in Puntland would be in a position to stave off the widespread insecurity , piracy and other challenges ahead. One corrupt leader after another, it appears the masses have been held hostage by the so called elites and they are not to blame, in fact. However, the region that the Gen hails has accumulated a high risk premium for the so called elites in its political orientation and have paid a huge price for as far as development and other services go. I wouldn't therefore be surprised if it breaks off political relations with the rest of Puntland and focus on rebuilding its image as has been in the past. For many, it becomes a quick receptive to the media propoganda that the people of this region fall either for the two entities. That they have no middle ground to adhere to for the interest of Somalia in preserving its national union is a reality. Totally not true! The modern history of post-conflict Somalia says otherwise. Under UNISOM, the political leaders of Sanaag were placed to run the affairs of their region and had had an administrative jurisdiction, which they still do. But the fact that they were internationally recognized as an independent entities from the tendencies of secessionism advanced by some quarters representing their clan pockets from the North West. Charges that the Sanag region would flock to the other side of the camp is patently false, meaningless and quite abusive to the clean records of the people of this region- the heart and symbolic founders of the Somali Nation. Again good luck with our brothers in Puntland. - Cell

The Useful, it was nice to know that. Xiin, so you believe there's a region call "Somaliland" that our regions fall into? The so called "Somaliland" was not more than a protectorate, a bunch of treaties Colonial Britain entered with local tribes. So if you hold the idea that those long gone treaties have the historical and normative weight, that the objection is not over its existance or name but who is for or against or which clan is dominant or not to decide the return of this to its "legal past", then your perspective is not actually that far from where the secessionists stand. In fact, you demonstrated where theirs and yours converge: the existance of the region to which Sool and Sanaag are part eventhough the people in that area are divided over the dismemberment of it from Somalia. Correct? "Somaliland" had never transpired into a state to where it can return to it. If you object to that , let me know. You are at least considered someone with realistic views in Somalia and its history unlike the delusional, modern revisionists.

Thanks Duke for the info. I'll listen to them one by one. Didn't have the chance yet.

Range's fortunes in Puntlanders' hands Jan 7, 2009 - 2:55:23 AM IT IS typical for a rights issue prospectus to be accompanied by a long list of potential risk factors for investors to consider. But those factors usually involve issues such as timing and future financing rather than "acts of piracy" and "a high risk the company would not be able to effectively and legally enforce any of its rights under its agreement". Unless, of course, the company is Range Resources, an oil and gas explorer in Somalia's semi-autonomous state of Puntland. Range is seeking to raise about $3 million through a rights issue of options to help cover ongoing exploration costs and working capital, amid the expectation its Canadian joint venture partner, Africa Oil, will drill two wells this year following delays last year. The plans are not set in stone. Range does not plan to mail its prospectus to shareholders until January 20, as it is awaiting the outcome of Puntland's presidential election this weekend. The company claimed it was "confident of the re-election of current President [Mohamud Musse] Hersi" who signed the initial agreement giving Range exclusive mineral and oil rights to Puntland in 2005. The presidential race initially drew about 35 candidates, but the two main challengers to Mr Hersi's rule appear to be General Abdullahi Ahmed Ilkajir, and the opposition leader, Abdirahman Mohamed Farole. Mr Farole, a doctoral candidate in the history department at La Trobe University, returned to Puntland in November after two years in Melbourne. He has been an outspoken critic of Range's rights to Puntland's resources since the initial agreement was signed. In contrast, Mr Hersi's government has in the past received funding from Range and provides the company with armed security guards when its executives visit the region, which is often a staging ground for offshore pirates and onshore kidnappings of Westerners. Range will require extra protection for a planned offshore seismic survey that has already been delayed. "We don't deal with any of the opposition leaders," said Range's executive director, Peter Landau. "From our perspective, Hersi getting back in is very important." Also important is Africa Oil's ability to fund the joint venture's ongoing exploration efforts. Africa Oil is spending $US45.5 million ($64 million) on exploration of two onshore blocks to earn an 80 per cent interest in those areas. The Canadian company completed an onshore seismic program last year, but as of the end of September it had only $US2.25 million cash on hand and had received $C6 million ($7 million) in loans from its major shareholder, Sweden's Lundin family. Mr Landau said he was confident the Lundins would continue to support Africa Oil, particularly since it recently received almost $C300 million from selling a major stake in Syrian oil producer Tanganyika Oil to China's Sinopec. Reuters this week reported that Africa Oil had stopped exploration in Puntland and had not paid staff for three months. Mr Landau claimed the report was inaccurate and was instead a typical dispute with a contractor. A representative of Africa Oil, based in Vancouver, did not respond to the Herald's request for comment. The Sydney Morning Herald

YacQub, It's not speech and eloquence that wins you a race. It's indeed a character, strong base of experience both in the military and civic matters, wisdom and judgement. The Gen is often mentioned as a military man but he is also a CPA, a great builder of social cohesion, peace-maker,(in recent and past conflicts) and his public reputation is very high. Perhaps you haven't been following his public speeches. Go to his campaign site.

What is your position of his ideas? Do you think his answers as far as the secessionist camp is concerned deserve a comparison with Uganda? And which villages? The Las Anod or Hargeisa villages?

Dhulqarnayn, great advice! Below is an authoritative view of Nur Bahal, a scholar and insider of "Somaliland" politics. I agree Mr. Riyaale have exploited the sense of the secessionist's victimhood in their political relations with the East to his own dictatorial advantage. He knows that the buttoms of vexation can be easily pushed anytime to trigger war with the East(Sool and Sanaag). In fact, the malleabilty of the innocent masses from turning a fictitious enemy into a real and palpable that's there to kill them is what Riyale keeps him in office for many years of misrule and abuse of power. It's a classic example of distracting people from their economic and political crisis. Here is Nur Bahal's observation. ""The latest onslaught of wars in the east and explosions in the capital and the general sense of apprehension is nothing but a symptom of a deeper cataclysmic political malaise. Although peace was established in Somaliland, strategies to prevent the return of the prior social chaos have not even been looked at. So in a way, it can be argued that the peace in Somaliland might be a transition to a more adverse chaos. Chaos begins with authority´s abuse of power"

Thanks for posting it, Xaruuri. Very rich article.

A change you can believe in saxibayaal.

I meant 1998 sorry

Nuune, you can see gardarada nimankan ay wadaan. But the division gap within the communities of Puntland that the secessionists have exploited are very likely to be closed after the election of Puntland. I am very optimistic about it.