Paragon is missing

Extremely important thread and I will participate it later. I have a very limited time at the moment.

Originally posted by NGONGE: Now, would you kindly afford us some air of respect and admit that this lady’s letter was nothing but a simple, incoherent and aggravating rant? I agree it is a simple since there isn't enough information to expand on this particular case and yes it appeals to the audience's emotion for solution that would release the inmate. However, unless you believe in this tribalistic state, you would not fictionalize Somalia and demand the honor of being referred to what colonial administration coined as a protectorate for its own exploitative motive and economic interest. Do you agree that balkanization in Somalia creates a lineage-conscious sense of belonging that has become ever so important in all parts of Somalia since the beginning of the political strife in Somalia and the ensuing dissolution of civil society, marked by the collapse of government in January 1991? I admire in Asha's firm stance in being free from the wasted effort of political mythology on the expense of our country, and she is highly experienced and educated lady, so to render her letter as incoherent rant is an affront itself.

Ngonge and Jacaylbaro, you might be thinking of the terminological inexactitude of the terms she used and charged them as an improper way of addressing something/somebody or an entity. However, I am afraid that you missed her implied message or the plural implication of the states, not a single state. Northwestern states was formed by groups of clans who trace their descendents from one ancestor according to their popular belief. So, her use of northwestern states would not either validate or invalidate “Somaliland” but it will provide a realistic approach of dealing with this particular situation. They (Sanag state) are averted to the question of secession, which the self-appointed leadership in Hargeisa vehemently pursues and advocates. Hence, this differentiation formula of both groups, both represented in the transitional Federal government, works best to inform from local understanding and position those who are concerned, for instance, Human rights groups or to the addressee.

Release Mr. Yasiin Kilwe Othman: An Open letter to the leadership of Northwestern states of Somalia Somali Republic Transitional Federal Parliament Office of Asha Ahmed Abdalla Baidoa, Somalia I write to express my serious concerns about Mr. Yaasin Kilwe Othman, who is in a hunger strike to protest his unjust imprisonment in Berbera, Somalia. I urge you to take action at once to seek his immediate and unconditional release from prison and thereby save his life. Mr. Yaasin Kilwe Othman was born in 1981 in Dhahar town, Sanaag state, Somalia. In November 2003, while in a brief holiday from his college in Bossasso, Somalia, he decided to travel to Hargeysa city. Shortly, he was arbitrarily arrested and accused by the local authorities of committing robbery in an area between Tog Wajaale and Jigjiga towns of Ethiopia. This was not substantiated by evidence in a court of law, and hence was ordered released by the court on 06 May 2006, as required by the constitution. During his unjustifiable detention, Mr. Othman was tortured and subjected to horrendous treatment. He was consequently transferred to Berbera city jailhouse, a considerable traveling distance from his hometown Dhahar, hence furthering his family’s torment. Previous attempts to resolve this matter peacefully have failed. Including, but not limited, to writing letters, peaceful protests, and speaking to journalists and local media. Mr. Yaasin Kilwe Othman, has vowed to continue his hunger strike until the authorities in Berbera, Somalia sets him free. According to reports, he is so weak that he cannot walk, lost a lot of weight, and his life is in grave danger. Mr. Yaasin Kilwe Othman will probably die if the local government in northwestern Somalia does not release him immediately. Mr. Yaasin Kilwe Othman is a native of Sanaag state, a state that I am proud to represent in the Transitional Federal Somali Parliament of Somali Republic currently based in Baidoa, Somalia. As you know, the citizens of my state are well-known through our nation’s history, of being peace loving and politically independent citizens. I implore you to do whatever you can to save Mr. Yaasin Kilwe Othman's life and seek his immediate release from prison. Also, I urge you to investigate this serious human rights and international humanitarian law violations and prosecute their perpetrators, to ensure that all citizens have access to justice and equal treatment before the law, in accordance with the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Furthermore, Mr. Yaasin Kilwe Othman's should be adequately compensated. Thank you for your attention to these concerns. I respectfully await your response. Yours truly, Asha Ahmed Abdalla Member of Transitional Federal Somali Parliament of Somali Republic Baidoa, Somalia Asha_Somali_Parliament@yahoo.com Asha_Somali_Parliament@hotmail.com Cc: President Dahir Riyaale Kahin Fax: 00 252 213 8324 or 00252 252 3848 Email: sl_victory@yahoo.com Minister of the Interior Mr Ismail Aden Osman, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or The Presidency (as above) Fax: 00 252 213 8324 or 00252 252 3848 Email: sl_victory@yahoo.com Minister of Justice Mr Ahmed Hassan Ali Assowe, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Presidency (as above) Fax: 00 252 213 8324 or 00252 252 3848 Email: sl_victory@yahoo.com Commander of the Somaliland Police Mr Mohamed Egeh Elmi, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Presidency (as above) Fax: 00 252 213 8324 or 00252 252 3848 Email: sl_victory@yahoo.com Minister of Foreign Affairs Ms Edna Ismail Aden Fax: 00 252 828 3271 Email: slforeign@hotmail.com Somali Human Rights Defenders International Human Rights Organizations Source: Dhahar.com

Very lucky person.

The story gives contextual picture of Somalia's anarchy. I am one of those guys who will advise good guys in the west to go for the good girls in Somalia.

The upheaval in Somalia is fertile ground for one of the most respected fiction writers in the world, who is frequently mentioned as a candidate for a Nobel Prize in literature. Farah Nuruddin: is the author of the new book, "Knots," the second in a trilogy that explores the nightmarish world of warlord-dominated Somalia. Listen to an Interview with Nuruddin Farah by MN Public Radio be patient, it is long interview nevertheless compensates your time with the author's insight, wisdom, experiences, and his recent trip to Somalia to broker deal with the the overpowered SCIU and TFg. -------------------------------- INTERVIEW: Timely novel sheds light on chaotic Somalia Tue Jan 30, 2007 5:01 PM IST Printer Friendly By Ed Stoddard DALLAS (Reuters Life!) - War-ravaged Somalia is the steamy setting for Nuruddin Farah's new novel "Knots" about roots, returning and regeneration -- a tale of hope set against a backdrop of seeming hopelessness. A family catastrophe in Canada prompts Cambara, a strong-willed Somali exile, to return to reclaim her family property in war-torn Mogadiscio (the Italian spelling of the city Mogadishu used by the author) from a warlord. In the process she finds unexpected love, befriends a jovial Irishman, a resourceful shopkeeper and some female peace activists among others, and manages to stage a play -- while throwing a couple of karate kicks along the way. The novel is a timely portrait, given Ethiopia's recent military intervention in Somalia to help the interim government rout rival Islamists and American air strikes in the chaotic country aimed at al Qaeda-affiliated fighters. Born in Somalia in 1945, Farah grew up in the Somali-speaking ****** region of Ethiopia. He has made several trips to Somalia in recent years in a bid to broker dialogue between the armed groups who have made the country a byword for anarchy. He spoke to Reuters by phone from his home in Cape Town ahead of his North American book tour to promote "Knots" which begins on Wednesday, Jan 31:. Q: Why this choice of topic? A Somali exile returning to try and reclaim her family property? A: "She has already kind of lost her property in Canada, so he has become technically homeless. So she has to start everything from the beginning. She also defies death by going to Somalia and saying: "Come and get me. There is no life for me"." Q: When were you last in Somalia? A: "I was in Somalia a few months ago. I was brokering peace between the Islamists and the transitional government. I was trying to convince both sides that there will be a lot for them in coming to an agreement. But some of the hard-line Islamists, it seemed to me, were not aware of the dangers that would come their way. I told them if they provoked Ethiopia it would walk in and nobody would come to their aid." Q: Is there any hope for Somalia? A: "There is plenty of hope. I think we have all learned a lesson from this protracted civil war. We know what gun politics can bring, actually nothing but destruction. People are coming around to the idea that there is no option but peace ... I had a very hairy moment when I was there when I thought that I would be killed for $2. I knew what it felt like to be randomly selected as a victim. But there is hope." Q: Ghana will mark 50 years of independence this year -- which many historians see as the start of the post-colonial era on the continent. As a writer, what is your assessment of the post-colonial period in sub-Saharan Africa? A: "Let me say something that is probably a heresy. Africa has probably done much, much better over the number of years that these countries have been independent. In a country like Somalia, in 1960 when it became independent, there were 51 secondary school graduates from one secondary school. The colonialists did not build an infrastructure ... There was no university until 1970/71. So we are talking about starting everything from scratch. Now the same stories of sorrow and negligence and exploitation on the part of the colonialists is duplicated almost everywhere on the continent. In short, the national governments no matter how corrupt they have been and are, have done more progress in education and infrastructure development than the colonialists did." Q: Any advice for aspiring writers? A: "No one can teach you how to write except yourself. It is a self-taught profession. It is through rewriting and revising that you achieve your aim. I rewritten as often as 5 to 6 times every book that I have published." Q: What is your favorite novel? A: "One of my favorite novels is "The Shipping News" by E. Annie Proulx. When I read it I wished I had written it."

Thanks bloomdayr.

Originally posted by Qudhac: some dude robbed some money he got sent to jail... so what.... oooh am sorry because he was from dhakhar or wherever he coulnt have possibily commited a crime...eh garaad You parrot whatever you are told? With such kind of attitude, you are not going any far , trust me. Two nights ago, one mother was taken out of her house for unstated reasons. "Hooyo Casha Aliyow Cabdule ayaa xalay gelinkii danbe lagaga baxay gurigeeda oo ku yaala Xaafada Shacabka ee magaalada Hargeysa waxaana la baxay Ciidamada Cirdoonka ee Soomaliland CID,Hooyo Caasho waxay degenayd magaalada Hageysa 8 sano waxayna ku dhashay 4 caruur ah waxayna ka soo jeeda Beesha ****** ee ******." http://allsanaag.com/Details.asp?id=947

How are we to know for a fact whether the cause of his arrest was invented for pecuniary reasons. The systematic arrest and hand over of innocent civilians have been a standard procedure in the seperatist bloc and it reminds everyone the cult of Muqdishu's former warlords and their clandestine activities. This inmate and many other inmates like him were even taken to a remote place to be interviewed under duress. This is done by U.S secret agents, CIA and their collaborators to arbitrarily arrest innocent persons and force them to divulge what they are really looking for even if that takes the forfeiture of someone's life. And then what happens? The unfortunate inmates are kept in these so called prisons indefinately. It happens in Egypt and even in Europe. What difference are we to expect from a poor corner of Somalia.

The Samatars have been suspect to many of us. I agree with Garad on his enquiry as to why the two professors hold the same ideological views and take the same position all the time. I don't know what befell on the critic organization they formed jointly against the TFG one year ago. It vanished in the air after a critique done by Ismail on their article "Impasse over Mogadishu: A Grand Compromise". I have fortunately retrieved both articles from the archives of Wardhernews. As you read the critique, take the time to visit the link and look on your left side to read the critiqued one You might be able to discover the ulterior motives of the professors that lie beneath the surface. ==== A Critique of “Impasse Over Mogadishu: A Grand Compromise” Ismail Ali Ismail April 4 ,2005 The Samatar brothers (professors Ahmed and Abdi) published under the date of 28 March 2005 an article which appeared on a number of Somali websites under the caption “Impasse Over Mogadishu: A Grand Compromise”. This was done in the name of the Board of Directors of a “National Civic Forum”. Upon reading the article one gets the inescapable impression that the Forum is indeed a partisan group and that there is glaring need for a counterblast to its views in order to have the necessary balance. First, its language and deliberate use of certain terminological inexactitudes cast a long shadow of doubt on the intention of the group. The article starts with the inference that the government or the process of its “selection” is “…bereft of nation-wide legitimacy…” without bothering to tell its readers how that legitimacy was measured nation-wide. In the next paragraph the article shuns the fact that Abdullahi Yusuf was elected as President in a legitimate, free and fair process publicly admitted by his fiercest opponents and recognized by IGAD and the international community at large. It is the same process by which President Aden Abdulle Osman and President Abdirasheed Ali Sharmarke were elected – not “selected” and there are many countries that elect their head of state similarly. To say, therefore, that Abdullahi Yusuf was ‘selected' is tantamount to cheap meanness. The term “selection” is alien to the field of political competition and as a process selection is completely different from election. Secondly, the article is quick to point to the hasty request of President Abdullahi Yusuf to the African Union for a force of 20,000 men and highlights his insistence on the inclusion of a contingent from neighboring Ethiopia . Whilst it states that this must be “remembered”, it conveniently forgets that the insistence on Ethiopian troops is what made the warlords and their collaborators in Mogadishu abandon their erstwhile position of not accepting any foreign troops at all. Thirdly, contrary to the contention of the Forum's Board of Directors, there was neither debate nor voting of any kind in that infamous parliamentary session which brought shame upon all of us: The Board says, “After heated discussion, the overwhelming majority rejected the notion of the deployment of the troops….” By reflecting solely the viewpoint of the warlords and their supporters whilst choosing to ignore the government's viewpoint the Boards has sidestepped the most elementary and basic principle of justice: audi alteram partem. I agree that it would be unwise to bring Ethiopian troops into our country now that it is generally accepted that other foreign troops be brought in. It is also imprudent to do so because it has proved to be too costly a proposition in terms of further deepening our divisions. But, I discount patriotism as a reason because if we were patriotic there would have been no cause for calling foreign troops in the first place: after all, thirteen reconciliation conferences before Nairobi failed to trigger any sense of patriotism in us. And our connivance with others to dump toxic chemical and nuclear wastes in our shores does not attest to our patriotism. It is therefore hypocritical now to pretend that we are patriotic. As for the “Grand Compromise” which the Boards is calling for, I am truly baffled as I cannot reconcile between the Board's statement that it “…has been closely monitoring the current political crisis surrounding the proposed deployment of foreign peacekeeping troops in Somalia ”, and their display of ignorance about what has been going on. The Mogadishu warlords had themselves been saying time and again for the last six months that they would remove their militias from the capital and would assemble them in areas 30 kms. out of the capital. The only problem is that they have not done so; the warlords are not known for honoring their promises. It seems also that the Board is oblivious to the government's announced plans; else, they would not have proposed steps which are already in the pipeline as announced by the government. But the implication of a call for “A Grand Compromise” is that no compromises have been made thus far. Reconciliation is a long and arduous process; it has to be nurtured with care so as to prevent eruptions of the civil war, but a firm hand is surely needed as well to bring recalcitrant politicians to book. I cannot for the life of me understand the need at this juncture for establishing a ‘reconciliation commission' of eleven eminent persons. If it is to be a standing commission (since the process of reconciliations is going to be inevitably long) it will need a certain institutional infrastructure to support it. Furthermore, I do not know if the current political players have any respect for anyone other than themselves – eminent persons or not. That aside, we have to remember also that our most eminent, wise and politically savvy persons (former President Aden Abdulle Osman, former Prime Ministers Abdirazak Haji Hussein and the late Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, and others) did actually put shoulders to the wheel at the first Djibouti Conference in1991 when it was not too late to nib the conflict in the bud. There are, no doubt, many odd things about the present arrangement: a Speaker who is on the side of the opposition and is conspiring to overthrow the Head of State and the Government; ministers campaigning actively on the side of the opposition and who neither resigned nor were dismissed; a government which does not control parliament and is hanging by a cliff; a Head of State and Prime Minister traveling together ( and too often ) in the same plane unmindful of their safety and security and; members of parliament who cannot debate and score points but, in stead, resort to violence; the defenestration of the principles of collective and executive responsibility; and, above all, a government and parliament which seem to have settled in a foreign capital. The list is too long much to the dismay of those of us who expected things to be better. However, if we Somalis really want to salvage our long–wrecked ship of State we should work together towards the success of the Nairobi process (not ‘dispensation' as the professors call it) irrespective of whether we like or loathe those at the helm. It is my considered view that we should build on the achievements of the Nairobi Conference and not destroy it; for it opens a wide window of opportunity (not a narrow one as the professors put it ) which would enable us solve our problems with the help of the well-meaning international community. As the saying goes, “you can lead a horse to a well, but you cannot force it to drink”. The international community – our immediate neighbors being in the fore front -has led us to the well of peace: let us drink from it. Ismail Ali Ismail geeldoonia@gmail.com LINK:- http://www.wardheernews.com/articles/April/04_impasse%20over%20Moqdisho_Ismail.htm

The second step is to solve the issue of Sool and Sanaag. One of the lessons that we’ve learned from the earlier peace reconciliations is the fact that demand for justice alone does not always lead to a lasting peace. It is the political reconciliation, not justice that was responsible for the stability we have today. This author is a bit realistic of the current political situation in this former British Protectorate.

"...Instead, there was a long living Illusion that the Arabs would finally, within the "Islamic solidarity", support the justly struggle of the Somali-landers for their national sovereignty. Precious human and political resources of the new state has been wasted to persuade the "brotherly Arab states" to reconsider their stand. As a result, an anti Somaliland propaganda was initiated by the Arab block within the international community. The dictatorial regimes of Cairo and Khartoum have started a crusade against the young Somaliland democracy...with always new black-mailings towards black African states, Europe and the USA..."not to interfere in the matters on Horn". Is he scapegoating the Arab nations for lack international recognition? The world is not blind of your stratagems and desperate attempts to discover the roots of the problem. More than half of the population of this once British Protectorate is opposed to secession. That is one element of the unresolved problems. Another problem is the Act of Union. You can't simply legalize colonial borders and throw the Act of Union into desuetude.

Ciidamo Itoobiyaan ah oo la sheegay in ay la baxeen tiro dhalinyaro ah Jibriil Nuur Cadde WardheerNews, _________________________________________ Muqdisho, Jan 27, 2006 (WDN) - Ciidamada Itoobiya ee ku sugan magaalada Muqdisho, ayaa la sheegay in ay xalay u dhaceen xarun ay hey'ad u dooda xuquuqda Aadanaha ku leedahay deegaanka KM4 ee magaalada Muqdisho. Ciidmadaasi ayaa halkaasi ka watay qaar kamid ah shaqaalihi hey'adaasi, sida uu sheegay masuul ka tirsan hey'addaasi. Masuulkaasi oo lagu magacaabo Suudaan Cali Axmed, ayaa waxa uu tibaaxay in xalay saqdii dhexe ay ciidamo Itoobiyaan ahi weerar kusoo qaadeen xarunta hey'adda, iyagoo si qasab ah ku kexeeyay shaqaalaha halkaasi ku sugnaa. Suudaan Cali Axmed waxaa uu cadeeyay in ciidamada Itoobiya ay wateen ilaa 8 kamid ah shaqaalihii halkaasi ku sugnaa, isagoo xaqiijiyay in la jir dilay kahor intii aan la wadin. Masuulkaasi waxaa uu ugu baaqay dowladda FKMG in ay si deg deg ah kusoo daayaan shaqaalahasi, mise war cad ay kasoo saarto dowladda sababaha loo qafaashay. Ciidamada Itoobiya ayaa la sheegay in halkaasi ay uga shakiyeen in ay gabaad u tahay kooxaha hubeysan ee habeenkii inta badan weerarada ku qaada xarumaha ay ciidamada Itoobiya ka dageen magaalada Muqdisho. Howgallada noocasi oo kale ah ayaa kusoo badanaya magaalada Muqdisho, xilli ay iyana sii kordhayaan weerarada ka dhanka ah joogitaanka Ciidamada Itoobiya ee gudaha Muqdisho. Jibrill Nuur cadde, WardheerNews, Muqdisho

Somalia needs African Solidarity Thabo Mbek President, South Africa 28 Jan, 2007 In June 1974, a few of us spent some days in Mogadishu, Somalia, as members of an ANC delegation. We had come to the capital of Somalia to attend the annual Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Assembly of Heads of State and Government. As was the practice then, the Assembly had elected the President of Somalia, Major General Siad Barre, as its Chairperson and Chair of the OAU until the next Assembly. Siad Barre therefore presided over the proceedings of the Mogadishu Summit. During that month of June, as it hosted the Assembly, Mogadishu served as the venue for a great African celebration. The reason for the celebration was the then impending collapse of Portuguese colonialism and the liberation of the African Portuguese colonies. Unquestionably, the star of the day, who attended the Assembly, was the late Samora Machel, who was to become the first President of liberated Mozambique. In its 24 June 1974 edition the US "Time" magazine carried an article entitled "Sinking the Lusitanian". Among other things it said: "When President Antonio de Spinola inaugurated new governors for Angola and Mozambique...for the first time ever in a public speech about the territories, (he) used the word that Africans had been waiting for him to speak: independence. 'Self-determination cannot be dissociated from democracy,' he said, adding: 'Neither can we dissociate self-determination from independence.' "The declaration suggested that Spinola was willing to let sink his pet idea of a 'Lusitanian Federation' - a close alliance of Portugal with semi-autonomous African territories. As the general's speech went on, however, a chill set in. In an apparent volte-face from his earlier tone, he outlined four gradual stages of decolonisation, only at the end of which would the possibility of independence be broached. "All this may merely have been Spinola's way of asserting his determination not to see white settler interests sold down the river in the territories. However it was meant, liberation movement leaders at the annual meeting in Mogadishu, Somalia, of the Organisation of African Unity...read neo-colonialism into every word. Declared Frelimo Vice President Marcelino dos Santos: 'Our attacks will be maintained and even increased until independence is conceded under the sole leadership of Frelimo.'" If others might have had doubts about the certainty of the liberation of the Portuguese colonies, the ANC had none. In a letter of congratulations to the new Secretary General of the OAU elected in Mogadishu, William Eteki Mboumoua, Oliver Tambo said: "Throughout the world, the forces of reaction are suffering successive defeats. The peoples of Africa and the world struggling for national liberation, social progress and peace are scoring impressive victories. "Of particular relevance to us and to the great peoples of Africa is, of course, the heroic victory scored by our brother peoples and combatants of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde in helping to bring about the downfall of the hated Portuguese colonial and fascist regime of Caetano. "This decisive victory has not only opened up the prospects for the rapid accession to independence of the Portuguese colonies in Africa, it has also greatly strengthened the liberation forces of our own country..." As part of a cultural programme put together for the benefit of the delegates, a Somali drama group performed a play that sought to denounce the neo-colonialism mentioned by "Time" magazine, and which severely compromised the independence of African countries. The play had scenes of delegates visiting Western embassies on their way to OAU meetings. Here they would be given briefcases full of cash. They would then be given instructions on the resolutions they should propose at these OAU meetings and how they should vote. The sketches included instructions on the need for these delegates to do everything possible to frustrate the struggles against colonialism and apartheid. This was the first and last time I visited Mogadishu. For many years afterwards Mogadishu and Somalia remained in our memories as African places of hope for us, a reliable rear base for the total liberation of Africa, including our liberation from apartheid. Indeed, in later years, others of our comrades returned to Mogadishu, this time to work with the Somali government to prepare for the clandestine infiltration into South Africa of cadres of Umkhonto we Sizwe, who would travel to apartheid South Africa by sea, secretly departing from the Somali ports! The fact of the matter however is that in time Somalia fell apart and ceased to exist as a viable state. This has led to the eventuality that, as the year 2007 began, Somalia put itself firmly at the top of the African Agenda. Whereas in 1974 all our liberation movements and independent Africa counted on Somali support to achieve the goals of the African Revolution, in 2007 Somalia needs the support of the rest of the African Continent, again to achieve the goals of the African Revolution. It is true that Somalia remains an independent state. However, for 15 years it has been victim to a protracted internal conflict that resulted in the collapse of the state, the death of an estimated one million Somalis, the emigration of thousands as refugees, and the impoverishment of millions as a result of severe and sustained socio-economic regression. Further to complicate the situation, giving it a global dimension, allegations have now been made that international terrorist groups have established themselves in Somalia, taking advantage of the situation created by the collapse of the Somali state. Earlier, in the context of the conflict that ensued after the overthrow of Siad Barre, the United Nations (UN) had authorised a US-led military mission to intervene in Somalia, among other things to create the conditions for the distribution of humanitarian assistance. In 1993 Somali combat groups in Mogadishu killed 18 US soldiers, after shooting down a US helicopter. This incident came to be known as "Black Hawk Down", and led to the withdrawal of the US troops and the termination of the UN mission, which failed to achieve its objectives. Somalia has also turned into a source of regional instability, even as the African Continent through the African Union (AU) has intensified its efforts to ensure that ours becomes a Continent of peace, focused on responding to the challenge of eradicating poverty and underdevelopment. For the sake both of Somalia and our Continent as a whole, Africa has no choice but to come to the aid of this sister African country. In many respects the deeply entrenched Somali crisis demonstrates what can happen to many of our countries if they are not governed and managed in a manner that addresses the interests of all citizens, bearing in mind the national specifics of each country. As a state entity Somalia came into being as recently as 1960. In that year the two colonies, British and Italian Somaliland, gained their independence. To end the fragmentation of the Somali population brought about by colonialism, they then decided to merge and form the United Republic of Somalia. This process of the unification of the Somali-speaking people however also led to tensions with neighbouring countries, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya, each one of which has a Somali-speaking minority. The worst manifestation of these tensions was, of course, the 1977 war with Ethiopia, when Somalia tried to annex the Somali-speaking ****** region of Ethiopia. (Feudal Ethiopia had managed to seize part of ****** during the 1880s, and later succeeded to get the whole of it through an agreement with colonial Britain.) We mention these events because today there are Ethiopian troops in Somalia. Not surprisingly, the media reports that many Somalis consider this Ethiopian presence as a humiliation. One businessman, Abdulahi Mohamed Mohamud, was reported as saying, "We are afraid of a long war, and people are angry at the Ethiopian troops." As the Somali state collapsed after the overthrow of Siad Barre in 1991, it became a conglomeration of different enclaves. North-west Somalia proclaimed itself the independent Republic of Somaliland. The Puntland region declared its autonomy. Various parts especially of southern Somalia fell under the control of different clan leaders, or "warlords". The question that must arise is whether, in fact, during the years of independence, the different traditional "clan" areas and sections of the Somali population had developed a strong enough sense of national cohesion and identity to ensure the survival of the United Republic of Somalia proclaimed in 1960! The importance of this question is highlighted by the role played by the issue of clan divisions in the uprising that overthrew Siad Barre in 1991, who evidently had discriminated against some clans, specifically the Mijertyn and **** clans, in favour of his own ******* clan. In this regard, a BBC correspondent, Peter Biles, has reported that: "When Somalia's president was overthrown in 1991, much of the country fell under the control of warlords and clan-based factions." Another report spoke of "the oppressive, capricious, and clan-based autocracy of the late dictator, Siyad Barre, who used his interpretation of clan institutions for his own ends, to oppress political opponents, create inequality, and promote conflict and violence. So great was his malevolence and abuse of power that virtually all Somalis now hold a deep-seated fear and distrust of any centralized authority." Another important element of the story of Somalia is that, as had happened in many African countries at the time, General Siad Barre had acceded to power in 1969 by coup d'etat. He seized power after Abdi Rashid Ali Shermarke, elected President in 1967, had been assassinated. Inevitably, the absence of democratic institutions would make it extremely difficult for the different Somali clans, regions and interest groups to negotiate among themselves to define a national compact that would ensure the cohesion of the nation. Somalia now has an Interim Government that is recognised by the AU and the rest of the world, born in 2004 after protracted negotiations held in Kenya, involving the warring Somali factions. As a result of the Ethiopian intervention, which ousted the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) that had fought itself into a position of power in Mogadishu and other parts of southern Somalia, this Government is now operating from Mogadishu. As the military conflict continued after the ouster of the UIC, the US decided to launch air strikes against the retreating UIC adherents, claiming that it was striking at terrorists who had bombed the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam in 1998 and then taken refuge in Somalia. The majority of the world, including the AU and the UN, has been forthright in opposing this action, correctly asserting that this will not help to resolve the crisis in Somalia and would add oil to the fires that are burning in the Middle East. In addition, some Somalis have been quoted as saying that these air strikes were carried out as an act of vengeance for the death of 18 US soldiers in Mogadishu in 1993 and the shooting down of the US 'Black Hawk' helicopter. Responding to the events in Somalia, including these US air strikes, the Foreign Minister of neighbouring Yemen, Abu Bakr al-Qirbi, said: "Yemen was hoping that the Islamic Courts and the interim government would have settled their differences through the negotiating table. Unfortunately this did not happen. "Now we have to deal with the situation as it is, and we will have to work on getting everybody concerned in Somalia to negotiate the future management of Somalia, to restore peace and security, and to put the interests of Somalia above the interests of clans or political parties or ideologies." In these words, Abu Bakr al-Qirbi set the agenda for Somalia that the AU must address during this year, 2007. Supported by the UN Security Council, the AU is engaged in an urgent process that should result in the deployment of AU peace-keeping troops in Somalia, to help this sister country to extricate itself from its protracted crisis. In this regard, the January 2007 President of the Security Council, Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin, announced that the Council regards Somalia as "a high priority matter" and is concerned about instability, security, and the humanitarian situation. The Council strongly supports an inclusive political dialogue among various political forces in Somalia and favours the speedy deployment of IGASOM, the new force that would be set up by the African Union and a seven-nation East African regional group of nations. Time will tell when the next Assembly of Heads of State and Government, this time of the AU, will convene in Mogadishu. For that to happen, as Africans we will have to do everything necessary to overcome the old and new historic problems that have placed Somalia on our agenda as an unresolved problem of the African Revolution, as the liberation of the Portuguese colonies was an unresolved problem of the African Revolution in 1974. Beyond this, perhaps, as Africans, we should seriously consider whether we should not take up the call originally made by former President Khatami of Iran for a "dialogue of civilisations" - a dialogue that would lead to a peaceful resolution of conflicts between clans, within nation states, between states, and between coalitions of states, to ensure that the Somali example of anarchy and death is not visited on our countries and the rest of humanity. Might this not serve as a fitting tribute to the 50th anniversary of the historic independence of Ghana of Kwame Nkrumah, which we will celebrate this year, 2007! By Thabo Mbek President of African National Congress (ANC)

We need several other ports and roads to drive our country to self-sufficient economic opportunities. This is a great project for all of us. I donated half of the amount I was asked to pay as a share. Hopefully,the main purpose of this project which is to provide guidance and support in the means and ways forward towards recovery and reconstruction for the Sool and Sanaag community will come to its full fruition. Local community inputs in terms of ideas, commitments, plans, needs and human and material resources will be channeled through effective mechanisms built into the mandate and work of the front line agency--Horn relief. Thanks Horn

jacaylbaro, you good at making instant and unrefined language and judgment on Jama Ghalib and overlooking the genre of his article, his reasons and evidence he uses in a well formated, well-roganized structure. mystic, United States has reached its short-term goal however sinister, threatening or evil it may be to us. However this has provoked widespread concern and concerted effort at the moment (on top of the financially hard-pressed TFG) to overcome the strait-laced , dogmatic strongmen that now lead the TFG and find a viable alternative to the entity that was unfairly removed to the detriment of our society at large. The return of warlords was very unthinkable. The picture does not augur well for the success of this government. TFG spokespersons who advanced the idea that these war-lords will be marginalized and kept under constant government supervision for their own amusement miss out one basic review of their plan: militias loyal to these warlords will keep most of their artilleries and guns to set the stage for one major come back (if the recruited army disintegrate by means of insufficient assistance). Evidently, the United States attaches lesser importance to Somalia than before. The United States has reiterated many times that it will not protect the TFG nor will it provide the money to sustain its army. As we can see, this position of the United States does not paint a truthful picture of what it plans to do with Somalia. However, they reaffirmed that they will keep a large military presence both on our coastline and inside Somalia with the aim of bolstering the superiority of Ethiopian Defense Forces and probably assist loyal war-lords that would rather keep the status quo than opting for a settlement above their selfish desires because all they are interested in is monetary rewards. The next reconciliation meeting, the international community must rule out present day war-lords as candidates by aiding and promoting a capable individuals who are educated and honest. Sharif is a person that comes to mind and God willing he will succeed in overcoming his enemies should time permit but with one condition: He must get both diplomatic and financial support from United States and European Union. I will not take it at face value the support he is currently receiving from the State Department.

Are There US Soldiers Missing in Somalia? Posted By: Scott A Morgan Jan 27, 2007, 11:44 Reports are emerging that the US Air Strikes in Southern Somalia have a new wrinkle. According to an Arab Language Newspaper published in the Gulf State of Qatar they have received reports from both Arab and Western Diplomats that US troops are currently missing in the southern part of Somalia. Late last year US Special Forces and Marines were known to have been training in Northeastern Kenya. It should be noted that the Muslim Population in that part of the country were highly suspicious of US goals and agenda while there. While in the region US forces sought to repair schools and provide Medical Care to the destitute. Muslim tribesmen felt that the US was conducting an intel OP to see who was trying to cross the border into Somalia. When the Somali Transitional National Government along with Ethiopian Assistance put the Union of Islamic Courts to flight there were several movements by the US Military. Two warships moved close to the Somali coastline to interdict any attempt by the UIC to flee the region by sea. They were later augmented by the Eisenhower Battle Group. It was also reported that US Special Forces also assisted Kenyan Forces in closing the land crossings with Somalia. So far this month the US has launched two air strikes on purported terrorist sites in Somalia. Oxfam stated that at least 70 nomads were killed in one air strike. This report has not been confirmed however by either Central Command or the Pentagon. So the question that they have been taken hostage in revenge of the Air Strikes cannot at this time be discounted as a revenge mission by angry and distraught people. Recently the US Ambassador to Kenya met with the leader of the defeated mission. The purpose was to ascertain both the status and the whereabouts of the missing American Soldiers. It was also urged that the leader of the UIC return to Somalia to take part in a Unity Government. Right now the US Government should not only be concerned with restoring a legitimate Government in Somalia but also in locating our missing soldiers and defeating the terrorists. Lets hope that this doesn’t reopen old wounds. Kenya London News

UNITED STATES NEOCONSERVATIVES -Versus- ISLAM Jama M. Ghalib 25/1/2007 Some time in 1991, the then U.S. Secretary of Defence, Dick Cheney, was asked (sic), while he was visiting the Polish capital, Warsaw in a BBC interview something to the effect as to whether continued existence of NATO was still necessary since Communism was no longer a threat, and especially the Warsaw Pact military alliance had been dissolved? His reply according to BBC Arabic News was also something to the effect that there was an even greater threat from Islam that necessitated strengthening NATO further than to allow it to weaken, much less to dissolve it. That Dick Cheney’s thinking a decade and a half ago still features in today’s policy of the Bush neoconservative administration. Since the withdrawal of the international intervention forces (UNOSOM) from Somalia in the beginning of March 1995, the United States had demonstrated a low keyed interest towards Somalia. For a decade there was neither US interest nor presence in the subsequent over a dozen Somali reconciliation conferences. The US did not even attach much importance to the outcome of the last of such conferences sponsored in the name of IGAD that was held in Kenya during 2000-2004. From this emerged an Ethiopian maneuvered Somali Transitional structures, the so-called TFG, but cobbled together by western donors and endorsed by the United Nations. According to the Brussels based International Crisis Group (ICG)’s African Report No. 95 of July 11,2005, p.2, Washington harboured deep reservations about Abdillahi Yusuf’s ability to build consensus among the Somali actors and lead a continued reconciliation process. This is very true even today, but the US never commented on that Report until now that Jendayi Frazer preaches her optimism of Abdillahi Yusuf. In the meantime, the US CIA contracted a number of warlords and others in Mogadishu as watchdogs of suspected terrorists. Evidently, the US opposed the lifting of the arms embargo on Somalia that was repeatedly appealed for by the TFG, lest the US contracted warlords might be disarmed. When its client warlords were later defeated by the Islamic Courts, the US, motivated by its anti Islam policy, not only embraced the TFG whose appeals it had opposed for more than two years, but also conspired with Ethiopia to invade Somalia in order to abort the rule and justice by the Sharia. Jendayi Frazer made a number of incorrect remarks in her address on Somalia at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC, on January 17, 2007. She blamed the Islamic Courts for, among other things, of repeated attempts to provoke Ethiopia into border conflicts. On the contrary, it was Ethiopia that had denounced and provoked the Islamic Courts as early as June 2006 and declared to the whole world that it would never accept Islamic rule in Somalia before the Islamic Courts ever uttered a word about Ethiopia, good or bad. She further accused the Islamic Courts of aborting the dialogue between them and the TFG while the opposite is true. The TFG never showed up for the second scheduled round of Khartoum talks. Jendayi’s remarks were euphemism for concocted Ethio-United States conspiracy theory that created conditions for the US commissioned Ethiopian invasion of Somalia. Jendayi Frazer also blamed the Speaker of the Somali parliament for making what she called unhelpful statement (s). What the Speaker had said that might have irked her was that Somalia was under foreign occupation and its institutions were incapable of any independent decision making. But that is the truth and the whole truth to the best knowledge of both Somalis and non-Somalis alike. The Ethiopian occupation forces take no orders from Somali authorities. They conduct daily operations according to their whims. They kidnap people from their homes, and loot whatever moveable properties they lay their hands on and especially look for cash and Mobile phones. These Ethiopian plunders provoke violent reactions and confrontations leading to lose of many human lives. Among such last operations was that occurred at 8.a.m. East African time on January 21, 2007 in the extreme north end of Mogadishu when an Ethiopian squad removed a businessman whose first name was given as Mahad from his house and another housemate. A group of Somali armed youths fired on the kidnappers to rescue the captives. Exchange of fire ensued in a crowded scene and at least four non-combatant persons were killed and ten others wounded in the cross-fire. One of the wounded is reported to have since died in hospital. That is the situation that Jendayi Frazer optimistically describes as positive development. In fact the most truthful statement in this scenario was made by Mr. Richard Dowden in his article which appeared in THE INDEPENDENT of 25 January 2007 entitled: ‘Somalia will not forget this latest catastrophe’ from which the following passage is extracted: “The Ethiopians are now trying to install the internationally accepted government. But anyone who has watched Somalia over the years will see how Ethiopia has undermined or destroyed every other attempt to establish a national government. A weak divided Somalia suits the Ethiopians if they cannot have a strong but Ethiopian controlled government. That is exactly what President Abdillahi Yussuf, an old ally of Ethiopia, represents. One of Somalia’s nastiest warlords, he has made a pact with the country’s age-old enemy. ….Ali Mohamed Gedi … with strong Ethiopian links but with no credibility in Somalia…Think Oswald Moseley being installed by the Germans as president of Britain in 1940 and you get close to the feeling Yussuf’s government inspires in Somalia today.” Likewise, the United States neoconservative administration prefers the status quo of insecurity and anarchy to stability and secure environment under Sharia rule in Somalia. The United States sponsored UN Security council resolution 1725 that was rubber stamped by other Council members was intended to end the Sharia justice and the secure environment in Somalia. Nonetheless, that resolution prohibited deployment of forces from countries bordering Somalia. However, the United States neoconservative administration breached its own sponsored resolution even before the ink was dry by commissioning Ethiopian invasion of Somalia. The above scenario is only a part of the well known consistent pattern of anti Islam policy of the United States neoconservative led administration, but developed by Zionism, which is part of American life. That policy targets in order of priority, Islamic leaders in particular who refuse to turn the other cheek and Islamic countries and entities in general who also defy US diktat. The targets varied, be it the sanctioning, if not the instigation, of the execution of the former Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Zulfkhar Ali Bhutto, for initiating Pakistan’s nuclear development, the first Islamic leader ever to do so. He died just for that, whatever cover or pretext was proffered by Pakistani generals of American agents. The next target was Saddam Hussein whom Zionists feared had the determination to destroy Israel. This was confirmed by the assassinated former Israeli Prime Minister Rabin who admitted it to former US President Clinton (Clinton’s book – My Life, p. 545). The American public were fooled and frightened with bags of lies of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, which never was. Saddam Hussein’s death was a Zionist victory-justice by proxy, despite the Americans passing the buck to Iraqi puppets. Saddam Hussein was always held in American custody up to the last moment he was taken to the gallows. The Americans, therefore, at best oversaw his murder or at worst they practically killed him. Bush had already called for his death on the very day Saddam Hussein was captured and his death was the implementation of that call. The United States had pressured the Palestinian Authority to hold what they called ‘democratic elections’ with the intention of eroding the authority of the former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. When elections were ultimately held, the United States opposed the outcome victory won by the Hamaz Organization. The latter has since been embargoed by the US and other western governments and is being pressured to unilaterally recognize Israel, which itself does not recognize Hamaz, but also continuously assassinates its leaders and other activists of Hamaz. The only way forward in fairness and justice, is for the two sides to negotiate terms of settlement of their myriad problems that may include reciprocal recognitions. But bullying the victim to unilaterally recognize the victimizer without any reciprocity is another American justice. The Bush administration continues using Syria as its scapegoat for its failures in Iraq even well after Iraq and Syria re-established their diplomatic relations and exchanged high level visits. For the present time United States aggression, in collusion with Israel, is focused on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The US insists opposing Iran’s nuclear development programme even for peaceful purposes. By contrast, the US has no qualms about Israel’s possession of the nuclear bomb. This is another American justice. Ask any US official a question on this and he/she looks other side, but gives no answer! During the last Israeli invasion of Lebanon (July-August 2006) the United States and Britain opposed and frustrated international efforts for a cease-fire in order to give the Israeli offensive more time to achieve its objectives of the invasion, the elimination of Hisbullah, the Lebanese Islamic Organization, and the rescue of captured Israeli soldiers. Israel’s war was thus inhumanely allowed to continue for more than a month, but ended with the latter achieving neither of the two objectives for its invasion. That war only served the purpose of destroying a great deal of Lebanon and killing thousands of innocent people as well as eroding the credibility of the Lebanese government, which the US government claims to be supporting. The former lost ground to the Hisbullah as the only defender of Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity and thus strengthened its fortunes in the Lebanese political spectrum. The outcome of that war also deeply destabilized the Israeli political institutions and the social fabric. And lastly Somalia again, the United States neoconservative administration could not be contented with its commissioned Ethiopian invasion of Somali, joined the fray. They carried out indiscriminate aerial bombardments, killing hundreds of innocent people, majority of them nomads of livestock herders. Independent sources including the Oxfarm have confirmed seventy such deaths in one scene alone. US statements of only targeting Al-Qa’eda hide outs in their air strikes in south Somalia is another absurdity of US fairy tales reminiscent of Iraq’s possession of weapons of mass destruction. Hunting down such individual Al-Qa’eda suspects from the air in a vast rural landscape was just like searching for a needle in a hay stake. However, the episode conforms well to the crude American way of conducting such operations. They may target the life of a single human being, legally or illegally, but pay little or no regard for the possibility of causing deaths of hundreds of innocent people in the same spot of their targeted operation. In Somalia’s history, during the international (UNOSOM) intervention on a faithful day in July 1993, a general meeting of elders and others of the Haber Gidir sub-clan (General Aideed’s constituency) was taking place in Mogadishu. The meeting was organized behind Aideed’s back by some of his detractors within the Haber Gidir who would have liked him removed from the clan leadership, because of his confrontation with the international community. US war planes only targeting Aideed’s life bombarded the meeting place, with the fore knowledge that so many other people would also be killed. Aideed was not there, but ninety-four men perished under the rubble and many others were wounded. The pattern of such indiscriminate American operations is always the same, be it in Afghanistan, Iraq or Somalia. Mr. Samuel P. Huntington commented in his book, THE CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS AND THE REMAKING OF WORLD ORDER that in the 15 years of 1980-95 the United States engaged against Muslims in 17 military operations and no such similar U.S. military operations were conducted against peoples of other civilizations. Since Islam spread among the Somalis religious leaders have always been preaching rule of law by the Sharia. Traditionally, however, only some core social issues such as marriages, divorces, care and custody of children in case of divorce, inheritance, etc., was the Sharia invoked. When colonial administrations later introduced secularity, people tolerated so long the above-mentioned core social issues were not interfered with. Upon independence, succeeding Somali administrations emulated the status quo, despite continuous call for the Sharia by Islamic scholars. Only during the absence of governmental authority since early 1990s people of necessity have to have recourse to the Sharia for their own security, even if not wholly for their religious duty. But only since the rise of Islamic Courts’ authority did the Somali people actually came to grips with the real benefits of rule by the Sharia as the right diagnosis for their perennial ills of clanism (or tribalism). Rule by the Sharia thus represented the first ‘Somali Phoenix.’ Not unlike Somalia and the Somali people, scores of other countries and peoples of the world have been afflicted with civil wars. With the exception of the Somalis, all those other peoples did not share all same values of either language, religion, ethnicity or other civilizations. Yet all those others have reconciled. The only three spots in the world of civil wars where parties have not reconciled so far other than in Somalia are: (1) Northern Ireland, (2) Sri Lanka, and (3) the Ivory Coast. All three have better chances of reconciliation than the Somalis expect since rule by the Sharia has been ended by United States led foreign aggression. The Somalis are homogeneous society who shares all the above-mentioned values. However, their Achilles’ heel, which may not be shared by most of those other afflicted peoples by the civil wars, is clanism (or tribalism). There is no other antidote to this poison except the Sharia and the Somali people have no other choice, but to strive for the rise of the second ‘Somali Phoenix.’

Abyssinian Invasion: Reminder of a Seven Century-Old Animosity Said Ali Nur This paper is a humble attempt to provide a picture for the roots of an age-old conflict between Christian Abyssinia and Muslim Somalia at general, and the ongoing invasion at particular. But before I plunge into the subject, let me give some background the Islam in Somalia. Read the whole Paper

Abu Geeljire, good thread but breaking a code is not a big thing or something that could be deemed as an invention. Some students win upto 10,000 for academic essays.

Garad, There is no such thing as Sool Bari or Sanaag Bari.

Thanks to Our brother Muse Yusuf who is from the heart of North West regions for penning this extensively researched study. He has put forth concrete recommendations of how to at least carry out disarmaments in the capital and all over Somalia. How to disarm an angry and hungry nomad?! By Muuse Yuusuf January 14 2007 The Ethiopian backed “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) is pursuing its disarmament programme. So far It has “disarmed” some of the areas it controls, for example Baydhabo where rival and feuding clan militias had been disarmed and regrouped in camps. However, the task ahead is enormous and challenging, and Mogadishu residents' resistance to TFG’s order is a case in point. Mogadishu residents and in indeed many residents of other cities are fearful of surrendering their weapons for different reasons, which include, among other things: lack of personal safety and security; weapons are source of income for some (warlords, gangs, security guards etc); and powerful business communities use weapons to protect their business. In this opinion article, I will attempt to put the disarmament debate in a historical context in terms of the role that traditional and modern weapons played in Somali’s socio-political and economic status. I will argue that those in power ought to take historical perspectives into account if they want to understand the mentality of the people they are trying to disarm. Also, I will put forward some practical measures that might be useful to those constituents involved in the disarmament debate. Traditionally, Somalis had always carried weapons for self-deference, hunting, protection of their herds, farms, and their families from aggressors and predators, and unfortunately for aggression purposes. Their weapons include: knives, swords, daggers, spears, shields, longbows and arrows, axes etc. In a traditional sense, weapons protected Somali’s economic sources or to put it simply a nomad’s spear and shield were his insurance policy against robbery, theft, and of course against hyenas, nomad’s most hated enemy. Without his spear, an agro-pastoralist would have been vulnerable, and would have lost his income source to predators and robbers, and his self-esteem and pride would have been low in front of his enemies. During clan conflicts, it was probably, among other things, the might, quantity and quality of clan’s weapons, which could have dictated the outcome of the conflict. To put it brutally, nomad’s economic status depended on the might of his spear. Somalis came in contact with firearms as early as 16th century but it was the 1890s when a shipment to Ethiopia’s Menelik II through the port of Djibouti fell into Somali hands, that firearms became common among Somalis(1). Disarming Somali nomads was the most difficult task that colonial powers faced and most conflicts happened because of a fierce resistance by Somalis against colonial powers’ disarmament programme that was designed to make Somalis accept central authority and a modern state structure. A good example of this is the armed conflict between Italian colonial forces and Sheikh Hassan Barsane, a national hero, who refused to surrender his clan’s firearms. Analysing colonial powers disarmament policy in the context of nomad’s socio-economic status in a traditional context, one could now see how it would have been impossible for a nomad to surrender his firearms to an alien and invading force without first the nomad getting some kind of assurance of alternative economic sources and personal safety, and above all, a surety against any attempts to eradicate his identity as an African-Somali-Muslim - his reason d’etre. In other words, to ask him surrender his weapon, it would have meant forcing the nomad, a warrior (waranle) to give up his dignity, pride, his livelihood, and indeed his entire life. We now know how - through divide and rule policies, an overwhelming power, and the so called “treaties” with clan-elders - the colonial powers managed to subdue the nomad thus making him - to some extent - accept their authority therefore the imposition of colonialism and subsequent resistance and struggle, which led to independence. During the republic (1960-1990), the state provided some basic economic security, social welfare, and personal safety to some Somalis and because of this most nomad-cum-urbanites did not need to carry weapons, trusting the state to keep weapons in “safe” hands of the security forces. Unfortunately, as we all know, the state - in particular during the military regime – used its machinery to repress opponents thus killing thousands of its citizens. Perhaps it was wrong for the nomad-cum-urbanite to have trusted the state because in the end the state betrayed his trust. However, the rural majority or bare-footed nomads, who account around 71% of the Somali population, continued to carry their traditional weapons with dignity and pride, and nomad’s life continued as normal even during the colonial era. The state hardly intervened in his life, perhaps it might have intervened in some cases, for example to resolve clan conflicts over pasture and grazing rights. Perhaps the nomad was wise to have been sceptical of state’s inroads to his life and therefore was right to carry on his traditional way of life carry, the life he knows better. State control over modern weapons was weakened in late 1970s and 1980s because of the defeat of the Somali National Army in ****** by the Ethiopians/Cubans/Russians, and the emergence of armed opposition groups (e.g. SSDF, SNM, USC. etc). These armed groups acquired modern and heavy weapons through misappropriation of state armoury, black markets, and of course from neighbouring frontline states – which as of today still continue to supply arms to the groups they like. Also, the armed groups’ clans played a major role to foot the bill. At the collapse of the central government in 1991 and ensuing civil war meant state armoury was up for grabs, as rival armed groups and ordinary citizens joined the big loot of state property and infrastructure causing proliferation of small arms throughout the country. Marauding clans fought fiercely over the big booty, and entire military camps and equipments fell in the hands of the big ones. Some of these clans (e.g. northern regions: “Somaliland” “Puntland”) managed to remove heavy weapons from the public domain and managed to put them in centralised institutions. However, clans in the south and central Somalia find it harder to institutionalise weapons, and a large amount of that still in private hands. This remains to be the big threat. Probably, it was the six months that the Islamic Courts were in powers that weapons came closer to be institutionalised, but unfortunately that melted away with the demise of the Union of Islamic Courts. Despite UN’s arms embargo on Somalia, frontline and other states and arm dealers have continued to supply arms to rivals groups through the conflict. This has created arms markets in big cities such as Mogadishu. Now let me put that short historical analysis in the current situation. The big question that arises from all that is: how to disarm a hungry and angry nomad-cum-urbanite who now has access to deadly weapons? I say hungry because of the curse of an endemic poverty that is still claming thousands of lives and as the weak post-colonial state that used to provide some kind of basic public goods and services has totally disappeared from his radar. I say “angry” because of the civil war, which made Somalis, hate each other so much that even close-knit sub-clans and lineages are on each other’s throat. Maybe the nomad-cum-urbanite is angrier than the traditional nomad because in a traditional sense the latter would have known source of his income – his herd and farmland - and as he would have known how to nurture, protect, and maintain it. However, the nomad-cum-urbanite seems confused and has a misplaced identity – "galti-bax" - and is he not quite sure how to go about making his daily living and therefore might resort to “qoriga-caaradiisa” - barrel of the gun to secure that. In other words what you have throughout Somalia is a frustrated nomad-cum-urbanites and a generation of teen-agers that have been deprived of state protection and social security and welfare in the last 16 years. Those groups feel hungrier, angrier and more confused than ever. What a mess! So, in my humble opinion, in order to make sense of the disarmament debate, those involved in the disarmament debate ought to view the issue from a historical perspective, and then try to come up with some sustainable programmes aimed at reducing the proliferation of weapons. Until a negotiated viable federal state structure that is acceptable to all Somalis from Seylac to Ras Kambooni is reconstituted, a state structure that could provide a decent life to its citizen, I suggest the following short term practical measures: * To those authorities in “Somaliland” and “Puntland”, please keep up the good work of institutionalising weapons, rehabilitating militias, and clearing up mines etc. I urge you to strengthen and “nurture” what I call weapons collection institutions or organisations until such a time when the collected weapons are ready to be amalgamated with or transferred to a Federal Somali National Army (FSNA). I say “nurture institutions” because I am fearful of arms falling back into the hands of rival clan militias in case – hopefully NOT and God forbids – of inter-clan conflicts, which might lead to arms proliferation. * To traditional clans leaders/elders/sheiks, encourage your constituencies to give up arms. * To the Ethiopian-backed TFG, prior approaching militias to disarm them, work out a short-term sustainable plan of action that includes rehabilitation, re-training, income generation initiatives for militias. The TFG should act quickly because their political life/survival might not last long (6 months from now?) due to the unpredictability of dynamics, events and realities on the ground. * To the weak TFG, open up political dialogue with all those opposing forces. Stubbornness will only prolong the conflict and will make your disarming programme much harder. * Establish judicial institutions, arms collection institutions and systems – as the Islamic courts have done – in order to get gang elements of the armed groups off the streets. One problem that the TFG might face is that it does not have moral authority over some armed constituencies because (i) TFG is not a home-grown entity as the Islamic courts (ii) TFG cannot guarantee basic personal safety security to the areas it controls yet, (iii) it cannot generate income for the disbanded militias etc. * Do not deploy those disbanded militias in military or security sectors but retrain them and place them in different sectors. There are many examples in which militia members have expressed their willingness to put down their guns provided there was an alternative source of income. * To the TFG (MTPs, minister etc) whose salaries are being paid by the international community (UN, EU), make sure you allocate (donate) a good proportion of your salaries to the needy and the poor and to those militias who you are trying to disarm. To TFG members, stop your long trips/holidays and walkabouts around the world in which you receive a daily substance allowances and spend hundreds of dollars in luxury hotels etc. Imagine a minister earning a salary of £1000 per month and allocating £200 every month to help open a kiosk and shop to those rehabilitated militias or to other needy Somalis. Legitimacy and acceptance is acquired by being down to earth and not by spending months in Nairobi hotels! * To warlords/landlords and gangs, you must surrender your weapons, and make your available yourself to justice for any alleged crimes etc. * To the business community, although it is hard to trust in an unpopular and weak government, you may wish to reduce your dependence on armed militias to protect your business; instead you may wish to work with the TFG to help it create a national police force for everyone sake. In 2004, some 750,000 Somalis in the Diaspora sent US$825million - $1billion to Somalia.(2) Imagine some of that money going to arms procurement. I therefore urge those in the Diaspora, to stop sending money to your clans to help them buy weapons, instead you should get them disband and rehabilitate their militias. Please get your clans use the money for alternative income generation programmes or schemes. * To the UN’s Security Council, tighten up the arms embargo, and impose economic sanctions on those countries which are violating the embargo. * To the UN agencies, initiate short-term income generation projects such as getting existing and former militias and those willing to clean up Mogadishu streets. This is only one example of many income generation projects that could be initiated. The majority nomad and agro-pastoral communities - the backbone of Somalia’ economy, although they might have added some modern weapons to their arsenal, still carry their traditional weapons with pride and dignity - to protect their income source in a harsh, unforgiving and poverty ridden environment. This is because, unfortunately, that majority has yet to place its faith in any state structure that existed and that majority is still continues to be sceptical of any state inroads to its lives. Also, let us all face it, the nomad-cum-urbanites and two generations who are without or with little education are more angrier and hungrier than ever, and until we, as Somalis, come together to come up with a negotiated political settlement, deadly weapons will always remain in the hands of those who should not carry guns. Muuse Yuusuf E-Mai:myuusuf3@hotmail.com Sources: Somalia: A country Study, Nelson Harold D, American University, Washington, 1982 Somalia: From Resilience Towards Recovery and Development, World Bank, Jan. 2006 (1) Somalia: A country Study, Nelson H. D, American University, Washington, 1982 (2) Somalia: From Resilience Towards Recovery and Development, World Bank, Jan. 2006 WARDHEER NEWS

Paragon writes, "You speak as a Somali, yet your words are given clannish conotations. It is unfortunate that some would resort to such categorization but this is the prism through which many see Somali politics. If clan linage was to signify one's political support or opposition, then I would've support the TFG due to 'blood'. However I don't." Would you be kind enough to persuade Alle U Baahne to not brand all Reer Qansax as politically incorrect as Abudalahi Yusuf? Dabshid, I concur with you . A bad government is better than no government at all.