Xudeedi

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  1. The Somalia Crises: Reality Check & the Road Ahead Abdirashid K Hashi The Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG) and the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS) plus the offshoot Shabaab group emerged as the finalists of the decade-long contest for the control / leadership of Somalia. The question many are asking now is who will carry the day: the TFG, which is the nominal incumbent, or the opposition groups spearheaded by the Alliance? Diplomatically, the TFG is somewhat backed by who is who of the international community be it the United Nations, the US government, the African Union, IGAD, the Arab League, EU and many Arab and neighboring countries. The opposition i.e. the Alliance and the Shabaab, on the other hand, has the unqualified backing of the tiny Red Sea State of Eritrea. The Somali people, whose judgment is the most important seem to be against the Ethiopian occupation but not against the TFG per se; they also seem to appreciate the opposition’s legitimate role in Somali politics but not necessarily the adventurism, latent tribalism and holier than thou attitude of certain segments of the Islamists / opposition groups. The significant international diplomatic (not necessarily financial) support for the TFG and the fact that the US government is hostile to the Alliance (and at times charges some of its leaders as friends of terrorists, if not a bone fide terrorists) make many observers conclude that the TFG is the potential winner of this contest and that the opposition is a disparate and desperate non-entity whose demise is certain. If one puts aside sentimentalism and closely examines the essence of the TFG and the opposition and what has transpired during their existence, one could clearly notice a certain pattern that suggests a grim future for the TFG and potential success for the opposition. The TFG is the older of the two competing entities and since its birth the TFG was mired in self-inflicted conflicts (among its members or with the Somali people whom it was supposed to serve). For instance, since its inception, Prime Minister Gedi’s government was subjected to three votes-of-no-confidence motions and the fourth and possibility the final round is being cooked as I write. In his short premiership, Gedi, has fired or appointed, four foreign or international cooperation’s ministers (Jurrille, Abdullahi Sh. Ismail, Buubaa and Elabe); he also appointed and sacked three defense ministers (Gen. Abdiwahab, Col. Barre Hirale, and Col. Bihi). Two out of the three Deputy Prime Ministers defected to the opposition (Mohamud A. Jama (Sifir) and Hussein Aidid) and the third was demoted (Salid H Aliyow Ibrow). The seat of the government itself had changed three times (from Jowhar, to Biadoa, to Mogadishu.) The source of the TFG’s persistent conflict (which resulted in its current and embarrassing non-performance record) has to do with the very essence of the TFG. The first layer of the TFG is the warlords who by nature thrive in conflicts; the warlords also lack the basic political skills needed to run a “transitional” authority for such as a responsibility requires an immense patience and extraordinary political finesse. The second layer of the TFG comprises of the most of the MPs and civil servant apparatus who are ex-officials of the dictatorial military regime. This cadre has no deep principles, overriding mission, or entrenched vision – they are, for the most part, just after power, money and fame – and whoever delivers the goodies (or even makes credible and at times tantalizing promises) gets their pay-as-you-go attention and fickle stirrings-attached votes. The self-serving and high-maintenance MPs-for-hire would fall over each other to back anyone with money – even if the merchant is the devil himself. The third layer of the TFG is made up of educated but inexperienced auxiliary team, who for most part, are from the diaspora. The majority of them lack the political maturity and thoughtful judgment needed to heal the wounds of a collapsed state such as Somalia. The reflex-mode of this supportive group is often to present to their respective leaders what that “leader” wants to hear - even if that means repeating the mistakes of oneself or those of others again and again and again. In other words, rather than the opposition groups, what keep the TFG in its current fledgling status are the very people who make up the TFG. Most of the TFG apparatus used to work for the military regime, as well as the transitional authorities of Ali Mahdi and that of General Aidid’s as well as the Arta government(s). For the oodles and oodles of enterprising functionaries, whoever takes control of the helms of the Somalia government – even if that control is symbolic or fleeting - that person is their bosom uncle, as we would colloquially say in Somali. These freeloaders who are sinking the TFG are unemployable and they were not and are not able to leave Somalia. In order to survive in this forsaken country, their modus operandi has been: serve anyone who sets a shop in Somalia, hence many people’s versatile ideologies (if we can even use such a term) and brazen wheeling and dealings. If one dispassionately ponders on this very fact and it’s indeed a fact, one would realize that the TFG faces a grim future. For, if the TFG’s core constituent is simply a pathetic punch, then the chances of this constituent doing wonders are not that great. What further compounds and complicates the troubles of the TFG (and trouble is understatement word) is the fact that Ethiopia’s life-support system is what gets the TFG going. The Ethiopian factor thus breeds the ever-growing, deadly and daring insurgency; and they kill or maim each day, half dozen, if not more, TFG / Ethiopian soldiers and TFG officials. Unlike the insurgencies, the TFG has a short time left of its allotted five-year lifespan. As a “transitional” government, it has till August 2009 and both the international community and its Somali supporters / political base expect the beleaguered TFG to deliver; and delivering it is not. Among other structural problems, rift (which some describe as irreconcilable) between the TFG President and his Prime Minister is now becoming a public affair. The question is not if, but when, Prime Minister Gedi will be sacked and what this brewing internal strife will entail. Will Gedi and his protector Mohamed Dhere retaliate with another expulsion of the TFG / President or could an all-out political / actual war between the highest echelons of the TFG result in the TFG’s fizzling out? One only needs to remember what had became of the TNG (the predecessor of the TFG), when the then, TNG President Abdiqasim and his Prime Minister, Hassan Abshir, part ways – the TNG died a sudden death – and a surrogate fetus (i.e. the TFG) was planted in its place! There is a high chance that there will be no TFG in the event of fallout between the current President and his Prime Minister. In the opinion of many of the MPs-for hire though, the TFG Charter particularly Article 11 (paragraphs 8 and 9) is a built-in clause which is about to trigger, anyway, the fall of Prime Minister Gedi’s government as early as October 13. Some of the MPs and even pro-President media outlets argue that the President sees this clause as a God-sent opportunity to get rid of Prime Minister Gedi and bring about revitalization of the ailing and beleaguered TFG. Article 11 of the Transitional Federal Charter, namely paragraphs 8 & 9, reads: The Transitional Federal Government shall ensure that the process of federating Somalia shall take place within a period of two and a half years from the date that the commission is established; In the event that the Transitional Federal Government is unable to complete the process of federalism all over Somalia within the prescribed period of two and half years, the Government shall request Parliament for a vote of confidence, failing which the Transitional Federal Parliament shall withdraw its support and a new Transitional Federal Government shall be formed in the manner set out in this charter; Article 71, paragraph 9 of the Charter, often cited, by those who are impatient to sack Premier Gedi, further reads as follows; The present Charter shall be the basis for the federal constitution whose draft shall be completed within two and half (2 1/2) years and be adopted by popular referendum during the final year of the transitional period. The anti-Gedi forces claim that the aforementioned Charter provisions are not met - and hence Prime Minister Gedi’s pending dethroning. The internal TFG politicking, the built-in constitutional problems, the stepped up destabilization campaigns of the opposition clans, Shabaab, and de-legitimization efforts of the Alliance point to a difficult if not a precarious road ahead of the TFG. If one further takes into account the prevailing Afro-pessimism and Somalia-fatigue in the international scene, the decimal performance of the TFG (in terms of public service delivery, institution building and genuine reconciliation), and the Ethiopia’s total military domination of the country ( which feeds and emboldens the insurgency) as well as the oil-related conflict between Puntland and Premier Gedi’s government and the all-time-high and deepening conflict between the previously peaceful Puntland and Somaliland – one can conclude that the TFG’s graph will most likely be going down in the foreseeable future; if these challenges do not result in the downfall of the TFG before the designated August 2009 cut-off date. The case of the opposition group(s) is a bit different. For one thing, unlike the slacker-infested TFG, the opposition groups are highly motivated and they deeply believe that theirs is a just cause and that they are fighting for self-determination. The fact that the opposition is unfazed and are moving a full speed in spite their almost non-existence international support attests to their super self-confidence. Also, unlike the ever-weakening TFG, the opposition is metamorphosing into a nationalist alliance in which religious and secular Somalis are joining in an administrative entity aiming at a common cause – this, itself, is a unique and unprecedented development in the annals of Somali politics. What makes the opposition better positioned to emerge as the victorious in this contest is the make up of its personnel. The bulk of the opposition people are Somalia’s religious groups of all ideological stripes, the intellectuals (mostly based in the diaspora), business groups and nationalist politicians. Again, never did these groups join forces in the history of Somali politics. Historians underscore that - throughout world history - determined resistance groups had always defeated occupying forces no matter how powerful the occupiers were. Since the TFG owes its very existence to the Ethiopians who propelled them to Mogadishu, once Ethiopia folds its tents from Somali soil, then there will be no TFG, one can assume. In Mogadishu and its environs, the opposition also enjoys much stronger popular support vis-à-vis the TFG. Furthermore, it seems the opposition groups are making their mantra Henry Kissinger’s famous maxim of guerrilla warfare: The conventional army loses if it does not win. The guerrilla wins if it does not lose. I am not rejoicing the impending problems for the TFG. Neither do I believe the demise of the TFG would herald an era of peace and prosperity in Somalia. I also do not believe the victory of the opposition will trigger a dawn of peace and progress. Our problems are much more complicated than changing of the guard. Ours is a collapsed society that requires decades and decades of rebuilding; that is; in terms of the actual infrastructure and trust among citizens. What Somalia needs is peace and reconciliation. This could only be attained if we build on what we have already achieved. I would therefore end my article with the following suggestions: If and when Prime Minister Gedi is sacked, I would advise him to accept his fate and move on. Mr. Prime Minister you will not accomplish, now or in the future, what you were not able to achieve in the past, and mind you, you are the longest serving “transitional” Prime Minister since Omar Arte’s time! For the President, genuinely reconcile with opposition and as an act of good will, propose to share power with them; perhaps by giving the post of premiership to one of the leading members from alliance. I would even suggest names: Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed or Professor Ibrahim Adow. I do not know them in person, but I heard their speeches and read their interviews and they come across as genuine, solid individuals who will give it their best shot if appointed as Prime Minister; To the next Prime Minister (whoever he maybe): You may be delighted once appointed, but rest assured at the end of your term, you will be as unpopular as any politician you despise. Leading any Somali government is thankless and daunting task; To the TFG and Opposition groups: Sign a peace treaty and commit yourself to settle all disputes in a peaceful manner. Also Somalia should sign with Ethiopia a non-aggression pact that forbids the two countries to engage armed conflicts; this should steer Somalia and Ethiopia towards a path of cooperation and mutual respect; wars, meddling and manipulation is not the long term interest of either country; To the International community and the US government: immediately replace Ethiopia’s occupation forces with Egyptian / Yemen / Muslim / Arab troops. Removing Ethiopian occupation forces from Somalia and accommodating the veteran Islamists is the only sure way to disentangle Somalia from Al Qaeda; To the Shabaab, in a way you are the best hope for Somalia for you are battling, with bravery, the occupation forces in the alleys and laneways of Mogadishu when most of our people simply deserted the county or capitulated in the face of the invaders. On the other hand, you seem to me as the most dangerous forces against the very existence of Somalia. You see, your open and strangely bragging association with Al-Qaeda, a pariah entity) is making the whole world turn against our country. Also, if it were not your irresponsible claims / relationship with this outfit; Ethiopia might not have received the current global endorsement of its aggression against Somalia. Similarly, if you do not cease and desist your radicalism and put an end to your dangerous involvement with Al Qaeda, Somalia will forever be a battleground between Al Qaeda and its hunters. Your arbitrary and extrajudicial executions of fellow Somalis is also very, very troubling; and if you do not stop it now, I fear your next victims will be members of those you refer as “the Alliance of Islamists and Secularist” and then you may turn your little pistols to yourselves; To the rest of Somalis, particularly diaspora Somalis – let us push for reconciliation. War and Ethiopian meddling are the two most dangerous sources of our national problems. The world does not owe us anything. Somalia would only be peaceful and prosperous, when we, Somalis, do our duty and the key is doing away with hatred and hyperbole. Abdirashid K. Hashi Former Deputy Chief Cabinet, Somali Prime Minister’s Office Comments are welcomed; Email: rashid2025@yahoo.com
  2. Things might start looking better for both regions. I sense a paradigm shift for the folks of Sanaag. Many people have talked about the Sanaag and Sool predicament before me, nevertheless, I sense political and economic reform in Sanaag. Sool and Sanaag
  3. Originally posted by Hunguri: Xiin-Finiin, I blame my Sultan over this issue. Sultan Said Sultan Abdi-Salan who is next kin of mine. I truely beleive he is missing his role. I fundamentally agree with you Yaa 7iin. Its the role of Sanaag Bari to mediate. Fadeexadaa waxaa iska leh Sanaag-Bari! Xiin-Finiin, I blame my Sultan over this issue. Sultan Said Sultan Abdi-Salan who is next kin of mine. I truely beleive he is missing his role. I fundamentally agree with you Yaa 7iin. Its the role of Sanaag Bari to mediate. Fadeexadaa waxaa iska leh Sanaag-Bari! Where is Sanaag-Bari, and what is Sanaag Bari. You are being disingenuous in trying to please others.
  4. The trauma of conflicting leadership Adan Makina October 25, 2007 For twenty one years, Somalis, like the patient vulture, watched with utter dismay at the suppression of the press by the dreaded National Security Service (NSS). They saw how the border conflict with Ethiopia over the disputed Somali region took its toll on life and property. They witnessed coup d'états orchestrated within the ranks of the military smashed and the perpetrators executed by firing squad. They witnessed grueling guerilla warfare coordinated by men who felt they would be better leaders in the aftermath of the regime’s overthrow. They were witnesses to economic monopoly not befitting their known ways of entrepreneurship that terribly handicapped their resources. By and large they saw themselves in the midst of cyclically weird overbearing decrees that caused them untold suffering of the greatest level never seen before since gaining independence in 1960 from Britain and Italy respectively thus causing unprecedented humiliation in the general mental faculties of the general population. After the twenty one years of the military junta and in the midst of a post-traumatic stress disorder, Somalis were thrown into new political imbroglios and crimes of startling frequency that brought about more devastation to their existence and material goods thus ushering in an era of dejection and dreadful conditions that continue to tick the clock to this day with no hope of settlement in sight despite brighter expectations and applause at the fall of the former frightful regime that held them confined for such a long time. Since Siyad Barre’s exit, sanguineous acts perpetrated by a dozen villainous heretics with disproportionate cutthroat drive who perceive themselves as the rightful torchbearers of sublime leadership have reduced the nation into a bleeding mess. Having suffered severe psychological deteriorations and devastating aftershocks, rape, collective maladjustment, physical and mental exhaustion, the country plunged into a new era of wanton obliteration resulting in the death of thousands and dislodgment of millions who are classified as belonging to the internally displaced people (IDP), refugees or asylees. As was the expectations of her internal and external enemies, Somalia, the great African nation of the Horn that thrilled the likes of Queen Hatshepsut of Egypt, Ibn Batutta, and Sir Richard Burton-the Somalia that was known for its beauty and radiance since time immemorial, has been transformed into the killing fields of the 21st century where sophisticated weaponry is being tested to this day turning brother against a brother thus tearing apart the only known homogenous race in global Africa-homogenous in language, religion, and culture-into cantons administered by men who have lost the ability to reason and govern with instructions from Addis Ababa. Ironically, every crisis intervention and reconciliation rehearsed by the International Community ended in tatters due to Somalia’s strategic importance and political significance further inflicting grotesquely nightmarish feelings of misery for the peace-loving Somalis and exhilaration for the newly-evolved warlords and their foreign cronies who perceive any form of stability in the country as catastrophic to their political intentions. Thus, a myriad of confronting physical and mental upshots with profound results continues to consume the very fabric of Somali society in all localities. With dwindling supplies of medicine, shortage of qualified healthcare professionals and a few existing ramshackle medical institutions for the dispossessed millions, the rate of mental and physical disorders must be skyrocketing and quite alarming. In a country where clean drinking water is hard to come by, the multitude of the population afflicted by disease and psychological disorders is hard to swallow. Even the so-called current leaders of Somalia, for that matter, due to the prolonged unresolved political bickering and armed rebellion, are mentally disordered and require some sort of cognitive behavioral therapy, deserve psychosocial assessment and thorough clinical observation of behavior. It baffles the sober mind how an assembly of men who have collectively undertaken the oath of allegiance to the constitution hastily resort to physical altercations in full view of the international media for the sake of supremacy and voracity without regard for law and order though psychologists would have an explanation for such kind of outbursts. The sudden explosion results from the many years of perceived detachment from the reality on the ground and the complete apprehension of congregating in an assembly occupied by bitter antagonists thus instilling fear in ones’ heart and mind and that of the archrival consequently creating an atmosphere laden with nervousness and panic disorder. They walk on the earth insolently breathing threats, forge intimate relationships with psychopaths of like caliber; they seemingly don’t understand the true meaning of love and affection; and are concerned only with personal enjoyment. These are men who have suffered a variety of psychological disorders either in childhood or in adult life and are ignorant of the enormity of the actual disorder. A government formed in exile whose foundations are inconsistent with the demands of its people; lacks popular support; whose safety is in the hands of an avowed enemy; is not a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. When an inexperienced president takes the helm with schizophrenic, delirious, and hypersensitive figures as advisors and ministers, contracts men of intemperate habits, kleptomaniacs, and hypochondriacs, there ought to be intrapsychic incongruity. (1)“Conceptualizing psychopaths as remorseless predators has helped me to make sense of what often appears to be senseless behavior. These are individuals who, lacking in conscience and feeling for others, find it easy to use charm, manipulation, intimidation, and violence to control others and to satisfy their own social needs. They cold-bloodedly take what they want and do as they please, violating social norms and expectations without the slightest sense of guilt or regret. Their depredations virtually affect everyone at one time or another, because they form a significant proportion of persistent criminals, drug dealers, spouse and child abusers, swindlers and con men…. They are well represented in the business and corporate world particularly during chaotic restructuring, where the rules and their enforcements are lax and accountability is difficult to determine (Babiak, 1995). Many psychopaths emerge as “patriots and “saviors” in societies experiencing social, economic, and political upheaval (e.g., Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia, and the former Soviet Union). They wrap themselves in the flag, and enrich themselves by callously exploiting ethnic, cultural, or racial tensions and grievances. (1998B, PP. 128-129) It is worth pondering the political endgame of the likes of Augusto Pinochet of Chile, Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Mengistu Haile Miriam of Ethiopia, Idi Amin of Uganda, Samuel Doe of Liberia, and Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo)-the man who called himself Kuku Ngbendu wa Zabanga-which means the irresistible one who cannot be challenged-and the host of gluttonous, paranoid pathological gamblers, and disreputable world leaders who coldheartedly pulverized the economical foundations of their nations through contrabandism, deception, and reckless economic strangulation with the crucial aim of enriching themselves and the few megalomaniac acquaintances wholeheartedly holding the keys to their breathtaking Shangri-La while their nations’ citizens either starved to death or became canon fodder every time a revolt took place. The irony is that, if the ostentatious leaders of Somalia are entangled in a panic cycle; trigger internal and external stimulus; demonstrate symptoms of “fear of fear”; have apprehension and worry; are a high risk, in that case, the mass who depend on them for guidance will obviously feel neglected and live stress-filled lives, suffer major depressions, show signs of antisocial personality and psychopathy, and feel alienation if precautionary interventions are not applied in the long run. The deceit and manipulation applied by Somalia’s camel-boy leaders is a clear indication of psychopathy and remorseless predation; their inability to maintain good relationship is a sign of egocentrism; their rejection of authority and abuse of law a precursor for capriciousness; their failure and lack of ability to impress the mass duplicity reflecting dimensional antisocial deviant behavior. Paradoxically, top echelons of the Somali nation have varying combinations of oppositional behaviors, difficult temperaments, and unprincipled psychological illustrations not found in any other world leader and conceivably may possess strange genes and opulently afflicted intelligence. According to history, many prominent and talented figures have been affected by neurobiological disorder (NBD) which is characterized by figment of the imagination, phantasm, higgledy-piggledy speech, and anomalous social behavior. (2)“Those who do go on to develop NBDs become part of a crowd that includes Socrates, Newton, Beethoven, Darwin, Lincoln, Poe, Dickens, Tolstoy, Van Gogh, Freud, Churchill, Einstein, Picasso, Woolf, Hemmingway, and Nash” (Starr et al. 186). Despite developing NBDs, the above-mentioned figures have their names written in the golden pages of history while current Somali leaders and those who preceded them have nothing of benefit to their names. The negative behavioral mannerisms displayed by Somalia’s charlatans are upsetting, stomach-churning, and nonsensical. A penumbra of political, social, and economic humiliation bedevils Somalia in the presence of these bogus leaders who possess distorted minds, apprehensive imagery, ingrained adult criminality, genetic transmissibility, and intellectual deficiencies inherited from parents or probable factors in drug and alcohol abuse. Obviously, the use of qaad or catha edulis is a major factor in the detonation of adrenaline that accommodates anomalous addictive behavior causing estrangement, aggression, avoidant personality disorder and agitation. Hardly a day passes by without Somali leaders showing signs of Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD)-a disorder that portrays symptoms of depression emanating from the consumption of the nutritiously stimulating herb (qaad) that is capable of easing frustrations and uncontrollable obstacles facing a consumer which is abundantly available as shipments arrive from Ethiopia and Kenya on a daily basis if not hourly with cathonine-the major drug content that induces euphoria, hypertension, and hypersensitivity still unbroken. However, the prolonged use of qaad results in negative drug interactions and ineffective stimulus. Therefore, combining qaad with benzodiazepines (popularly known as Muslim beer among the youth) and other antianxiety drugs is a temptation chewers can’t avoid because of the promising double drug interaction it has on the brain. In Kenya, among the youth hooked on drugs, chewing qaad with mosquito coil has been found to induce promising wholesale stimulation regardless of the toxic effects. Mosquito coil is made from pyrethrum making Kenya the leading producer in the world. Because there is no ministry to regulate drug production in a malfunctioning government, marijuana, a hallucinogenic drug that is readily available due to its unprecedented growth, and methamphetamine hydrochloride (also called speed), may be the driving force behind the induced buoyancy found in the dreaded militia serving the narcissistic warlords. Despite excelling in the art of excretal consumption, chicken are known to have mastered the art of mouth wiping. These men have resorted to washing their dirty fabric in public, demonstrate no sign of repenting, and seem not to come up with remedial measures to save the nation from absolute ruination. Millions of dollars belonging to the starving mass end up in their pockets and the rate of misappropriation is definitely startling. Some ruminants are known to preserve some fodder for the next feeding session and at night they prudently regurgitate the day’s preserves in their stomachs enjoying incessant cud chewing until daybreak. Imagine the millions of dollars being spent on drugs and buying votes while our children die of marasmus and dehydration; ponder over the army of shoeless child soldiers dying indiscriminately in the battlefields; brood over the deteriorating state and health of our innocent women; and think over how agape the world is at our failure to find a solution to our problems. Regardless of whether one is a non-commissioned officer, a decorated five-star general, a former diplomat or a distinguished professor of literary repute, powerful psychological factors and environmental influences reinforce intolerance and other forms of maladaptive behaviors that have become inherent in the psychological make-up of Somalia’s leaders opening a pathway for unending conflict. The agony is these leaders suffer from personality muddles that are difficult to detect with no convincing psychopharmacological remedies. Adan Makina E-Mail:adan.makina@gmail.com Reference: (1) Carson, Robert C., et al. Abnormal Psychology and Modern Life. Needham Heights: Allyn and Bacon. 2000 (2) Starr, Cecie, et al. Biology: The Unity and Diversity of Life. Belmont. Thomson, 2006.
  5. My Prayers to the families bereaved by the loss of their loved ones.
  6. So far the international big Project of "terrorism" label has worked best for individuals, warlords, oppressive regimes, institutions and what have you. This is a declaration of war on to us and we will witness if Punt land's policy of affixing the tag of terrorism on Somalis will reverse the inherent risk of of a new Civil War in the North. Puntland Officials Say Two Somali Militants Killed in Clash with Police By Alisha Ryu Nairobi 19 October 2007 Officials in the semi-autonomous region of Puntland in Somalia tell VOA that Puntland security forces have killed two members of a militant Somali Islamic youth group called the Shabbab and arrested six others, following a day-long standoff with the police in the port city of Bossasso. VOA Correspondent Alisha Ryu in our East Africa Bureau in Nairobi reports several of the men arrested today are believed to have links to terrorist suspects targeted by the U.S. in Puntland in June. Puntland's Minister for Fisheries, Ports and Marine Transport, Said Mohamed Rage, tells VOA that security forces targeted a house in Bossasso on Thursday, after receiving information that members of the Mogadishu-based Shabbab were holed up inside. The minister says police found heavily-armed men, refusing to surrender. He says the men opened fire on the police, sparking a gun battle and a stand-off that ended Friday morning. "There were about eight persons in the house," Rage said. "They are Shabbab. Two of the fundamentalists died and four police were injured." About two weeks ago, Puntland officials say they arrested 12 Somalis in Bossasso, following a counter-terrorism operation in the city. The 12 men are accused of being members of the Shabbab, which is led by al-Qaida and Taliban-trained militants and is committed to turning Somalia into an ultra-conservative Islamic state. The Shabbab has claimed responsibility for numerous suicide and roadside bombing attacks against Ethiopian and Somali troops protecting the country's fragile secular government in the capital. Rage says the men targeted in Thursday's raid are thought to have been planning a terrorist operation to disrupt court proceedings against the 12 men on trial. The minister also claims that several of the men inside the house were part of a large group of radical Islamists, who arrived by boat at a small coastal settlement in Puntland called Baar-gaal in early June. The Islamists, who belonged to the Islamic Courts Union that was routed from the Somali capital Mogadishu by an Ethiopia-led offensive last December, clashed with Puntland troops in Baar-gaal before fleeing into nearby mountains. Several of the Islamists with alleged ties to the al-Qaida terror network were also targeted by U.S. airplanes in Baar-gaal. Rage says Puntland's government is convinced that the Islamists who evaded capture in Baar-gaal are using the port in Bossasso to transfer arms and weapons from terror groups in the Middle East to Mogadishu. During the counter-terrorism operation two weeks ago, Rage says security forces found a cache of weapons and materials for suicide bombs, destined for the Somali capital. There have been no independent reports of arms being shipped to Somalia through Puntland. But a U.N. monitoring group has accused Ethiopia's arch rival, Eritrea, of supplying arms to radical Islamists in Somalia. Eritrean officials have vehemently denied the charge. http://www.voanews.com/english/2007-10-19-voa47.cfm
  7. Rag hor leh oo Maamulka Cade Muuse Jeelka u taaxabay jidhdila ku sameeyay Bosaaso:- Dad hor leh oo ah Dad u dhashay Gobolka Sanaag ayaa Malayshiyada Daacada u ah Maamulka Cade Muuse ay jirdil ku sameeyaan iyagoo waliba Jeelka u taxaabay,ragaas oo aan haba yaraatee waxaba galabsan aya qaarkood ahaa Ganacsato aad looga yaqaan Magaalada Bosaaso, waxana Duhur cada laga kaxaystay Guryahooda ay ka Degan yihiin Magaalada Bosaaso,ee dadka shacabka ah laga ugaadh sanayo. Ninkii ugu danbeeyay ayaa Maanta Galinkii Danbe Malayshiyo ay Cade Muuse isku jilib yihiin ay Jidhdil ku sameeyeen iyagoo waliba u taxaabay Xabsiga ay iyagu leeyihiin oo ku dhex yaala Dekeda Magaalada Bosaaso. Ninkaas ay Malayshiyadaasi qabatay ayaa lagu magcaabaa Eng Adan Bulay oo ah nin Enginer ah oo guryaha dhisa waxana la qabtay xili uu shaqadii maal meed ku guda jiray isagoo Gaadhii uu hanti ula haana ay ka qaadeen oo ay Ja jabiyeen, ninkaas Eng-ka ah ayaa waxa la sheegay inuu iska Caabin sameeyay ka gadaal markii ay weerar ku soo qaadeen waxana uu is ku dayay inuu Dagaalamo iyagoo ka aawood roonaaday oo aad u gaaraacay loona gaystay dhawaac aad u xooga badan. Dadka isku dayay inay soo ogaadaan Xaalada Ninkaasi uu ku sugan yahay ayaa waxa loo diiday inay booqdaan goobta uu ninkaasi ku xidhanyahay, waxa xusid mudan in halka ninkaas lagu xidhay ay tahay Kunteendhar ku dhexyaala Dekeda Magaalada Bosaaso,iyadoo aad looga soo dayrinayo xaaladiisa Caafimaad oo la sheegay inay aad u liidato. Dhanka kale waxa jira warar sheegay inay jiraan Ciidamo aad u xoog badan oo isku uruursanaya magaalada Ceel doofaar ee ka tirsan gobolka Bari,waxana warku uu intaas ku darayaa inay Ciidamadaasi ka soo Jeedaa G/ Sanaag kuwaas oo doonaya inay Dagaal ku soo qaadaan Magaalada Bosaaso ee Xarunta Gobolka Bari. Warar kale ayaa iyana sheegay in dhamaan Magaalooyinka Gobolka Sanaag ay ka soo baxeen Gurmada Ciidan oo aad u xoog badan kuwaas oo sida la sheegay ku soo foole magaalada Bosaaso, Magaalada Ceerigaabo ee xarunta Gobolka Sanaag ayaa aad looga soo baxay iyadoo ay jiraan Gaadiid uu ku xidhan yahay Hub Cul culus oo ka soo boqoolay Deegaankaas, Badhan oo ha Fadhiga Maamulka Maakhir ayaa iyana aad looga soo baxay oo heegan sare la galiyay Ciidan aagaasi joogay, dhahar ayaa iyana dhankeeda ka soo abaabushay Ciidan aad u fara badan. LaasqorayNet-
  8. This Video should conclude the chain of events and spark some light in our dark thinking. Somalia Invasion On The Map Avi Lewis with Salim Lone--former U.N Official On the Map
  9. The DESPERATE STRUGGLE "The desperate Struggle" Source: CBC Radio
  10. We are busy killing each other, but this video should provide you some soul-searching for your country. The Story: On july 23, 1995 Just after the release of disturbing home videos shot by Canadian soldiers in Somalia, comes this — brutal home movies shot during military hazing rituals. Soldiers are shown eating feces and engaging in imitated acts of sodomy. One black soldier has "KKK" smeared onto his back with feces. In this commentary, the CBC's Rex Murphy describes the sorry state of the Airborne division. "We promised them peacekeepers," he says angrily, "and in some cases, we sent them thugs." The Archive News and Video
  11. The politics of 'starve and rule' is still embedded in the ongoing cases of atrocity in Ethiopia. Sep 4 2007 We found a very precarious situation in a very harsh environment," Medecins Sans Frontieres' (MSF) Ethiopia coordinator Loris De Filippi said of the group's recent assessment missions to the remote region of east Ethiopia. He was speaking at a news conference called by MSF to protest against what it said was Ethiopia's blocking of further access for MSF to provide humanitarian aid to an estimated 400,000 people in three of the worst-affected areas. Source
  12. Mr. me, What critical suggestion should you bring forward to the table to rescue our country and regain our dignity back?
  13. Koore Tuunshe The principles of Indian Dharma are that which sustains. I think there are many dimensions to this problem of environmental degradation and ecological crisis in Somalia. People have not internalized the ethics of interdependence between nature and men and not realizing the ethical responsibility that comes with sustaining our biodiversity so that the very basic essentials of life are never endangered. There is now a widespread movement to preserve our environment in nearly all over Sanaag and many other parts of Somalia. I don’t know if you listen to it, the BBC reported once the magnitude of destruction inflicted on the Sool plateau, which stretches from Dhahar to Xingalool to Taleeh. It is highly out of proportion to the number of people that are engaged in the production and trade of charcoal that they can be considered to be of well armed warlords-cum businessmen and women. This is one of the side effect of lack of central government in Somalia, which understands the moral and legal agenda and thus acts upon the imperatives of preserving our environment. The truth of the matter is that we are now a stateless society with no laws of government, of no reciprocity of responsibility and rights, of no collective approach to the potential water and food insecurity and all other needs that sustain the lives of our diverse plants, animal, and human being that are interdependent. We must address the problems of the depletion of our environment and resources and financially support those who voluntary do the tasks, those who are sacrificing their lives, for the protection and preservation of our environment and nature.
  14. ^What is more serious is that he intentionally distorts the Muslim Somalia chain of history, perhaps depicting Somalia historically as a vassal state of Christian Ethiopia.
  15. Jacaylbaro, I am sure we will engage in talks with our neighbours. This is just taking matters into our own hands, or professing the right to be masters of our own destiny. This region will no longer be claimed by any entity. It will directly come under the Transitional Federal Government. THE FORMATION OF THE MAAKHIR STATE OF SOMALIA Too Little Too Late? By: Abdalla A. Hirad Saturday, August 11, 2007 It may have been a little too soon or, indeed, surprising to many outside the community of the newly proclaimed Maakhir State of Somalia, as the people of the territory now officially call themselves. Read proclamation and related information: http://www.laasqoray.net/view_article.php?articleid=1024. But the idea is not strange to or new among the Maakhirites. Ever since the collapse of the Somali government in January 1991, the initiative was being increasingly contemplated by the community, alongside political considerations to maintain good neighborly relations with its neighboring communities to the East, West and South as well as maintaining internal harmony within the Maakhir community itself. Maintaining such a balance has not been easy, given that, on the one hand, there have always been............ Full Article
  16. Listen to the views of Bosaaso residents
  17. Let Somalis Reclaim the Lost Glory of their Religion and Culture By Mohamed I. Farah (Raghe) 08 Augost, 2007 For centuries Islam, as a religion, has provided Somalis with a means to communicate with their Almighty God, and helped them to conduct their lives according to the dictates of that religion and in accordance with their cultural precepts. Nowhere in the recorded history of Islam in Somalia, however has religion ever been opposed to the Somali cultural identity. If anything, each in their separate ways, they had been used to enhance and compliment the right of the other to exist in the society. As for the state of religious harmony in the country, except for a short-lived period of time during the last quarter of the 19th century, when the two religious orders of Salihiya and Uwesiya had fought each other, otherwise there has always been a sense of understanding between and among adherents of different religious orders in the country. Even when the two had been in conflict with each other, it is well to be in mind that the Somali culture has never been in contention. However, following a mounting pressure from some religious- zealots, the Somali cultural identity has been placed under a severe stress today. As for the fate of religion, there is an increasing sign to indicate that the local face of Islam has undergone a severe amount of changes in Somalia caused by a movement known as Islamic fundamentalism. Different people understand the meaning of Islamic fundamentalism differently. Here in my discussion I will only refer in passing to that aspect of so-called Islamic fundamentalism that calls for a return to the basic tenets of Islam, and show how this has been perverted to a point where it has affected Somali cultural practices, especially in relation to the role of women in the society. I chose to focus on women because they are the pillars of any society, and I also believe to denigrate their worth as a people can have consequences too ghastly to contemplate for the future of any society. I have been baffled by how often the so-called Muslim fundamentalists have let women to form the nucleus of their religious discourse. In their discussions women are not seen as part and parcel of the society in which they live in, but an appendage to be either hidden in dark tenements and behind shapeless clothes or to be misused, disinherit, and then dispose. Does any of this ignoble way of how to treat women have anything to do with the call for the return to the original roots of Islam? I say the answer is no. Unless the return to the roots referred to here is associated with either the pre-Islamic Arabia where female individuals, who having escaped from becoming victims of infanticide, had been treated as chattels, or the period that came immediately after the death of Prophet Mohamed (SAW), otherwise at the actual time of the Prophet women had been accorded the highest respect, honour and esteem in the society. Far from being kept hidden in dark places or made to cover their bodies from toes to head, they had participated in all societal activities, including taking part in battles in which case Aisha, one of the wives of Prophet Mohamed (SAW) is a good example. Women entrepreneurs were not in short supply either; Khadija, the senior most wife of the Prophet is a good example of women entrepreneurs. There were also women scholars of great note. It stands to reason therefore that neither of the Prophet’s wives would have performed the duties attributed to them well while sitting behind walls, or encumbered by large fitting clothes with their faces hidden from people and the bounty of God: the day light. It is sad to note that with the death of the Prophet came also the end of the glorious role that women had played in the Islamic society. Henceforth, Muslim Arabs relapsed into a favourite past time of their pre-Islamic days, using women either as sexual objects, as in Harems, or chattels to be disposed as war-booty. To make sure that their Harems, like the “fragile goods,” were not “damaged” by those who were employed to take care of them, the Muslim Arab rulers, and later the Ottoman Turks, had employed African slaves (eunuchs) whom they had blinded and castrated. The practice of keeping women behind walls, or having them covered with large shapeless clothes, has its roots in the practices of the Arab merchant class, as well as the Arab princely rulers. This practice could find roots and survive easily in Arabia, and in the neighbouring countries of Asia, because of the cultural practices and the traditions of those societies that favour such practices. Although in the traditional Somali society life was not a paradise for women, yet they were never degraded as people. Fathers never let torrents of tears to indicate the state of sadness for having a new baby-girl. Instead most of Somali parents saw in the birth of a child-girl the sign of good things to come; hence baby-girls were favoured with auspicious names such as Hodon, Warsan, Ebla, Deqa, Aurala, Aulo, Haadsan, Quman, Dhahabo, Meran, etc. Either out of ignorance or sheer disregard for the cultural values of their people, I can already hear echoes of sounds that come from people who might wish to accuse me of recommending names that according to them belong to the “Age of Ignorance.” Apparently to such people, one would like to remind them that the “Age of Ignorance” is here and belongs to people who would call their children names that are not Somali but foreign ones; often they are names that have little or nothing to do with Islam. The idea that women should be kept separate from the rest of the society is quite an alien feature of the Somali culture, and hence no amount of religious justification can make the practice stick for ever, and the reason for this is not hard to find: first there is no any religious injunction to support its validity and secondly it is impractical. Imagine, given the pastoralist environment of Somalia, if past generations of Somalis had forced women into seclusion, what do you think could have happened? Indeed Somalis would not have been propelled into this present generation, and this is why it never happened and never will. Forcing women into seclusion has never been part of the Somali culture, as women most often worked side by side in the bush with men to keep the continuous flow of the family and the community from one generation to another. Taking a stand against the practice of women seclusion means clarifying and reshaping many issues involving both male and female sexualities. To people who would rather see women getting secluded or hidden behind large voluminous shapeless cloth, the idea of female sexuality is not far from their mind. One of the reasons given for women to stay at home or hide behind voluminous cloth is a need to induce the spirit of chastity in them. Experiences have however shown that neither of the two shoddy reasons is strong enough to induce a spirit of chastity in them. It is mostly their knowledge of who they are, and the understanding of the relation they have with the world around them, that can make women value and respect their bodies, and this requires a certain level of education. In the traditional Somali society where seclusion was not known it was the cultural education, in terms of norms and principles, which had guaranteed a high level of chastity. For example, it was part of the rainy season celebrations that girls and boys were expected to meet and dance together. The dance could go on for a whole night, and nothing untoward happened. Those dancing sessions had a functional meaning in the society; they provided the opportunity for the boy to meet the girl, one’s future wife, if you may. However, at present, following an onslaught mounted against all forms of traditional dances by some religious-zealots, the Somali traditional dances have almost become part of history. Most young Somali women and men of today do not know how Somali traditional dances, such as Walasaqo batar, daanto etc, once looked like. In marriage ceremonies, an occasion for communal celebration, people until recently had sat huddled together looking sad, as if they were there to officiate at the funeral of their dear departed friend. Those who managed to break through the barriers of artificially induced religious proscription and wished to dance they often find, to their dismay and embarrassment, they don’t know how to go about the business of doing the traditional dances. The irony is that in Saudi Arabia, a society that these religious zealots want Somalis to emulate, traditional dances still form part of their cultural festivities. I remember having seen the Saudi King taking part enthusiastically in a sabre-dance, and wished Somali religious zealots could have witnessed the spectacle. However, in retrospect now I know that that would not have mattered much, because according to such people, except themselves, everybody else is wrong on matters involving religious interpretations. In their eyes they are the only ones who follow the right path, while others are sinful and guilty of corrupting Islam. I would like to hear from such people what they think of the dancing King, who until recently happened to be their patron? Today if Somalis seem not to know how to dance their traditional dances, remember that this has not always been the case. Somalis were once known throughout the world for the beauty of their traditional dances. In 1976, for example, the Somali national dancing troupe had been awarded the greatest honour for being among one of the best traditional dancers in a celebration that had been held in Nigeria which had brought together Africans and people of African origin to showcase their arts. When the separation of the sexes is taken to the extreme it could have dangerous consequences for the society. What does for example one achieve by separating people who share common blood ties? You do not have to be a religious person to know that it is against nature to have a sexual desire for your niece, cousin or aunt. If by separating people in different compartment this is meant to achieve a level of sexual security in the society, the results unfortunately have been quite disappointing. Unlike the proverbial cat, men and women may or may not pay with their lives for being curious, but something else can happen to them: they might like to satisfy their curiosity which could result in their crossing the Rubicon, in terms of breaking sexual mores. Within the Somali traditional society, in spite of a high level of interactions between sexes, child-molestations or sexual perversion of any kind had been unheard of unlike societies that practise women seclusion. Is this the kind of fate that the so-called religious zealots wish for us Somalis? Our forefathers made sure this never happened, and will not happen anytime soon. Our view of what is sexually desirable in the opposite sex is what has led to prescription in female dress-manners in order to allegedly avoid male sexual arousals, as if women have no feelings. Despite being opposed to each other politically, both western and some Islamic societies have made strange bedfellows in their admiration for the female mammalian glands that are seen as an object of sexual desires by them. Hence both societies have made sure that that part of the woman is cleverly hidden to the sight of men. In the traditional Somali society, as it is true for the rest of the African continent, those glands are what they have always meant to be: objects for providing mother’s milk to her child. Some of the readers will recollect while on a journey, riding in a rickety bus, on a bumpy village road somewhere in Africa, they might have seen a woman passenger feeding milk to her baby from her mammalian glands. I am sure no one had felt anything strange in the action of the woman. Let me hastily add here by saying that I am not proposing that women should walk topless. God forbid; no; that is not my intention. My intention here is to illustrate a point with an example drawn from our experiences to prove that man’s perception of what is sexually suggestive is a product of cultural practices and upbringing. Some Muslim communities wear heard-scarf as a badge of chastity. In some African societies, on the other hand, it forms an important part of the woman’s outfit, worn not for religious but for aesthetic reasons. In the traditional Somali environment, married women used them to differentiate themselves from girls whose hairs were plaited; they called the piece of cloth on their head gambo. Religious Zealots as the Bane of True Islam in Somalia As an important social institution, religion in Somalia today is fighting a war to maintain its local identity that goes back to many centuries. Not so many years ago in Somalia, Islam achieved a high level of local freedom. By freedom I mean the ability of religious institutions to reproduce, regenerate and maintain themselves independent of other similar institutions elsewhere in the world. Mosques that were built by using local available materials acted as centres of worship, a place for learning and a communal meeting ground. Centuries of Islamic practices in Somalia have moulded Islam to give it a typical Somali appearance. For example, the intonation that Somalis used we they recited the Koran or when they called the faithful to prayers, all of these were uniquely Somali. Both the freedom and the innovation that Islam had at the local levels not only in Somalia but elsewhere in the African continent had made westerners to say that Islam has its roots firmly grounded in the African soil, unlike African Christianity which until recently looked to Europe in order to function well. In the case of Islam this state of things had been made possible by a presence of large Islamic centres that had existed in different regions of Africa to guarantee the promotion of Islamic learning and practices. In the Horn region both Mogadishu and Harar in Ethiopia were part of a regional network of Islamic centres of education. Lamu in Kenya was the centre of Islamic learning in East Africa. In West Africa Gao and Timbuktu were places of choice for those seeking religious-education. To get religious education it was enough to travel to these centres of learning. Hence, in the case of Somalis, they occasionally travelled to Al Azhar University in Egypt for their education, and hardly to Saudi Arabia that had since acquired the status of a cultural backwater in terms of Islamic scholarship. Earlier on, when Somalis went to Al Azhar mostly on foot in search of education, university dons were amazed with the extent of knowledge those students had accumulated and mastered. As a language the Somali language had formed an important part in any religio-political discourse. A good example is the case of Ina Abdulle Hassan who relying on Somali poetry made use of religious symbols to fight the European incursions into the Somali territories. At the risk of their lives Somali sheikhs had undertaken missionary-trips abroad in East and Central Africa to spread Islam as a religion. The greatest of them all was Sheikh Uways Mohamed who in his mission to spread Islam in Central and East Africa braved all kinds of dangers coming from men and wildlife. Sheikh Uweys is a living example to prove that Islam in Africa had been propagated and spread by Muslim Africans, and not by people of other nationalities like those whose views of Africa was a place to make business of selling and buying African men, women and children. Today the memory of Sheikh Uweys in those countries that he had visited is highly treasured and revered. Before the destruction of the Somali state, every year the followers of Sheikh Uways from Mozambique, Malawi, Tanzania, Zambia and Congo had paid visit to his shrine at Biyole to honour his memory. If this was the face Islam in Somalia, what does it look like today? Well Somalis are still Muslims, albeit committed to a struggle to have Islam regain its local face that is about to change drastically. How did this unenviable state of things come to pass, is the question to which most of my readers would like to have an answer. The process that has led to this change has not come quickly and suddenly; this was piecemeal affair; it had all started in Saudi Arabia in the decades of the seventies of the past century. This period is remembered as the time when Cold War had reached its zenith. Small and middle-sized countries were pulled into the vortex of the Cold War through a system of alignments and counter alignments. Saudi Arabia fearful of the spread of Communism had become a strong ally of America. Across the Persian Gulf an Islamic Revolution lead by Ayatollah Rohullah Khomeini had taken place. Somalia had become a clientele state of Soviet Union. Until now Saudi Arabia had been an insignificant desert Kingdom pursuing quite a narrow and insular set of foreign policy principles. All this would change. In order not to succumb to a revolution similar to the one that had taken place in Iran, the Saudi rulers had decided to become a regional power of sort. Saudis embarked on policies that had entailed the need to win friends, deny friends to potential foes and strengthen the military capacity of their country’s defence system. Saudi Arabia had a two tier level policies to deal with Somalia. On the one hand it had established a cordial relations with the military regime in Somalia and, on the other hand, it gave support – both financial and moral - to former students from their country’s university to preach their narrow brand of Islam in Somalia. At a time when in Somalia dissent of any type was punished with long-term jail sentences, the ability of the new Somali preachers from Saudi Arabia, to stand up against the state authorities, had worn the heart of the people, and this gave them a soft landing ground on which to further carry their operations. Initially they gained access to the community by establishing themselves in local mosques, which they used as a platform to carry out their preaching activities. In due course of time they had started to discredit the traditional Ulemas by calling them names. They had shown no respect for traditional institutions and practices, and even insulted elders who had made their access to the community possible. They had no patience even with their own parents whom they despised. Often they looked gloomy and unhappy except in the company of each other. As time went by, they used the wealth they had acquired, as a form of aid from Saudi Arabia, to gain further control of the mosques until they replaced those who had run them, and from there went on to build new ones. By now they had established themselves as a group quite apart from the people to whom they were preaching. They formed an elite group of traders whose large beards and shortened trousers became their trademark. While the rest of the Umma groaned under a state of poverty and bad governance they prospered beyond anyone’s wild imagination. However, despite high-sounding Arabic words that they often used when preaching their doctrine, as a strategy this was not enough to hide the shallowness of their point of view; they were polemicists per excellence. Among some of their favoured subjects of discussion are the following: Women must hide behind a veil Be careful not to shout when you utter the name of Prophet Mohammed (SAW). Do not visit graveyards, and do not tend any of those that belong to your dead relatives; if possible destroy them completely. Koran must be recited with Arabic intonation, and so must the call for prayers. Children must be given Arabic-sounding names. Somali names must be avoided like a plague. One should not rejoice at anything. Marriages of conveniences are legal. Somali traditional dresses represent a throwback to the “Age of Ignorance.” Those who do not share our point of view are not part of us; in fact they are our enemies; they are Kaffir and will end up in Jahima, which is the mother of all hells. I do not wish to discuss the demerit of each of the above mentioned points; suffice to mention here is that in perusing through these statements it becomes clear to one what their negative implications are for the society, in terms of communal understanding, cultural and religious identities. The break up of the Somali state and the chaos that had resulted from that break up had laid the ground for people to preach all kinds of ideas, including political and religious ones to people who were desperate. In the refugee camps in the neighbouring countries, in camps for displaced people inside the country, and even in Diaspora, to Somali people life had suddenly become meaningless. Hence in this sad state of affairs anyone who could offer solace in his or her religious speeches was able to have a ready-made audience. Given the wealth at their disposals no one could have benefited better from this opportunity more than those with their religious agendas drawn from Wahabi doctrine. Although the current leaders of Islamic Courts who are contending for political power in Somalia pursue a religious doctrine not quite dissimilar to Wahabism, I believed theirs to be an independent and indigenously inspired movement until they had established their headquarters in Eritrea. However whether their political objectives are founded on a narrow agenda based on clan interest, as their opponents would have us believe, or whether they represent a truly national movement only time will tell. Culture and not politics is the focus of my discussion here, and I would rather therefore leave, for the time being, the subject of politics for others to discuss. However, following the 9/11 incident things are beginning to change. The Americans convinced that all forms of extremism had their roots in Saudi Arabia had forced the Ministry of Auqaf of the country not to send money to any of their beneficiaries throughout the world on ground that the money had in the past been used in Madrasas to radicalise Muslim students. From this American stand it is clear that the Americans were concerned with the political implications of the Saudi aid more than anything else; and so did Saudis themselves who agreed with the American point of view. To the utter dismay of both parties the political radicalisations of some of the Muslim population in the world is growing stronger day by day. I am sure what the Americans chose to call extremism is not a product of any religious instructions; it is something that has its roots in a collective psyche of a people who might have felt a deep sense of humiliation in their lives. In case you wonder what makes people commits acts that defy your imagination, try by not only causing acts of humiliation against them, but also make them feel it; rub their nose in the sand, so to speak, and then wait and see. Everyone has his or her breaking point, and I am sure the world would have been a better place to live in, if we could make sure that people don’t get to that point. Be that as it may, for Somalis who are still reeling from the cultural domination of the Saudi aid, happiness is not strong enough an expression to capture the state of joy in them for realising that no more money is forth coming to help destroy their culture and religion. With no money coming in, at least officially, the levelling of the playing field is real today. It is now up to Somalis to reclaim the lost glory of their culture and religion. Mohamed I. Farah (Raghe) Email: Mohfara2005@yahoo.com
  18. He also invokes the time of Lij Yasu and his political relationship with Mohamed Abdule Hassan as a gesture of good will in our struggle against the colonial power, but doesn't mention that Lij Yasu converted to Islam and was in the process of making the Ethiopian kingdom an Islamic state. Lij Yasu's conversion to Islam was short lived as his Ethiopian kingdom was deposed as well as his escaping a near assasination.
  19. Hornafrique, The deliberation of Maakhir entity has been going on for sometime. It has now been launched to deal with problems which have had immediate practical implication that people take for granted and it demands monumental task in the days ahead like how to streamline its operation into smoothly running bereauracracy. It is now in its forming stage, but we anticipate the other three stages of Bruce Tuckman's management theory, which are necessary and inevitable for the growth of this new entity. However the larger populace both inside and outside has enthusiastically supported the formation of Maakhir as a local level to deliver the much needed assistance and support to community initiatives and free itself from being appendage to the SL and PL leadership. Moreover, for this to be possible, the community had to, as a matter of urgency and priority, reorganize itself towards forming an effective and a representative formal authority. Hornafrique, Such an approach would not contradict the current TFG constitution and the General Assembly Resolution A/RES/53/1 (M) 8 December 1998, which, while noting “with concern the political instability and absence of central authority...” in the country, [recognizes: “the need to undertake efforts to begin the process of rehabilitation and reconstruction alongside the process of national reconciliation ... wherever and whenever required as the security situation allows.” Furthermore, the resolution, in its operative paragraph (4) “Also welcomes ... the current strategy ... focusing on the implementation of community-based interventions aimed at rebuilding local infrastructures and increasing the self-reliance of the local population”. In this spirit, the resolution, in its operative paragraph (6):“Urges all states and relevant intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations to continue the further implementation of resolution 47/160 in order to assist the Somali people in embarking on the rehabilitation of basic social and economic services as well as institution-building aimed at the restoration of civil administration at the local level in all those parts of the country where peace, security and stability prevail;” Given the interest by any international partner to collaborate with Somalia, the Sanaag and western Barri community fits the description “local level” and can adminster itself as a state of its own to support programs of social services, to provide security to all institutions and organizations, to engage in trade, and to continue efforts to maintain infrastructure and improve its economic productivity. More commentaries and analysis on the legitimacy of this new entity and its functional relationship with the two surrounding but hostile entities will come forward. I invite many brothers to comment steadfastly because this will help all over Somalia. It is not limited only to Sanaag and Western Bari population but all over Somali as well.
  20. This Ethiopianist Tolosa is making too many ignorant mistakes. Who should inform him that Mogadishu is a Persian name Muuk dee Shah, the seat of Shah. It was never ruled by any Ethiopian kingdom but Sultanates of Ajjuraan, a Somali tribe, then Arab Muslims later ruled from Zanzibar by Sultan Said. The furtherst Ethiopian expansionist rulers reached was Harar. A case in point is a British soldier in Harar who witnessed the incidence, reported that Ethiopians fear Somalis so much that they would give their guns to the children to show the West that they had troops there. (look at Jstor, search engine, under the title of "the history of the Mad Mullah") Another serious mistake the Ethiopianist author seems to be making is that Nuruddin was born in Oggaden contrary to the fact that Farah's birth place of Baidabo, southern Somalia. He is quite fooled by the current occupation at the behest of Somali stooges, war criminals , and the West. Sooner or later, Somalia will be liberated , including Oggaden. DR. Fikre Tolossa: A Culpable Credentials of Misinformation Mohamed Abdikadir Daud (Stanza) As an author, I believe in academic gerrymandering and ideological antonym - variance; but, some days ago I was perusing the creative work of the Somali gifted novelist, laureate Nuruddin Farah, on the internet. Suddenly, I was mesmerised by an invidious critique entitled "Nuruddin Farah: Denial of Identity and distortion of Facts" written by an Ethiopian academician, Dr. Fikre Tolossa. It is the right-birth of every author to criticise another author that he or she flaters, what I mean is that, Dr. Fikre Tolossa has the sole right to criticise Nuruddin Farah; but it is shameful to be an historical misinformer, albeit intellectual distinction is acceptable for the respect of the Creator - the Almighty God. The jaundiced bigot, Dr. Fikre Tolossa, did not only ashamed himself in public but he also tarnished the long-time epoch of his homeland, Ethiopia, by fabricating a fake history in front of our eyes. His injudicious critique that was an intellectual injunction against the man that carries the insignia that bears "One of the best African novelists and world great writers of the century" that he (Dr. Tolossa) acquiesced in his article, was too bleak in terms of semantic parlance and critical or analytical explication or evaluation. According to my mental conviction, Dr. Tolossa is so callow historically or even critically. He said, "Nuruddin said, 'I was born and raised in Somalia ...' It is very true that the author, Farah, is a Somali born and bred patriot. He was born in Baidoa in 1945. I construe that Dr. Tolossa is jealous of the creative acumen of the influential Somali number one novelist. If not so, how did he happen to quash the pristine identity of the distinguished writer? The answer is wanted from him (Dr. Fikre Tolossa). On the other hand, it is gullible of Dr. Tolossa to distort and skew internationally accepted history and pride of a whole nation. He (Dr. Tolossa) is overwriting a false history that has never been taught in and at schools. He said, "2000 years ago when Somalia was not called Somalia, and Oggaden was called "Awlat", Somalia and Oggaden were ruled as one entity by an Ethiopian king named Mogadishi ..." What a plain prevarication! That time there was nothing called Ethiopia, he could better say Abassynia. If a primary kid reads the critical article of Dr. Fikre Tolossa, he or she will infer vicious sadomasochism from the semantically murky critique which Dr. Fikre Tolossa aims at colonising the Somali thinkers intellectually. The egocentric drift that can be depicted from the cheap charade of Dr. Fikre Tolossa, will only mire him in the world of shameful shenanigans as he is expatiating on hurtful historical falsehood. If he is a blind novice at the history of his country, Ethiopia, and its counterpart neighbour, Somalia; then it is amoral of him to insufferably berate the brilliant thinker, Farah, for his humanistic mettle. Dr. Fikre Tolossa, seemed pained at the comment of the noted novelist about the harrowing and fraught situation of the susceptible Oggaden civilians that are maimed for life by the brutal Ethiopian military that wants to rule them by barrel of the gun only. Dr. Tolossa foundered to twig the root cause of the Oggaden insurrection against the Ethiopian despotic dictatorship. They (Oggaden people) want free Oggaden state that befriends both Ethiopian and Somali governments in peace and harmony. But Ethiopia is not ready to end the illegal occupation of the Oil-Rich Oggaden region as Israel is not ready to concede to the rights of the troubled citizens of Palestine. Dr. Tolossa is supposed to be as quixotic as the reputable Turkish peace activist, Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis, for the sake of humanity. Any way, this is the high time for Dr. Tolossa to spur on Ethiopian government to stymie the indiscriminate carnage of Oggaden innocent people, therefore, his historical mistakes can be condoned by the Somali and Oggaden thinkers and peace-lovers that were piqued by his shoddy and baseless critique which is virtually unacceptable. It is also his personal onus to ruminate on the historical rudiments of his surroundings before perfunctorily spurning the geo-political tenacity of other human fellows. Otherwise, he (Dr Tolossa) will be a victim of his culpable credentials. I would advise him to sturdily apologise for his errors, so that, his contrition will whitewash the grisly faults he committed against the prominent novelst, Farah, as well as the poeples of Ethiopia, Oggaden and Somalia. Source: Dhahar.com
  21. President of Maakhir state of Somalia, Honorable Jibriil Ali Salad Former SL and PL troops joining to form the Maakhir Defense forces.
  22. The Hargeisa Central Prison is overflowing with innocent persons arbitrarily detained by the unconstitutional Security Committee. The largely dilapidated cells are filthy and overcrowded while the communal pit latrines are full, oozing with foul smell. To satisfy Rayaale’s insatiable passion for punitive measures, the old Mandheera Prison has been designated as a detention facility for political prisoners. The prison population in Somaliland is increasing exponentially which may eventually force Rayaale to build more detention centers to lock up half the population, if the taxpayers could afford to foot the bill. Disturbing development
  23. The selling of Puntland as an oasis of peace is quite amazing by the Wall Street Journal. Haven't they been following the news and recurrent events of inter-clan conflicts over mineral and oil exploration, land grabbing, deforestation, corruption and nepotism that are there? Or is it that they have diffuse interest in this news for fear of these currently known and unknown companies registered in the Dow Jones Industrial, not being able to sell stocks of potential risky projects in Puntland? I think it is much to do with the latter question. 'Baghdad-on-the-Sea' By ANNA HUSARSKA August 6, 2007 wsj.com GAROWE, Somalia -- "Even if a nuclear bomb were to explode in Mogadishu the conference will happen as scheduled." With this peculiarly upbeat image the Somali president Abdullahi Yusuf shared his optimism about the national reconciliation meeting that was twice postponed and, when it began in mid-July in Mogadishu, was adjourned again. Supposedly because the delegates arrived late. Of course, there was also the inconvenient fact that the venue of the conference was under mortar fire from the Islamic insurgents, who said of the delegates, "They are criminals who have sold our country to Ethiopia. We will only talk [about reconciliation] once our country is free." The Transitional Federal Government running Somalia, first formed in 2004 in Kenya, was installed in December, 2006 with the help of Ethiopian forces, which have struggled to control the violence since. The national conference was meant to bring together delegates from the country's many political factions. It was put on hold twice as delegates struggled to reach the city, but is now ongoing. We hear about a lot of violence in the Somali capital, but because few journalists remain in town (and press agencies have only local staff), the shelling, gun battles and attacks are probably under-reported. Aid workers in international humanitarian organizations are strictly forbidden to go to Mogadishu by their security officers. Sporadic day-trip visits may happen, but no foreign staff from the U.N. or nongovernmental organizations stay overnight. So getting a flight to Mogadishu is not easy. Puntland, the semi-autonomous state in the very horn of Somalia was supposed to contribute 162 of some 1,300 delegates, but only a fourth of them were able to fly from Garowe, the regional capital, in time for the opening ceremony. Even the pilots hired to shuttle international diplomats to Somalia for a day to observe the country's reconciliation refused to fly. In this regard, the Somali capital is even more dangerous than Baghdad. The comparison of the two places can be extended to two provinces. Puntland is roughly Somalia's Kurdistan. The state, which is uniformly inhabited by Somalis from just one clan (*****), is stable and peaceful. There are no roadside explosive devices or suicide bombs of the type that gave Mogadishu the nickname "Baghdad-on-the-sea." On a stretch of 50 kilometers between the southern cities of Kismayo and Jilib, there are 35 checkpoints manned by men who take $50 to $200 from passing travelers. But when I drove 400 kilometers through Puntland, I encountered no rogue checkpoints and only four regular ones. Though expatriates who work for the U.N. or nongovernmental organizations are required, by local authorities and by our own rules, to have an armed escort as we move around, it is not insecurity that is the main problem in Puntland. "Technicals," the euphemism for pickups with heavy machine guns mounted on the backs, are used to move the mild local narcotic called khat, rather than fighters. As Garowe demonstrations in late July showed, the problems in Puntland are fake currency and inflation, not clans or ideology. Compared to the mayhem of central and south Somalia, Puntland is an oasis of tranquility. But it is not an oasis in every sense. Puntland suffers from a permanent lack of water, and this year nature has been particularly harsh. Abundant rains upstream in Ethiopia sparked massive flooding in the regions along the lower Juba and Shabelle rivers. Meanwhile the rainy season, called Gu, hasn't been abundant enough, leaving great swaths of Northern Somalia -- and Puntland especially -- with dry wells. Throughout the region, people wander from one dry tap to another with empty yellow and blue jerry cans in hand, thirsty goats and camels trailing behind. This would be "only" a natural disaster if Puntland weren't the preferred destination of people fleeing violence in Mogadishu. Over the last two months, 21,000 have arrived, including 10,000 since the opening of the national reconciliation conference. Viewed from Garowe, the conference in Mogadishu is but a prelude, a necessary first step to bring clans to a negotiating table and piece the country together so that Somalis start working on the real issues affecting their lives. Like water. There are reasons to be skeptical of the outcome of this conference because this is not the first time such an effort has been undertaken. Before the current government came to power, 13 similar reconciliation meetings were held over a decade, yet violence continues today. The Union of Islamic Courts may be partly right when it says: "[The conference] is a [Transitional Federal] government's project only aimed at getting donor funds." That's just it, however; donor funds are desperately needed for Somalia. When European Union special envoy for Somalia, George Marc-Andre visited Puntland late last month, he talked about the reconciliation conference in Mogadishu. But the Puntland authorities had another request: "Help us to be able to structure water wells for the poor people in the rural areas in the province," they asked, according to the local Somali press agency. And soon there were some good news: the European Commission decided July 27 to allocate 10 million euros for victims of continuing insecurity and climatic hazards in Somalia. Meanwhile, the U.N. refugee agency, UNHCR, appealed for $48 million to help displaced Somalis. This emergency assistance -- if and when it comes -- will not solve the politics behind this "failed state" but at least Somalis may be told that for their other needs some help is on the way. Ms. Husarska is senior policy adviser at the International Rescue Committee.