Allaha ha u wada naxariisto, silic iyo rafaad weli waa na raadjoogaa. It is hard to believe that people are taking these deadly risks just to flee Somalia's misery and unprecedented choas and destruction. Another 132 dead in Gulf of Aden over weekend Jan 22, 2008 The deadly traffic in the Gulf of Aden continues unabated, with 132 people dying last weekend and a total of 157 people dead or missing during the first 19 days of 2008. A total of 2,452 boat people were recorded arriving in Yemen during the same period. Most of them were from Somalia. On the 18th of January a boat carrying 135 passengers approached the coast of Yemen. Seeing lights ashore and fearing capture by the Yemeni Coast Guard, the smugglers ordered passengers to jump overboard. Those who resisted were beaten with sticks and stabbed. A large wave then capsized the boat, causing the death of 114 passengers and two smugglers. On 19 January 10 women and six children – part of a group of 29 Somalis aboard a two-engine smuggling boat – drowned when strong winds capsized the boat beside the coast of Yemen. They had left Somalia four days earlier and encountered engine problems. The 13 male survivors told us that four children had died under their parents' eyes from lack of food, water and exposure. The other two drowned. The three smugglers allegedly ran away and have so far not been found. In recent weeks, two smuggling boats have been intercepted by the Yemeni Coastguard. Patrols and crack-downs have increased in an attempt to deter the smugglers and save lives. Some boats used by the smugglers had been given to Somali fishermen by international aid agencies after the Tsunami disaster in 2005. The new arrivals said they paid US $150 for their trip to Yemen. They stated they had left Somalia due to violence in the Mogadishu region, the continuing hostilities between government forces and insurgents. The survivors said an increasing number of civilians are killed by heavy artillery. UNHCR has been calling for increased action to save lives in the Gulf of Aden and other waters. Over the past year, UNHCR has stepped up its work in Yemen under a US$7 million operation that includes additional staff, more assistance, provision of additional shelter for refugees in Kharaz refugee camp, and training programmes for the coastguard and other officials. In addition, we are expanding our presence along the remote, 300-km coastline with the opening of two additional field offices in early 2008. UNHCR is also working closely with NGOs such as MSF, which has mobile clinics that can work at arrival points along the coast. On the Somali side, UNHCR and other partners have set up information projects to warn people of the dangers. We have also increased our presence and are providing assistance and the possibility to seek asylum on the Somali side of the Gulf of Aden. But many of those fleeing say conditions in their homeland are so bad that they are willing to take the risk. In 2007 alone, more than 29,500 people arrived on the shores of Yemen while over 1,400 people died or remained missing – presumed dead – while making the hazardous journey. Source: UNHCR

Sanaag and western Bari's people chose to form their own state. IF any organization or persons object to its formation , let it be known that forcing people on what they don't need is a counter-productive and it generates anger, division, and denial of rights. I respect NSPU for its stated objectives but it has to respect the rights of others in freely deciding their political will and Autonomy.

A Nation’s Hope May Ultimately Persevere WardheerNews Editorial December 30, 2007 "The Miserable have no other medicine, but only hope” by William Shakespeare Given all the misery that has befallen Somalis, WardheerNews editorial board’s Year -end review for the year 2007 is extraordinarily arduous. Without a doubt, it has been an eventful year and WE HOPE THAT SOMALIS WOULD PERSEVERE THEIR MISERY! In 2007, Mogadishu city that once championed the cause of all the oppressed peoples in the Horn of Africa (Oromos, Afars, Sidamas, Somalis, Tigreans, even Pan-African exiles belonging to ANC) had fallen to and collapsed under Abyssinian invasion; the very Abyssinian who for centuries enslaved other lowlanders in the Horn of Africa. National symbols (Sayid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, Hawo Tako, General Daud, Daljirka Dahsoon,) which symbolized Somali defiance to adversity have been brutally tamed; mosques and Museums have been desecrated and obliterated by the Tigrean Militia, most of who hail from the cradle of the Aksum province. Forty seven years after Somalia gained its independence, Year 2007 represents, if not a full blown colonization, the subjugation of the Somali Republic by a harshly savage Ethiopian occupation, bequeathing the civilian population in Mogadishu with mayhem, unprecedented colossal destruction of private properties, foisted on them by a callous traditional enemy pursuing an old imperialistic strategy of hegemony and conquest. The City of Mogadishu that once articulated the hopes and aspirations of all Somalis regardless of geography, genealogy, gender, or generation loudly expresses today the unveiled collective misery of a nation, thanks to the tripartite pact of Yusuf’s love of power, Meles’ innate dictatorial instinct to subjugate and Bush’s “war on terror.” This is a deadly pact that Somalis could not muster a challenge. Some would falsely argue that the Ethiopians have been invited by the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) presided by the ailing Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and his corrupt extraordinaire and former Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi. But there are no facts to authenticate any action the fledgling TFG parliament adopted to permit Ethiopian invasion. On the contrary, Ethiopia has been itching to go into Somalia as far back as Feb., 2005. Consequently, on November 29, 2006, the Ethiopian parliament in Addis Ababa endorsed a hastily concocted motion to declare war on Somalia. That hardly represents an invitation! No doubt that the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) had failed to become a true partner in a negotiated settlement and finding a way out of the protracted conflict that dragged Somalia to the gutters. Notwithstanding its primitive and puritanical outlook, it is equally true that the ICU and its infantile behavior as well as the dangers boasted by its adventurous military wing, the Al Shabbab, were not the right dose to Somalia’s crisis. Apart from Al Qaeda securing a foothold in Somalia, all these, however, pale compared to Ethiopia’s invasion of a sovereign nation and the ensued wanton destruction, killings and decimation of an entire nation. Nothing can justify the death of 6,000 innocent civilians, the displacement of over 1.5 million civilians from their homes, or the disproportionate starvation of over 600,000 helpless refugees/displaced persons. Worse, the indiscriminate killings of children and women, the madness sponsored by the US “war on terror” executed by Ethiopian ill-disciplined soldiers is best expressed by none other than the UNICEF representative for Somalia, Christian Balslev-Olesen, who said that "things are now getting absolutely worse…" "There is dirtiness to this war. Children are a real target....” The Bush administration’s answer to the 2007 misery of the Somalis, despite the unprecedented proportion of human disaster unfolded, in some accounts worse than the Darfur crisis, is all the more cruel and irresponsible: “Any government that provides Somalis with assistance we support, including Ethiopia, …I am unaware of specific allegations regarding the conduct of the Ethiopian troops." a senior defense official said. This gauges the extent to which America is oblivious to the plight of Somalis. One clear sentiment to the otherwise good-natured Americans that we have been hearing from our readers throughout 2007 is this: America, it is pity that two consecutive Christmases have elapsed during which time innocent children and non-combat Somali women are killed indiscriminately in Mogadishu and elsewhere under the rubric of your national security! In the words of Noam Chomsky, “The crisis in Somalia may be regarded partly as collateral damage from…’war on terror’ and the geopolitical concerns reframed in these terms. If poor Somalia collapses in starvation and misery that is merely a sideshow of grand geopolitical designs and of little moment.” Elsewhere, in the aftermath of the fall of Las Anod into Hargeisa, clouds of war are hovering over the skies of northern Somalia, aka “Somaliland.” As several analysts have observed, the Year 2007 may mark the end of peace and stability that region has enjoyed to the envy of the rest of the country. The search for recognition, it seems, is finally in a stark conflict with the resolve for unity and comprehensive solution to the Somalia crisis. In politics, Year 2007 witnessed the resignation of one of Somalia’s worst, most inept and greedily corrupt Prime Ministers in history. One would not know how to evaluate this Prime Minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi – a man whose penchant for corruption, self-indulgence and pettiness is unsurpassed; who profiteered from today’s misery of Somalia (bal adba qiimee ninka irsiq ka dayey Soomaali oo maanta Isha ay leedahay aynu ognahay!) was welcome news. As we greet the New Year, we wish the Somalis never to ever see a Prime Minister like Gedi and hope that his replacement so far laid back and ineffective would take a different and more robust course. The Kenyan parliamentary and presidential elections of 2007 and the role played by Somalis in the northeastern districts are encouraging signs of social democracy. Although some of the candidates WardheerNews endorsed did not make it, we congratulate all those who took part in this great democratic endeavor. In Hargeisa, the arrest of Qaran party leaders and their subsequent release only days before the closure of Year 2007 represents a significant gain for the Somali people, thanks to the resolve and stick-to-it attitude of its leaders. To the east, the near-destruction of the once thriving autonomous region of Puntland under the watch of Colonel Cade Musse is one of the most disappointing episodes for its people in 2007. Year 2007 was particularly difficult for the resident in the Somali National State in Ethiopia. Civilians there have been subjected to massive blockage of food and fuel officially implemented by the Meles government; gross human rights abuses, accompanied by systemic collective punishment, once again disproportionate in the history of the region, have finally gave the Western world an unexpected bird’s eye view to the plight of the Somalis in that region, thanks mainly to the New York Times Journalist, Jeffry Gentleman. Year 2007 has seen the permanent dismemberment of Somalia deliberated by the powers that be. Another Berlin Conference may have been countenanced in the corridors of powerful palaces while, divided and oblivious, Somalis continue to mercilessly mutilate their mother country. What forty seven years can do to a cohesive nation! It is our measured fear; call it pessimism, to say Year 2007 may represent the year that the Bush administration embarked on a debate to “partition” Somalia into two states. If that is the case, a long misery may be in store, but Somalis would only have one medicine; to hope for the better. After all, “the Miserable have no other medicine, but only hope,” and that hope alone may carry this downtrodden society beyond 2007.

Thanks Koore for the update. What is the situation in Kismayo and how are the Makhirites in Kismayo copying with the national efforts of reconciliation in the region?

The UN cannot ignore Somalia's plight GaroweOnline Editorial:| The TFG was never looked upon as the best solution to Somalia's intertwined crises The United Nations was created to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war," according to the Preamble of the UN Charter. Yet, in Somalia, where the "scourge of war" has killed thousands of civilians and displaced tens of thousands of families in 2007, the UN demoted its monumental world peace role and adopted a spectator's "wait-and-see" approach. But exactly what is the UN waiting for? All the signs of destruction are there and today's Somalia is as far from the road to recovery as it was in 1991, when one of Africa's longest and most brutal civil wars began. The UN-endorsed Transitional Federal Government (TFG) cannot even control the national capital Mogadishu, despite the backing of Ethiopian troops and a small contingent of African Union peacekeeping soldiers. The death and destruction, mostly concentrated in Mogadishu, is rooted at the heart of the political struggle in Somalia among different clans and factions. The Ethiopian army is viewed by many Somalis as occupiers, especially by Mogadishu residents who are witness to Ethiopian tanks and the merciless bombardment of civilian neighborhoods. The TFG is indebted to Ethiopia for installing a weak government in the capital, but the opposition – whether political or armed resistance – look at the TFG and Ethiopia as inseparable and, therefore, Ethiopia as part of the problem. The TFG was never looked upon as the best solution to Somalia's intertwined crises. It was a pragmatic response to that country's past statelessness. It was only southern Somalia where no attempt was made to form an autonomous administration; this made life hard for minorities and other unarmed clans because they do not have the backing of armed clan militias. The TFG was expected to lay the foundation for institutions that could help Somalia re-emerge as a reputable nation on the world stage. But the TFG miserably failed in this task. No discernable development was made in many aspects of institution-building. Political feuds have wracked the TFG during its three-year history. Those failures could have been averted had the TFG leadership set its sight on clear nation-building strategies for a country that has had no functioning central government for more than a decade. The Eritrea-based Somali opposition group adds more fuel to the crisis. Made up of members of the Union of Islamic Courts, former warlords and turn-coat clan demagogues, the opposition has no vision other than to prolong Somalia's anguish. They are against the olive branch offered by the TFG Prime Minister Nur "Adde" Hassan Hussein, because they are micromanaged by the Eritrean government, which is hell-bent on opposing its giant Ethiopian neighbor at all cost. Their dependence on Eritrea has angered Islamist hardliners, some of whom have joined forces with Al-Shabaab, the group believed to be behind the Mogadishu insurgency. The AU has been unable to bolster its peacekeeping force in Mogadishu to the 8,000 troops approved by the continental body. While the AU is a stakeholder in the Somali conflict, it is not the only nation or organization that should be concerned about the deteriorating situation in Somalia. It is the UN's role to pressure other key stakeholders, including Somalia's neighbors, Western governments, and Arab states, to remain consistent about their support for peace in the war-torn Horn of Africa country. Despite its many shortcomings, the UN is viewed in Somalia as a neutral entity, especially when compared to Ethiopian troops. UN blue helmets will be a welcome sight to Mogadishu's demoralized citizens, who are stuck between insurgent bombs and Ethiopian artillery, provided that the groundwork is laid out for the deployment of UN forces. There is no question that Somalia needs to be saved, today more than ever, from the continued "scourge of war." But the UN's silence, in the face of a growing human catastrophe in Somalia, is tantamount to the acceptance of the status quo. If this is the case, then the world should expect nothing but war in Somalia. Garowe Online Editorial, editorial@garoweonline.com

About 300 Somali demonstrators marched in downtown Helsinki on Friday, demanding that Ethiopian troops pull out of Somalia. They carried placards accusing Ethiopian troops of genocide in the country. Ethiopian forces have occupied several Somali cities for a year now. The UN says that Somalia faces a worse humanitarian crisis than Darfur. The protesters marched to the American Embassy, demanding that the US end its support for the Ethiopian army's incursion into Somalia -- which was aimed at crushing a radical Muslim group with alleged links to al-Qaida. According to Statistics Finland, Somalis form the largest non-European group of foreigners in Finland, with some 4600 Somali citizens registered last year. YLE, Reuters

Qaylo Dhaan: A dialogue between the Somali Flag and Dr. Abdirahman Beileh By Abdirahman Beileh December 08, 2007 Dear Folks, I would like to share with you this short note as a preamble to the song attached below called Qaylo Dhaan. Qaylo Dhaan is a culmination of a long dialogue, over a period of about 14-15 years, between the Somali flag (the Blue one with the white star in the middle) and Dr. Abdirahman Beileh (myself). This dialogue was taking place, intermittently, during occasions of important international/regional meetings, conferences, and summits where high level national representatives from Africa and from relevant institutions, seated gracefully behind their national flags, debated national issues and promoted their own respective interests. The dialogue took place in these meetings when the two of us met representing two different entities, the Flag representing the Somali Republic and me representing the institution I work for (the African Development Bank). In these meetings, I often delivered statements and/or participated in discussions on behalf of the Bank. During the deliberations of each of these conferences, we would, once in a while, have eye contacts with the occasional nod or two signifying recognition of each other’s presence. The Flag would always be sitting there quietly and desolately, squeezed and barely noticeable, between the Rwandan delegation on the left, and that of South Africa on the right. You have to look hard to recognize its existence, especially as the seat is always empty. During the earlier years, say 1994 to just about 1999, various groups would show up, each one claiming the right to occupy the seat, with sometimes a scuffle or two between them over the seat, and in the process violently damaging both the flag and the chair. The organizers would then arrive, with security personnel, and decidedly order all groups to leave the premises. The flag would then be folded up and put away with the chair moved to a remote corner somewhere outside the debate area. This normally happened when such important meetings took place somewhere in the Horn. More recently, however, the look on the face of the flag and the eye contact have appeared noticeably much more hostile towards me than before, to an extent that it made me nervous at the podium delivering a prepared statement or during my participation in discussions. He often frowned at me with visible anger and disdain towards me. I first noticed this in the Food Security conference held by the African Ministers of Agriculture and Water in Libreville Gabon on November 28-29 2006. In this conference, I spoke about what the African Development can do to assist African countries in their efforts towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals on Food and Poverty reduction. The flag’s gaze at me was so intense that I had to disguise my discomfort by taking frequent sips of water with short coughs! I succeeded to restrain myself and the meeting was concluded without any physical contact between us. I occasionally concluded that this was harassment and that I should perhaps draw it to the attention of the organizers. But then, the better part of me commanded that I gave more credence to our blood ties, and thus I should refrain from taking any action against Him. After the conclusion of this meeting, all delegations participating in the Libreville Conference moved to Abuja Nigeria, where Heads of State Summit was convened on December 4th and 5th 2006 to deliberate on and endorse the outcome of the Libreville Ministerial meeting. There we met again! But this time, because of the expectation of a Head of State, the Flag was mightier in size and more imposing. In addition, the Somali delegation (supposedly led by the head of state) was seated very close to the podium and the high table. As I took a position at the high table, I immediately faced the all-imposing blue flag with the big white, and very bright star, right on my left shoulder looking at me as more disdainful to me as ever. This session was not a very productive one for me but, at least, I made an effort to concentrate on what I had to say. Within this session, I decided that as soon the session broke for coffee, I would politely approach Him and ask him what sort of problems He had with me! So I did! as soon as the Chairman, adjourned the session, I got up and directly walked up to Him, very nervously, not knowing what His reaction would be towards me. I quietly shook his hand and hastened to assure Him that I was not there to fight Him like the others in the past, but simply came to say hello! As I sat down with him, we were joined by two ladies who later on told us they were refugees living in Abuja but recruited temporarily to assist in the organization of the meeting. We all talked and confirmed our origins to each other all speaking in the language: iska warrama? Waa nabade idinkuna? Alla mahaddii and so on and so forth.. I then said “ But, Flag, we have been meeting over the years without talking to each other”…” I am happy that we now started talking to each other”…. “Let me just ask you…” And this song then started expressing these feelings. The ladies also took part in the song!! QAYLO-DHAAN Beydkii koobaad Dr. Beileh (1) Calanyohow qanddoodaa Sida qaanso roobaad Amma kaynta qadawgoo Inta uu qayood helay illimuhu qulqulayaan quruxdaadu badanaa maxaa qiimo kugu ladhan in aad qaayo leedahay qalbigaygu kula jiro anaa kuu qiraayoo naftu kuu qushuucdee bal qabsoo ha yeeshee qambaruursigaagiyo isha qoodha daymada igu soo qallocdiyo qoolaabnidaadaa qulub igu abuurtoo igu dhalisay qarowgee anaa kuu qareen ehe maxaan ku qabtaa sheeg Calanka (1) waxan qoomameeyaa weli quuddarreeyaa qun-u-dhalasadaydii ballantii ad qaaddiyo qorshahaan samaynniyo hilbahaygan kala qalan quruxdiyo hankaygii qolqollada magaalada waxan qoorta fidinjiray xiddigaha ku qaydnnaa qarinjiray daruuraha hadba laanta qawlka ah qoollaalligaygii debintoon qaniiniyo ma qaxootibay xigay maxaad haatan ii qaban ma adaan ikala qubin qudhu ha’iga socotoo maruun aan qarsoomee qarka ma’iska tuuraa Hoorintii Hablaha calankan qaayaha lahoow qudhada badhkeediyoow waxaan kuu qabo jacayl qiyaas kuma koobi karo hadday caanuhu qubtaan illayn dabadood la qabay waxaan diray qaylo-dhaan saadaal wacan baan qabaa sidaa ku-calool qabow Beytkii Labaad Dr. Beileh (2) shirkan qaabka loo wacay qasdigiisu uu yahay quruumaha adduunyadu danahooda qaaska ah in ay wada qorsheeyaan qaadaa-dhigaan talo arrimo isla qaataan qaran jira in aad tahay hadday kugu qiyaaseen sidaa kugu qadariyeen madal kugu qotomiyeen haddaad qaawantahay weli qaladkooda maahee waxa guuldarrada qaba qoolkuna dulsudhanyahay qoonkaad u dhalatee qaybsani ka doorbiday qarannimada wadareed garoo qoontu waa taa maxaan kuu qabtaa sheeg Calankii (2) Qaran jabay miyaan ahay! Waxaan beero qodanjiray Quudinjiray adduunyada Qaddarkay* ma liicoo Qayrkay ma tuugsaday Qaraamaad ma urursady Qacda waranka feedaha Qaniinyada halka I mudan Weli maan qandhaysnahay! Sida qaanso oo kale Ma u soo qallocasamay Qufac ioy xanuun iyo miyaan qaaxo weheshaday ma qaxootigiibaa bahaluhu ku quutaan! maxaad haatan ii qaban ma adaan ikala qubin qudhu ha’iga socotoo maruun aaan qarsoomee qarka ma’iska tuuraa Hoorintii habalaha calankan qaayaha lahoow qudhada badhkeediyoow waxaan kuu qabo jacayl qiyaas kuma koobi karo hadday caanuhu qubtaan illayn dabadood la qabay waxaan diray qaylo-dhaan saadaal wacan baan qabaa sidaa ku-calool qabow Beytkii 3aad Dr.Beileh (3) wax la yidhi qiyaamuhu marka uu qariib yahay qaab lagu gartaa jira hadal aad ku qanacdiyo qiso aan ku siiyoon kuu qaboojo laabtee qun-u-dhalashadaadii nimankii ku qaabbilay qalbigooga kuu furay kuwii dhiigga kuu qubay kuu qaaday heesaha qof hadduu ka noolyahay sedan uma qatalanteen qaawanaan ma mudateen ilmo kaama qubateen qawyada majebiseen qandho iyo xanuun iyo jirro kuma qardoofteen anaa kuu qareen ehe mxaan kuu qabtaa sheeg Calankii (3) qoran weeyi geeridu qofna waari maayee qabri lama huraayee haddii qaamudkood galay qiso ma aha yeeblee maxaa qaatay ubixii? qalinkiyo tawaaddii? qorijirey ummuuraha qarankiyo dadkisii qarada iyo laxaadkii quwaddiyo itaalkii la’igu wada qaddarinjiray qoomiyad jacaylkii Qarshe iyo dirkiisii qasiidooyinkoodii qawlkii halyeygii qammaammuurtii waberi qabanqaabadoodii maxa qaatay ee helay? miyay iga qatoobeen? Hoorintii habalaha calankan qaayaha lahoow qudhada badhkeediyoow waxaan kuu qabo jacayl qiyaas kuma koobi karo hadday caanuhu qubtaan illayn dabadood la qabay waxaan diray qaylo-dhaan saadaal wacan baan qabaa sidaa ku-calool qab Beytkii afraad Dr. Beileh (4) Talo wey qallibantoo waxa qaatay beledkii qasnadihii la oogsaday qawleysataa timid yamyam iyo qadaad weyn quraafaadka beenta ah qaybqaybta maahda ah qalbiyada daciifka ah ku qadhaabanaysoo qofna aan canyn iyo ilma qaabaqowsyeyn qisadeennu waa taas waxan kugu qancinayaa qiil kaaga dhigayaa in kastooy qadhaadhahay Qadder weeye eebbee inaad qaadataa furan anaa kuu qareenoo kula qaadi heestii maxaan ku qabytaa sheeg Calankii (4) waxaan quudhsanjirey beri, ka qashaafijiray hore qasab ma igu noqotoo dani ma igu qabatoo dullinimo ma qaayibay ! qayrkay ma tuugsaday! ma hantiyay cad* (hilib) quudheed Qacda waranka feedaha Qaniinyada halka i mudan Weli maan qandhaysnahay! Waabay qadhaadh iyo ma qantuugay jahanama wakhtigaa is qallibayee anay qoontu igu taal maxaad haatan ii qaban ma adaan ikala qubin qudhu ha’iga socotoo maruun aaan qarsoomee qarka ma’iska tuuraa Hoorintii habalaha calankan qaayaha lahoow qudheyda badhkeediyoow intaan kuu qabo jacayl qiyaas kuma koobi karo hadday caanuhu qubtaan illayn dabadood la qabay waxxa diray qaylo dhaan aadaal waxcan baan qabaa sidaa ku-calool qabow Dr. Abdirahman Beileh Email: a.beileh@afdh.org ----------------------------------------------- *Qaddar: hadhuudhka beerta ku yaal ee laqanka ah ee aan weli bislaan *CAD: Hilib and CAD (caddaan)

Dr. Beileh's cry of concern: A follow-up By Bashir Ahmed Gardaad December 24, 2007 I would not be able to forgive myself if I don’t scribble a few lines about Dr. Abdirahman Beileh’s Dialogue with the Somali Flag (WardheerNews.com, December 08, 2007). I have known Dr. Beileh as a colleague and a friend for the past twenty years. There were many times during those two decades when we exchanged views on the plight of our people and wondered what we could possibly do to contribute to the salvation of our country. We were both development agents at the service of an international institution (the African Development Bank) primarily established for the economic and social development of the African Continent. We used to wonder the irony of it all. On the one hand, we lacked neither the will nor the desire to serve our country within the regulatory limitations imposed by our status as international civil servants. On the other, the rampant corruption and the worsening governance situation back home widened the credibility gap between ourselves and the institutions there that we decided not to give any advice or guidance to their management staff whenever they visited the Bank’s Headquarters in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire. Dr. Beileh’s poem does justice to his preoccupation with his country’s destiny but also reflects his undying hobby of composing poems and collecting the works of well known Somali poets and writers. To me it brings closer to home a long lost day; the day when the blue flag was hoisted for the first time on Somali soil on October 12, 1954. I was just a kid then, but although I did not have the necessary maturity to understand what the flag really was about, I was equipped with the kids view of the world as black or white, and of people and things as good or bad and I therefore decided that the flag was a good thing to have. The young of those days had role models in their elders who inspired them. We lived for an ideal. We were told time and again that we are the leaders of tomorrow, that we are all Somalis, that we are equal and that we should acquire as much knowledge as we can to prepare ourselves for the task of nation building. From that October day fifty plus years ago, the blue flag is a rallying ground for millions of Somalis in their moments of patriotic fervor and joy. If, however, some see the flag not dancing to the wind as it used to, it is because its needs have not been taken care of properly. Just as human beings and animals are kept alive and active by food, so is the flag in need of nutrients of its own: institutions which sustain it and people who respect it. We must admit that these ingredients have been in short supply in the Somali society in recent years. There are those who would perhaps describe the Somali flag as a “blue Rag” in the style of Bernard Landry, the former separatist Premier of the Canadian Province of Quebec who called the Canadian flag a “Chiffon Rouge” (1) and there are those who would commit the ultimate sacrilege of burning it as did some irresponsible elements in Burao and Hargeisa some time ago. We Somalis have differences that seem intractable, but burning the flag is not an option, for it negates our past history, belittles the sacrifices of tens of thousands of our sons and daughters who paid the ultimate price in its defense and offends millions of Somalis who are still alive. The unenviable status of the blue flag which Dr. Beileh so eloquently described reflects the unflattering general comments that we expatriate Somalis have been hearing ever since the early1990s. I remember one particular comment which left a bitter taste in my mouth. Some ten years ago, a group of African Development Bank staff members, including myself, were having a casual conversation on development challenges facing Africa. The issue number one that absorbed most of our attention was governance. We reached a consensus that the prerequisites for a minimum degree of economic and social development were: (a) the existence of a government; and (b) such a government should derive its mandate to govern from the people through a free and fair electoral process. At that point, one of the participants in the casual conversation said “but the Somalis have challenged the classical definition of governance by proving that people can survive without a government and even undertake some development activities. “In fact”, he continued, “I consider that an original contribution of the Somalis to the concept of governance”. I detected a sarcastic undertone in his remark. To conceal my wounded pride, I sought solace in bravado by saying that our people have always shown resilience and initiative at times of adversity. I uttered those words unconvincingly as a defensive reaction to my colleague’s remarks at the time. Events have proven since, however, that I wasn’t totally wrong. Incidentally, the gentleman I referred to above was from Nigeria, a country of 130 million people with a multitude of ethnic groups speaking over 200 different languages and many indigenous religions in addition to Islam and Christianity. If such a country can hold together and be proud to do so, there must be something fundamentally wrong with a country of 10 million people essentially speaking the same language, adhering to the same faith, pursuing the same way of life and sharing similar cultural characteristics, who cannot agree on anything. Just to take one example, the fundamental difference between us and the Nigerians is that they see unity in their diversity whereas we see diversity in our unity. A flag is light in physical weight and the least costly of all institutional symbols. It requires no maintenance with the exception of periodic replacements for normal wear and tear. It is, however, weighty in terms of significance as a symbol of a country and its people. Today that symbol is abused in so many ways. It is abused when it is left unrepresented in international gatherings; it is abused when someone without proper credentials sits in these same gatherings and claims that he/she represents the Somali state; and it is abused when rival groups squabble over who represents what government; but the quintessential insult is to burn it altogether in the name of, God knows, what cause. If we Somalis are incapable of having a serious dialogue aimed at reconciling and burying our differences, why take our frustration on the flag which is the only symbol left of our nation? Remember Cassius’s words to Brutus: “The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves” (2). No words can express more the plight of the Somali flag than Dr. Beileh’s lines: Qudhu ha iga Socotoo Maruun aan qarsoomee Qarka ma iska tuuraa Translation: Just to embrace death And so disappear Should I throw myself down the hill I am not a poet, but given the importance of the subject under discussion, I cannot resist the temptation of dropping a few words in support of Dr. Beileh’s intervention: O blue flag Do not despair Do not be ashamed Of your sad state of affairs For it is your stakeholders Who let you down Who threw you to the wolves Who abandoned you in the wilderness It is us who are The breeders of your malaise The architects of your solitude The origins of your misery Forgive us O blue flag For dragging you on the sand For feeding you to the flames For forgetting that you represent A cherished ideal that Our past generations died for Our present generations live for Our future generations aspire to Forgive us O blue flag For condemning you to solitude In international fora And letting others wonder If you ever had a country Forgive us O blue flag For our irresponsible attitude And our inexplicable ingratitude O blue flag Don’t give up hope For one of these days We shall resurrect And when we do so Help will be on the way Bashir Ahmed Gardaad gardaadx10@yahoo.ca -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Red Rag In William Shakespeare’s Play “Julius Caesar”

Originally posted by Dabshid: He helped the kidnappers, by giving them publicity. He deserves monetary reward for his work and no arbitrary arrest.

^We are all men of Allah.

Somali journalist held without charge New York, December 27, 2007— A reporter who took photographs of French journalist Gwen LeGouil in custody with his kidnappers in Somalia’s semi-autonomous northeastern region of Puntland has been detained since Sunday without charge, local journalists told CPJ. Awale Jama Salad, a freelance journalist based in the port city of Bossasso, exclusively met with LeGouil and his kidnappers last week. Reuters then interviewed him about the journalist’s condition, and he released his photographs, which showed the masked kidnappers, to local and international media. LeGouil, who works for Franco-German TV network Arte Television, was released on Monday. Several of Salad’s colleagues interviewed by CPJ said the journalist shared the same clan with the kidnappers, but denied he was involved in the scheme. Sources close to the police say Salad has been detained for “security reasons,” and that the police would not elaborate further. “The Puntland authorities should either charge Awale Jama Salad or release him immediately,” CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon said. Salad’s arraignment was postponed yesterday in response to the abduction of two foreign workers of the international medical charity Médecins sans Frontières in the second kidnapping in Puntland in 10 days, according to local journalists and news reports. Puntland’s authorities have forcefully guarded the breakaway territory’s relative stability in recent months in response to local pro-Islamist militancy, influxes of displaced populations from war-torn southern Somalia and transiting migrants headed to Yemen. Source: CPJ

A formal meeting between the traditional authority and Maakhir administration marked the first agreement implementing a taxation system in Dhahar and to sustain the common defense and protection of the local environment--depleted over the years by heavily armed charcoal profiteers. A committee of experts was assigned for the tax strategies. Shir ka dhacay degmada Dhahar oo looga arinsaday hirgalinta cashuuraha oo uu qaadayo Maamulka Maakhir Dec/28/2007 Dhahar:- Shir maanta ka dhacay magaalada Dhahar oo ay usugu yimaadeen wax garadka deegaankaas ayaa waxaa looga arinsaday sidii loo hirgalin lahaa cashuuraha, loona joogteyn lahaa ilaalinta deegaanka iyo joojinta gubida dhirta dhamaan deegaamada Maakhir. Shirkan ayaa waxaa hadal ka jeediyey aqoonyahanada deegaanka waxaana laga soo saarey in wada hadal dambe la isaga yimaado bisha soo socota ee sanadka cusub, iyadoo la isla meel dhigay qaabkii canshuurahaas loo hirgalin lahaa. Gudi loo xilsaarey in ay soo diyaariyaan “tax strategies” qaabka loo qaadi doono canshuuraha ayaa sheegay in ay rajo wanaagsan ka qabaan canshuurta iyo hirgalinteeda taasoo laga qaadi doono degmada Dhahar iyo 18 tuulo oo hoos yimaada, wuxuu gudigu intaasi raaciyey in canshuurahaasi ay dadka dib ugu noqon doonaa, oo iyaga wax loogu qaban doono. Arintan haday hirgasho ayaa waxay noqondoontaa markii ugu horeysay ee Degmada Dhahar laga hirgaliyo canshuur uruurin tan iyo waqtigii ay dowlada dhexe burburtey ee 1991, taasoo keentey dib u dhac badan ku yimid dhamaan deegaamada gobolka Sanaag. Dhahar Online

Getting Paid December 27, 2007: Somalia has become one of the most extreme examples of social disintegration on the planet. Bandits are increasingly targeting relief workers, either to extort them, or kidnap them. While most Somalis realize the relief workers are there to help, there are still many heavily armed and bad tempered Somalis who see the foreigners as a source of income. These Somalis traditions of warlordism and opportunism are not easily cured. A century ago, a British colonial official observed that, when dealing with this type of Somali, the best approach was to; "shoot on sight, shoot first, shoot to kill, and keep shooting." Little has changed. Even in "quiet" parts of Somalia, bandits still do what they please. In northern Puntland, one such gang kidnapped two foreign medical aid workers (two women, a doctor and a nurse), and are holding them for ransom. There is some law and order in Puntland, so the security forces are in pursuit. But the way things work in Somalia, the kidnappers expect to be paid, and will kill their captives if a ransom is not forthcoming. Recently, a French journalist was kidnapped in the same area, and held for eight days until an $80,000 ransom was paid. After news of that got around, Somali gangsters took a different view of unarmed foreigners. U.S. naval forces off Somalia have been ordered to be more strict with pirates. Details of the new rules of engagements were not released (lest the pirates figure out how to exploit them), but the announcement was apparently intended to intimidate the pirates. U.S. naval intelligence has collected a lot of information on the Somali pirates, and is trying to take apart the pirate organizations, without getting involved with the fighting inside Somalia. Mogadishu is still the scene of fighting between rival clans, one side aided by Ethiopian troops. In the last two months, about a quarter million people have left Mogadishu, mostly members of the clans that are losing the battle for the city. The Ethiopian troops are aiding factions that agree to pacify the city, and not conduct raids into Ethiopia. The expulsion of clan militias from Mogadishu has led to more banditry outside the city, as the displaced clan gunmen look for other sources of income (they used to control major market places and commercial neighborhoods, which were heavily "taxed.") Now the gunmen prey on trucks carrying foreign aid, or other goods. The trucks must either pay cash at a dozen or more roadblocks, or risk being robbed. Some trucks travel in heavily guarded convoys, which enables them to get past some roadblocks for free, while strongly defended ones require some negotiation and payment. Burundi sent a hundred troops to join the 1,600 Ugandans already in Mogadishu, with another to follow in the next three weeks. But Burundi will not send another 800 man battalion unless other African nations honor their commitment to establish a 8,000 man peacekeeping force in Mogadishu. Ethiopia says it will withdraw its several thousand troops if the full UN force ever shows up. That is still in doubt. The African nations who are supposed to send peacekeepers, know they cannot fight the Somali irregulars as effectively as the Ethiopians (who have been doing it successfully for centuries.) Source: strategypage.com

There are reports that MSF Belgium personnel based in Baidabo were ordered to leave the country for safety reasons according to TFG's director general of the defense department, Sheikh Qasim Ibrahim. ------------------- MSF Belgium oo amar lagu siiyay in ay Soomaaliya ka baxaan Jamaal Cismaan ________________________________ Muqdisho, 27 Desember, 2007 (WDN) - DFKMG ayaa amar ku bixisay in hay’adda MSF-Bellgium ay dalka isaga baxdo, iyadoo amarkaasina ay soo saareen hay’adaha nabadgelyada u qaabilsan dowladda federaalka. Agaasimaha wasaaradda Amniga Qaranka Shiikh Qaasim Ibraahim, ayaa sheegay in mas’uuliyiin ka socday hay’adda MSF-Belgium ee ka howlgasha gobolka Bakool ay kulan la yeesheen Shiikh Mukhtaar Roobow (Abuu Mansuur) oo ka mid ahaa Mas’uuliyiinta maxkamadihii Islaamka, sidaas darteedna la soo saaray amarka ah in ay isaga baxdo dalka Soomaaliya. Amarkaas ka soo baxay Agaasimaha Wasaaradda Amniga Qaranka waxaa si kulul uga jawaabay guddoomiyaha degmada Xudur Md. Maxamed Macallin Axmed, oo sheegay in amarkaas ay u arkayaan maamul ahaan mid lagu curyaaminayo gobolka Bakool. Md. Maxamed Macalin waxa uu nasiib darro ku tilmamay in hay’adihii gobolka ka howlgeli jiray ay dhamaantood u guureen magaalada Baydhabo, haatanna hay’addii u hartay oo MSF-Belgium ah iyadana gobolka laga ceyrinayo. Isaga oo intaasi ku daray in hadalka uu sii daayay Agaasimaha wasaaradda Amniga uu ahaa mid shakhsi ah oo laab-la-kac ah, wuxuuna caddeeyay in aysan yeeli doonin go’aanka gobolka Bakool looga ceyrinayo hay’adda MSF-Belgium. Sidoo kalena warka ka soo baxay Agaasimaha wasaaradda Amniga Qaranku waxaa beeniyay C/raxmaan Cali Qaasim oo u hadlay Hay’adda MSF-Belgium, wuxuuna sheegay in aysan waxba ka jirin wararka sheegaya in ay la kulmeen Abuu Mansuur oo ku sugan deegaano ka tirsan gobolka Bakool. Dhanka kalena, wararkii ugu dambeeyay ee naga soo gaaray magaalada Boosaaso ayaa waxay sheegayaan in ay weli is-ceyrsanayaan ciidamada ammaanka Puntland iyo Rag af-duubtay labo Hablood oo u shaqeynayay Hay’adda MSF-Spain. Kuwaasi oo la qafaashay shalay subaxnimadii xili ay ku sii jeedeen xarun caruurta lagu quudiyo, oo ku taala xaafadda Raf iyo Raaxo ee bariga magaalada Boosaaso. Wasiirka Dekedaha iyo Gaadiidka Badda ee maamulka Puntland Axmed Siciid Aw-Nuur, ayaa sheegay in shalay gacanta lagu dhigay labo ka mid ah raggii af-duubka geystay. Kuwaasi oo mid ka mid ah uu dhaawac soo gaaray, isagoo caddeeyay in dableydii kale iyo labadii gabdhood ee ay heysteen-na ay ku hareereysan yihiin ciidamada Ammaanka Puntland. Jamaal Cismaan WardheerNews Muqdisho

Originally posted by somalipride: I've notice many posting covering a wide variety of somaliland issues never involve pics. Don't they take media or a camera crew with them?

'Almost Certainly Al Qaeda' A Pakistan analyst discusses who killed Benazir Bhutto and what her death will mean for Pakistan. Do they have an obvious replacement for her? This party was very much Ms. Bhutto's party. There is no heir apparent on the horizon. They have a significant problem. This might be a boon to the other secular parties, including the one run by Nawaz Sharif. Sharif is clearly not seeking to be elected through this kind of tragedy. He has been an advocate of elections with all political parties running. Does President Musharraf have a political party? President Musharraf has a party. It is a splinter of the Sharif party, the Pakistani Muslim League [PML-N]. By most accounts and most polls, [Musharraf's] party will come in very poorly in this election. There is a widespread feeling among Pakistanis that the Musharraf dictatorship has gone on too long. A recent poll (PDF) by the International Republican Institute shows somewhere around two-thirds of Pakistanis would like to see Musharraf step down and give up power now. It [also] suggests that in a fair election, the opposition parties are likely to do very well. But because they are divided, it was unlikely and it remains unlikely that any single opposition party will have a majority in the new national assembly—there would have to be coalition building. Would the PPP have won outright? I don't think it would have won a clear majority, but no one knows. Of course another factor is that no election in Pakistani history has ever been entirely free and fair. Every Pakistani election has been tainted by widespread allegations of fraud. It had been expected, even by Ms. Bhutto, that the elections would be tainted by fraud. The question was always going to be whether the level of political machination and rigging of the election would be beyond the pale—that is, so gross and massive that no one would take the election results seriously—or be within the norm of Pakistani politics. When did you first meet Ms. Bhutto? My first encounter with Ms. Bhutto was in 1991 when I was working at the White House for President George H.W. Bush as the director for South Asian affairs at the National Security Council. I have seen her again periodically over the years, including when she called on Mrs. Clinton in the second administration when she was in exile. I don't claim to have a personal relationship with her. Why did she take such risks when she already had been targeted on her first day back in Pakistan? Ms. Bhutto was the kind of person who believed that it was imperative for her to be in touch with her followers: that she couldn't be a leader of a democratic, secular party and hide from view all the time. It was part of her being the symbol of democracy and of women's rights in a Muslim country that she would be out on the campaign trail. She knew the risks. She knew her own family's tragic history; her father [former Pakistani president, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto] being executed by a previous military dictatorship in 1979; her brother [Murtaza Bhutto] dying in politically motivated violence in 1996. She knew the risks, but she felt that being a political figure and standing for democracy meant that you had to be out there among the people and you couldn't be hiding. There now will be calls in Pakistan for a thorough investigation of the security around her appearance today and whether the government provided sufficient security. I won't try to preview how this will come out, but there will be a lot of desire to have accountability for the security situation today. You said earlier that Al Qaeda was responsible, but could it also be military intelligence? I am sure that conspiracy theories about that will abound in Pakistan. She was widely disliked in the intelligence apparatus, but it was more likely the work of Al Qaeda and its cohorts. Now it is certainly possible that they had penetrated and had sympathizers within the Pakistani security apparatus and had advance knowledge of her movements. It is clear from the Al Qaeda attacks in the past, including on President Musharraf, that Al Qaeda has sympathizers at the highest levels of security, and intelligence which provided information on his movements in the past which facilitated the efforts to kill him. If you were still working at the White House what advice would you give the president on how the United States should respond? First, to mourn the loss of the heroic figure. But the more critical point would be to press the Pakistani government to continue to go forward with the elections. The Musharraf government has promised to deliver stability and democracy and today's events are a tragic indication that it has failed to do both. Instead of stability we have acts of terror in the military capital of the country, Rawalpindi. And instead of democracy, we have one of the leading democratic advocates in the Muslim world killed. The only way that Pakistan is going to be able to fight terrorism effectively is to have a legitimate, democratically-elected, secular government that can rally the Pakistani people to engage Al Qaeda, the Taliban, and other extremist movements. The army has failed to do that. The army dictatorship has failed to do so. We should now press for the democratic movement to move forward. Do you think Sharif will become prime minister? I don't know. His party has not been tainted by rumors of backroom deals like Bhutto's was. He is doing pretty well among Pakistanis who want a government that will be free of Musharraf and to move against him. But I won't try to predict the outcome of the elections now that we have the new tragedy. © 2007 Newsweek, Inc.

Me thinks xiinfanin's anylitical framework of the unintended consequences of the invasion of Somalia's capital is tantamount to what Ethiopia's national policy towards Somalia states at par value but much credit goes to the World press in exposing the 'starvation and draconian intervention policies of Ethiopia in dampening its own "insurgency" who are in fact legal contestant and not mere law breakers. http://www.mfa.gov.et/Foreign_Policy_And_Relation/Relations_With_Horn_Africa_Somalia.php

The Muslim World needs to be reformed not by sheer Force but by through the choice of the people. We don't have to support or aid financially and militarily DICTATORS who have held their people hostage for so long. The West Should Stop intefering the Muslim World in support of cruel dictators. The War against Muslim people shall stop. I have no doubt that the plot of Bhuto's assasination was carefully orchestrated by the Military establishment of Pakistan.

thanks to Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar.

The Security Council is now reconsidering its position of no-intervention. The SC has human rights related tasks and it's her duty to decide measures to end human rights abuses and estalish tribunals related to Genocide. The Organization's hesitation to intervene in some conflicts(Darfur, Sudan) but not others(Somalia) of similar gravity would significantly impact public opinion...... The Department of Peacekeeping Operations should speed up the deployment of an assessment mission to facilitate further United Nations engagement in Somalia.

We must protest hard against the UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT in financing and supporting this genocidal war in Somalia. Our demonstrations and protest should be against the UNITED STATES, not Ethiopia because this misguided protest is acquiting the U.S. from its crimes against humanity.

" It is a measure of the total disregard of the USA for Somali lives and suffering that it would countenance the massacre of thousands of Somalis by Ethiopia and the displacement of nearly a million Mogadishu residents- all this for the sake of tracking one or two Al Qa’ida suspects. Quite clearly, Somali lives and suffering simply count for nothing in the eyes of the USA " by Ali Geeleh

" It is a measure of the total disregard of the USA for Somali lives and suffering that it would countenance the massacre of thousands of Somalis by Ethiopia and the displacement of nearly a million Mogadishu residents- all this for the sake of tracking one or two Al Qa’ida suspects. Quite clearly, Somali lives and suffering simply count for nothing in the eyes of the USA "

An Open Letter to H.E. Ismail Omar Guelleh By Ali Geeleh December 16, 2007 Your Excellency We, the Somali people in the Horn of Africa may belong to different countries, but despite our territorial separateness we still share our common Somali identity, culture, religion and solidarity. The dream of Somali unity may not have been achieved but at least two former parts, Italian and British Somaliland, have united after their independence to become the Somali Republic and were subsequently followed by Djibouti. Even if Djibouti did not join the union given its ethnic mixture, yet it is no less Somali in every other sense. While Djibouti has been building on it’s gains-economically, socially and politically- Somalia on the other hand has been sinking deeper and deeper into the quagmire. The contrasting fortunes of the two countries are the result of the differing qualities of the leaders each country had over these years. Somalia’s mortally bleeding wounds were inflicted not only by the late President Mohamed Siyad Barre but by all those after him who were aspiring to occupy his post or pursuing their own selfish interests as warlords. In all Somalia’s times of need, Djibouti has spared no effort to come to its aid, culminating in the organisation of the Carta reconciliation conference and the establishment of the Transitional National Government (TNG) under President Abdul Qassim Salaad Hassan. Much to the dismay of Somalis everywhere, other than warlords and the enemies of Somalia, the government of Abdul Qassim has turnout to be, for all practical purposes, no more than one existing in name until its end. Despite the obvious disappointment with the failure of the TNG to live up to its expectations, yet Djibouti, under your wise leadership, far from giving up on Somalia has instead redoubled its efforts to help it. Above all, it had played a pivotal role in the various conferences and meetings on Somalia, always striving to ensure that Somalia’s unity was paramount by fending off the nefarious designs of some neighbouring member countries in IGAD. Unfortunately, and despite these noble efforts, the government and leaders cobbled together in Kenya were mirroring the interest of Ethiopia and not Somalia. The present Transitional Federal Government (TFG) under President Abdullahi Yusuf is not only as impotent and powerless as its TNG predecessor but is even worse given that it is totally under the thumb of Ethiopia. Your Excellency Somalia is being torn apart by the unholy alliance between Ethiopia and the United States of America. While the interest of Ethiopia is to thwart the emergence of a strong national government in Somalia for the foreseeable future and to fragment its parts into competing Bantustans under its hegemony, for the United States it is the global war on terror and its pursuit of few Al Qa’ida suspects allegedly being harboured in Somalia. Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia was prompted not by any credible threats to its security from the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) as it claimed, but the need to prop up its puppet TFG and above all by the prodding it had from the USA to conduct the “war on terror” in Somalia on its behalf for which the USA provided diplomatic, military and financial backing to Ethiopia enabling it to launch its invasion and sustain its occupation of Somalia. It is a measure of the total disregard of the USA for Somali lives and suffering that it would countenance the massacre of thousands of Somalis by Ethiopia and the displacement of nearly a million Mogadishu residents- all this for the sake of tracking one or two Al Qa’ida suspects. Quite clearly, Somali lives and suffering simply count for nothing in the eyes of theUSA As if its support for Ethiopia was not sufficient animosity towards Somalia, the USA has now ratcheted its disregard towards our country by considering its break-up. The USA Pentagon is now openly advocating USA recognition of Somaliland as quid pro quo for the use of the port of Berbera as a base for USA forces in the region. If the US were to embark on the request of the Pentagon, it would be a blatant contempt for the stance of the UN which still supports the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Somalia. Any such action on the part of the USA will unleash a war in the North of Somalia between those who support the secession of Somaliland and those who are against it. And a future, more nationalist Somali government, when it emerges, would do all in its power, including the use of force, to maintain the unity of the country The USA would only be extending the conflagration raging in Southern Somalia to the hitherto peaceful North thereby bringing more miseries on the long-suffering Somali people everywhere. Such hostility towards the Somalis would only serve to fan the already pervasive anti USA feeling in the country and would come as boon for the Islamists. Once again, the USA would be making another blunder in Somalia in which it will only reap the opposite of what it had in mind. The USA would do well to change direction and instead work for a united Somalia, having a federal democratic government that would take office from this current discredited TFG. Your Excellency Your support for Somalia could not have been more pressing given what is being hatched against our country. Djibouti may be a small country but it has considerable clout as a member of the UN, the League of Arab States, the African Union, IGAD and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference. But more importantly, Djibouti has close ties with the USA and is hosting a USA military base in its territory. We hope Djibouti would use its undoubted influence on the USA government and dissuade it from dismembering Somalia. We trust your Excellency would once again come to our help for you are not only the President of Djibouti but the father of the Somali people, wherever they are not free or have no government worth the name. Please accept, your Excellency, the assurances of my highest considerations Yours faithfully Ali Geeleh United Kingdom Email:aligeeleh@yahoo.co.uk