Freedomfighter007

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Everything posted by Freedomfighter007

  1. ^^^ Dont matter that 34 station got closed the fact is Los voted, Western Sang and some parts of Eastern Sang and sum parts of Sool Voted. Plus the world commnity saw the election free and fair something unheard of in East Africa. lol
  2. Observers were not in the triangle but in western regions and eastern region like ergavio so stop hating bro.
  3. Hater stop hating lol from BBC, new York times, CNN, and most respected news oulets reported all regions west and east that voted. You guys and scream triangle this but the world have seen vast people throughout Somaliland that voted
  4. If the truth was looking at them in the face they old not believe it lol
  5. I know Somaliland is not your home and you know what I am glad we are two different countries that happen to be neighbors. Glad world press is showing light on the of political maturity.
  6. So far world press of the election has been great. Free and fair is the word of the day, no cheap talk from haters for Somaliland movement of greatness will stop her!
  7. Wow my friend I see the Somaliland election Made a impact on you lol. Little envious of Somaliland multiparty system old boy lol
  8. ^^^ So you saying that colonial borders are bad but clan based is good. That makes no sense cause if you look it that way then thier is no need for a union, each clan should make their own country and thus be in peace with each other. Cowke you cant have it both ways you cant support somali union while in the same time support Clan terrority. The civil war created clan based identity in Somalia, they key is to move away from it cause it does not work and stick to colonial borders, which i must tell you all Africa uses instead of Ethnic border which you are stating is good.
  9. Cowke is on some fun stuff. This guy never stops amazing me with his crazy talk.
  10. BURAO, Somalia — The rallies usually start early in the morning, before the sunshine hurts. Multimedia Slide Show A Blooming Democracy in the Desert .Related Times Topic: SomaliaReaders' Comments Share your thoughts. Post a Comment » Read All Comments (12) » By 8 a.m. on a recent day, thousands of people were packed into Burao’s sandy town square, with little boys climbing high into the trees to get a peek at the politicians. “We’re going to end corruption!” one of the politicians boomed, holding several microphones at once. “We’re going to bring dignity back to the people!” The boys cheered wildly. Wispy militiamen punched bony fists in the air. The politicians’ messages were hardly original. But in this corner of Africa, a free and open political rally — led, no less, by opposition leaders who could actually win — is an anomaly apparently worthy of celebration. The crowd that day helped tell a strange truth: that one of the most democratic countries in the Horn of Africa is not really a country at all. It is Somaliland, the northwestern corner of Somalia, which, since the disintegration of the Somali state in 1991, has been on a quixotic mission for recognition as its own separate nation. While so much of Somalia is plagued by relentless violence, this little-known slice of the Somali puzzle is peaceful and organized enough to hold national elections this week, with more than one million registered voters. The campaigns are passionate but fair, say the few Western observers here. The roads are full of battered old Toyotas blasting out slogans from staticky megaphones lashed to the roofs. Somalilanders have pulled off peaceful national elections three times. The last presidential election in 2003 was decided by a wafer-thin margin, around 80 votes at the time of counting, yet there was no violence. Each successful election feeds the hope here that one day the world will reward Somaliland with recognition for carving a functioning, democratic space out of one of the most chaotic countries in the world. But this presidential election, scheduled for Saturday, will be one of the biggest tests yet for Somaliland’s budding democracy. The government seems unpopular, partly because Somaliland is still desperately poor, a place where even in the biggest towns, like Burao or the capital, Hargeisa, countless people dwell in bubble-shaped huts made out of cardboard scraps and flattened oil drums. Most independent observers predict the leading opposition party, Kulmiye, which means something akin to “the one who brings people together,” will get the most votes. But that does not mean the opposition will necessarily win. In many cases in Africa — Ethiopia in 2005, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008 — right when the opposition appeared poised to win elections, the government seemed to fiddle with the results, forcibly holding on to power and sometimes provoking widespread unrest in the process. “There’s probably not going to be many problems with the voting itself, but the day after,” said Roble Mohamed, the former editor in chief of one of Somaliland’s top Web sites. “That is the question.” Many people here worry that if Somaliland’s governing party, UDUB, tries to hold on to power illegitimately, the well-armed populace (this is still part of Somalia, after all) will rise up and Somaliland’s nearly two decades of peace could disappear in a cloud of gun smoke. “I know this happens in Africa, but it won’t happen in Somaliland,” promised Said Adani Moge, a spokesman for Somaliland’s government. “If we lose, we’ll give up power. The most important thing is peace.” Easily said, infrequently done. Peaceful transfers of power are a rarity in this neighborhood. In April, Sudan held its first national elections in more than 20 years (the last change of power was a coup), but the voting was widely considered superficial because of widespread intimidation beforehand and the withdrawal of several leading opposition parties from the presidential race. Last month’s vote in Ethiopia, in which the governing party and its allies won more than 99 percent of the parliamentary seats, was also tainted by what human rights groups called a campaign of government repression, including the manipulation of American food aid to starve out the opposition. Then there is little Eritrea, along the Red Sea, which has not held a presidential election since the early 1990s, when it won independence. And Djibouti, home to a large American military base, where the president recently pushed to have the Constitution changed so he could run again. South-central Somalia, where a very weak transitional government is struggling to fend off radical Islamist insurgents, is so dangerous that residents must risk insurgents’ wrath even to watch the World Cup; never mind holding a vote. So in this volatile region, Somaliland has become a demonstration of the possible, sustaining a one-person one-vote democracy in a poor, conflict-torn place that gets very little help. While the government in south-central Somalia, which barely controls any territory, receives millions of dollars in direct support from the United Nations and the United States, the Somaliland government “doesn’t get a penny,” Mr. Said said. Because Somaliland is not recognized as an independent country, it is very difficult for the government here to secure international loans, even though it has become a regional model for conflict resolution and democratic-institution building — buzzwords among Western donors. In many respects, Somaliland is already its own country, with its own currency, its own army and navy, its own borders and its own national identity, as evidenced by the countless Somaliland T-shirts and flags everywhere you look. Part of this stems from its distinct colonial history, having been ruled, relatively indirectly, by the British, while the rest of Somalia was colonized by the Italians, who set up a European administration. Italian colonization supplanted local elders, which might have been one reason that much of Somalia plunged into clan-driven chaos after 1991, while Somaliland succeeded in reconciling its clans. Clan is not the prevailing issue in this election. The three presidential candidates (Somaliland’s election code says only three political parties can compete, and they take turns campaigning from day to day) are from different clans or sub-clans. Yet, many voters do not seem to care. In the middle of miles and miles of thorn bush stand two huts about 100 feet apart, one with a green and yellow Kulmiye flag flapping from a stick flagpole, the other with a solid green UDUB flag. Haboon Roble, a shy 20-year-old, explained that she liked UDUB because “They’re good. They hold up the house.” But about 100 feet away, her uncle, Abdi Rahman Roble, shook his head. “This government hasn’t done anything for farmers,” he complained. “We can’t even get plastic sheets to catch the rain.” He said he was voting for Kulmiye. “But I don’t tell anyone how to vote,” Mr. Abdi Rahman said. “That’s their choice.” And like the other adults in the family, he proudly showed off his new plastic voter card, which he usually keeps hidden in a special place in his hut, along with other valuables. (Somaliland is a example for Africa and Muslim world that Democracy can work for the people by the people)
  11. ^^^ First the western regions of those two places are for somaliland, second i am sick of people like you that talk about somaliland cant leave because we they same people but then say we are two different people. People like you makes it crystal clear why somaliland gots to leave this union.
  12. ^^ SNM thugs so what is the Puntland aka pirate thugs. Dear lead can people in your region even vote mmmm let me see no they cant, instead they have some old dudes shows their leaders wow.
  13. ^^^ Whats with the hating Hales, like it or not Somaliland is showing Africa and Somalia the importances of Democracy. The only Senfiled episode funny is the pointing and hating which is very comical lol.
  14. Puntland gots its own problems to worry about then to make threats lol