Brown's vote reform plan MPs are expected to vote next week on whether there should be a referendum on changing Britain's voting system. How does the existing voting system work? It is brutally simple. Candidates who get the most votes in individual constituencies are elected as MPs. The party with more MPs than all the other parties put together forms the government. What's wrong with it? Nothing, according to defenders of it. Critics say it is unfair because the number of seats a party has does not accurately reflect the share of votes it receives. For example, Labour won the 2005 general despite only getting 35% of all votes cast. The system is particularly tough on smaller parties. Despite getting 22% of the vote in 2005, the Lib Dems only won 9% of seats. Reformers say too many votes are effectively wasted in safe seats where either Labour or Conservatives have large, in-built majorities, and this depresses turnout. Results, they say, increasingly hinge on the preferences of a small number of voters in a handful of swing constituencies which is undemocratic. What is the prime minister proposing? He wants a referendum on changing to the Alternative Vote (AV) system. What is that? Voters rank candidates in order of preference and anyone getting more than 50% in the first round is elected. If that doesn't happen, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated and their second choices allocated to the remaining candidates. This process continues until a winner emerges. Why would that be seen as fairer? Under the current system, many MPs are elected on a minority of the overall vote in their constituency. Under the AV system MPs could not be elected without the backing of at least 50% of voters in a constituency. This would increase the legitimacy of MPs - seen as an important factor in the wake of the MP expenses scandal - and increase choice. Is this proportional representation? No. Parties could still form a government with less than 50% of first choice votes. Campaigners such as the Electoral Reform Society and the Liberal Democrats want a fully proportional system where the number of seats a party wins is more closely aligned with the number of votes they get. Will Mr Brown's proposals affect the general election? No. A referendum would be held by the autumn of 2011 if the idea is approved by MPs. Haven't Labour promised electoral reform before? Yes. They promised a referendum on it in their 1997 general election manifesto but the idea was kicked into the long grass by Tony Blair following his landslide victory, saying he wanted to keep the link between MPs and their constituencies. A 1998 review headed by Lib Dem peer Lord Jenkins, argued for a mixed system known as Alternative Vote Top-Up. This would see up to 85% of MPs elected under the alternative vote system but on a nationwide constituency basis. A second vote would be held for the remaining 15% of MPs. They would be elected from a series of county and city lists, taking into account votes cast and the number of MPs already elected in each area. What is different now? If MPs back it, the next government will be committed to holding a referendum in law. What if the Conservatives win the general election? They would almost certainly overturn the legislation and scrap the referendum. They believe the existing first-past-the-post system guarantees strong, stable government. Why is Mr Brown doing this now? Constitutional reform, including possible changes to the voting system, was one of Mr Brown's stated priorities when he came to power in 2007 and supporters say these proposals are merely the fulfilling of that long-standing interest. But opponents believe it has more to do with politics - proposing the changes to help position himself as the candidate of "change" because he knows David Cameron will oppose the plans. The Liberal Democrats have also questioned this "deathbed conversion". They have always made proportional representation a price of forming a coalition government in the event of no party getting an overall majority after the election and although they are lukewarm about AV, they still see it as a "step in the right direction". Will MPs back his proposals? Not necessarily. Some Labour backbenchers are against electoral reform as they believe it will cost the party seats, while others are against AV because it does not go far enough and is simply a ploy to embarrass the Conservatives at the general election. How does the electoral system work in Scotland and Wales? Voting for the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly is done through what is known as an additional member system. Some representatives are elected via the traditional first past the post method but voters get to cast a second vote for "top-up" seats, allocated in proportion to the number of votes. These representatives are selected on a regional basis from lists of candidates drawn up by each party - with five regions in Wales and eight in Scotland. What about Northern Ireland? In Northern Ireland local and Assembly elections (and Scottish local elections), voting is done on a single transferable vote basis which sees more than one candidate elected from a single constituency. Voters number candidates in order of preference and all those passing a defined threshold - calculated by dividing the number of valid votes by the number of seats plus one - are elected. Their surplus votes are distributed to other candidates on the basis of other preferences with low-scoring candidates being progressively eliminated. Are all the systems used proportionate? No. The Mayor of London and other UK mayors are elected through a system known as the supplementary vote. Voters choose their first and second preferences and a candidate can only be elected in the first round if they get 50% of the vote. If no-one achieves this, all but the top two candidates are eliminated and their second preferences redistributed to the candidates still in the race. The candidate with the most votes is then elected. This is only suitable for electing a single office holder or MP. How do they do things in the European Elections? Voters in the recent European elections used a party list system. The UK was divided into large constituencies and different parties put together lists of candidates for election, with their preferred choices at the top. Seats were allocated, on a top-down basis, in proportion to parties' share of the vote. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/8068583.stm

Northerners......

:rolleyes:

Juxa- aaha Norf- isnt it the same? ie digaag and dooro? *waves at Juxa and Faheema...so Juxa u going to make me some cajeelo's with beer?

This has to be the lowest point even for Troll Corner…..people talking about digaag and dooro.

Hello people

quote: ________________________________________ Norf- By western clothes you mean trousers, shirts, jeans etc?? ________________________________________ Yes. But you do know trousers aren’t a western invention? quote: ________________________________________ And in this case will i be right to say...We’re questioning this surge of westernisation process because it’s the women who are wearing them? ________________________________________ According to this article the Qatari people are questioning it yes. They have their reasons (religion and culture) and are entitled to express their opinions. However, I doubt the article is accurate in that people are calling for beheadings (a predictable nugget inserted to entertain it's uninformed readership). I agree on the first count their entitled to express their opinions, but its imposing them upon others i have a problem with. Now these people who are wearing that, are out of conscious/individual choice to wear what they deem is appropriate on their bodies and we should respect that and not subjugate them to what some might regard as socially acceptable clothing’s. Won’t you agree? quote: ________________________________________ And we shouldn’t question/mount similar campaign to bring back men cultural attire? ________________________________________ The men in Qatar are still wearing their dishdasher/khamiis. The ones in Kuwait have been wearing jeans and western clothing for years. They were also scrutinised in the same way. Come on Norf, are you seriously saying the campaign has/is equal in its scrutiny? How can this be in a society that is clearly very much gendered? in such patriarchal societies (and i use patriarchal loosely) any cultural shift that gives women some form of choice or emancipation from their situations tends to be viewed as a process of “westernisation” thus attract a backlash and more or less women find themselves fighting for their spaces...and by rendering it as such denies women there agency thus robbing them of their experiences/rights and this in itself is an act of power. Hence-why it’s important to recognise that we can do without certain cultural regulations, especially ones that subjugate women....what is good for women/not shouldn’t be decided by men or cultural governors, women should be able to exercise their right to voice/choice and agency without fear. All in all, such issues boil down to the perceived modesty Muslim women are expected to keep/adhere to in a Muslim country. Intriguing as it may, we shall agree to disagree on that one. The laws are different to the EU, the culture is different (more conservative) and the older generation (who control the media/cultural establishments) didn't go through the same process when they were younger. Now we get to the heart of the matter- conservative culture. Now do you think these cultures need to change when it comes to issues of women’s rights? (Now am also using women loosely here, since we’re not a homogenous entity but rather heterogeneous with distinct needs and wants depending on individual sights) The country has developed more in the last 10 years than it did in the previous 200. And i agree, it most certainly has, but we must not regress/use that as an excuse to curtail progress, we must march forward and make progress and demand women to be given the right, choice to do/wear what they like without the fear of prosecution. All of this is in itself an indication that women rights, have long way to go before its fully realised by its intended recipients. blyme i just had a very interesting evening, but i must catch up with my sleep.

Office To Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons Trafficking in Persons Report 2009 Haiti has had a weak government since widespread violence and political instability led to the resignation of the president in 2004. National elections in 2006 elected a president and a Parliament that replaced an appointed interim government, but the effectiveness of state institutions remained severely limited. Civil unrest in April 2008 left the country without a government for five months. The Government of Haiti’s ability to provide basic services and security for citizens, and to control rampant crime in the capital, Port-au-Prince, continues to be compromised by limited resources, an untrained and poorly equipped police force, entrenched government corruption, and perennially weak government institutions. The UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) continued to maintain more than 6,950 troops and 1,900 police throughout the country to provide security. Haiti remains a Special Case for the fourth consecutive year as the new government formed in September 2008 has not yet been able to address the significant challenges facing the country, including human trafficking. The U.S. government, however, notes the progress of Haiti’s government, and urges the Government of Haiti to take immediate action to address its serious trafficking-in-persons problems. The following background and recommendations are provided to guide government officials. Scope and Magnitude: Haiti is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and sexual exploitation. Haitian women, men, and children are trafficked into the Dominican Republic, The Bahamas, the United States, Europe, Canada, and Jamaica for exploitation in domestic service, agriculture, and construction. Trafficked Dominican women and girls are forced into prostitution. Some may be patronized by UN peacekeepers in Haiti, although MINUSTAH is implementing programs among its personnel to suppress this practice. Several NGOs noted a sharp increase in the number of Haitian children trafficked for sex and labor to the Dominican Republic and The Bahamas during 2008. The majority of trafficking cases are found among the estimated 90,000 to 300,000 restaveks in Haiti, and the 3,000 additional restaveks who are trafficked to the Dominican Republic. Poor, mostly rural families send their children to cities to live with relatively wealthier “host” families, whom they expect to provide the children with food, shelter, and an education in exchange for domestic work. While some restaveks are cared for and sent to school, most of these children are subjected to involuntary domestic servitude. These restaveks, 65 percent of whom are girls between the ages of six and 14, work excessive hours, receive no schooling or payment and are often physically and sexually abused. Haitian labor laws require employers to pay domestic workers over the age of 15, so many host families dismiss restaveks before they reach that age. Dismissed and runaway restaveks make up a significant proportion of the large population of street children, who frequently are forced to work in prostitution or street crime by violent criminal gangs. Women and girls from the Dominican Republic are trafficked into Haiti for commercial sexual exploitation. Some of the Haitians who voluntarily migrate to the Dominican Republic, The Bahamas, the United States, and other Caribbean nations, subsequently face conditions of forced labor on sugar-cane plantations, and in agriculture and construction. Government Efforts: Haitian officials recognize that human trafficking is a serious problem in the country, including the exploitation of restavek children as domestic servants. As a policy matter, however, the national police child protection unit, the Brigade for the Protection of Minors (BPM), does not pursue restavek trafficking cases because there is no statutory penalty against the practice. Haitian law also does not specifically prohibit trafficking in persons, which limits its ability to punish traffickers and protect victims. It did shut down a number of unregistered orphanages whose residents were believed to be vulnerable to trafficking. The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor (MAST) should make every effort to complete its revision of and resubmit to Parliament its comprehensive anti-trafficking bill; Parliament should consider it, and then pass a law prohibiting all forms of human trafficking. Until then, authorities could begin to enforce existing criminal statutes penalizing slavery, kidnapping, forced prostitution and forced labor to prosecute trafficking offenses. Judges, police, and prosecutors throughout the country need additional anti-trafficking training before they can effectively prosecute and punish trafficking offenders. Lacking its own resources, the government cooperates with numerous NGOs to assist victims and to train officials about trafficking issues. Haitian immigration officers working with MINUSTAH proactively identified potential child trafficking victims at airports and the border with the Dominican Republic. The Office of National Identification, with technical assistance from the Organization of American States and the Government of Canada, began to provide national identity cards to persons who reached the legal voting age since the last election. It continued to provide birth certificates to citizens who had not previously been issued official identity documents. The government does not follow systematic victim identification procedures, though Haitian authorities work closely with NGOs to refer identified victims -- primarily children -- and coordinate protective services as needed. Shelter services for adult trafficking victims do not exist, and the government should make every effort to open or support facilities which could provide men and women with appropriate assistance. SOMALIA (Special Case) Somalia remains a Special Case for a seventh consecutive year due to the lack of a viable central government since 1991. Control of its geographic area is divided among the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland, the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, and the remainder of the country, which is nominally under the control of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). Somalia currently lacks a national governing structure that could assume responsibility for addressing the country’s human trafficking problem. During the reporting period, the TFG remained preoccupied with the task of securing government representatives and installations from attacks by extremist elements; in this perpetual state of insecurity the government was not able to address human trafficking. In addition, the TFG currently lacks the necessary means to identify, investigate, or address systemic issues in Somalia, including those related to trafficking in persons; its capacity to address human trafficking will not significantly increase without tangible progress in reestablishing governance and stability in Somalia. Scope and Magnitude. Information regarding trafficking in Somalia remains extremely difficult to obtain or verify; however, the Somali territory is believed to be a source, transit, and perhaps destination country for trafficked men, women, and children. In Somali society, certain groups are traditionally viewed as inferior and are marginalized; Somali Bantus and ******* are sometimes kept in servitude to other more powerful Somali clan members as domestics, farm laborers, and herders. During the year, the widespread use of children in fighting forces in the country was noted; the extremist groups opposed to the TFG conscripted and recruited children as young as eight years of age, including girls, for use in armed conflict, including soldiering, planting bombs, carrying out assassinations, portering, and domestic servitude. There were reports that militias loyal to the TFG or associated with members of the TFG conscripted children. Armed militias also purportedly traffic Somali women and children within the country for sexual exploitation and forced labor. Because of an inability to provide care for all family members, some Somalis willingly surrender custody of their children to people with whom they share family relations and clan linkages; some of these children may become victims of forced labor or commercial sexual exploitation. There are anecdotal reports of children engaged in prostitution within the country, but the practice is culturally proscribed and not publicly acknowledged. Human smuggling is widespread in Somalia and there is evidence to suggest that traffickers utilize the same networks and methods as those used by smugglers. Dubious employment agencies are involved with or serve as fronts for traffickers, especially to target individuals desiring to reach the Gulf States. Somali women are trafficked to destinations in the Middle East, including Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria, as well as to South Africa, for domestic labor and, to a lesser extent, commercial sexual exploitation. Female Somali refugees residing in Yemen are trafficked by Somali men into prostitution in Aden and Lahj governorates. Somali men are trafficked into labor exploitation as herdsmen and menial workers in the Gulf States. Some Somalis transit Djibouti to reach Yemen. Somali children are reportedly trafficked to Djibouti for commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor, as well as to Saudi Arabia through Yemen for forced begging. Members of the Somali diaspora use fake offers of marriage to traffic unsuspecting victims, many of whom are relatives, to Europe for commercial sexual exploitation. Ethiopian women are trafficked through Somalia to Yemen and onward to other destinations in the Middle East for forced domestic labor and sexual exploitation. Government Efforts. The respective authorities operating in Somalia’s three regions did not make significant progress in addressing human trafficking during the reporting period. Understanding of the phenomenon of human trafficking and how it is to be identified and addressed remains low among government officials and the general population. In Somaliland, laws explicitly prohibit forced labor, involuntary servitude, and slavery, which, in addition to trafficking for sexual exploitation, may be prohibited under the most widespread interpretations of Shari’a and customary law. There are no such laws that prohibit these practices in other parts of Somalia. There is neither a unified police force in the territory to enforce these laws, nor any authoritative legal system through which trafficking offenders could be prosecuted. There were no known prosecutions of human trafficking offenses during the reporting period. Most crimes, including rape, were addressed under customary law, with penalties varying among clans; most punishments involve paying animals to victims’ clan members. There were reports that government officials may be involved in trafficking; business people involved in human smuggling and trafficking in Puntland, for instance, purportedly work with the knowledge of influential officials within the administration. In February 2009, Puntland’s newly elected president, accompanied by police and other officials, raided Marero village, a major hub for human smuggling and trafficking. No arrests were made. http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2009/123140.htm

Dont hate on the sijui sistah....(it was Malika btw)

coz am hungry. Juxa- can you cook that? if so i shall give u £10 if you do it for mwah. What say you?

:mad:

I'm sure the feeling is mutual. Adam are you even remotely acquainted with the feminist discourse?

Hello Blessed…hope all is well on your end and not being harassed at the beach. I know its simplifying the issues, its Economist after all. But that doesn’t wash-out the issue all together does it. Anyhow I refuse to believe that lesbians are the only sect of women who dress like that; I for one could wear something along those lines and not be a lesbian. A dress code doesn’t define one’s sexuality. Yes they might be a strong tendency for women of such to dress in manly fashion…but I question the definition of “manly” in this case. Anyhow did you see the severity of the punishment? As for the “harassment” come on there only doing what men have done for centauries. Nayaaa caali is equally harassing. GJ- I make a point not to respond to people who frame their responses around religion.

Faheema- smart girl. But your doing more than sharing arent you I miss canjeelo’s/sabayadh with bheer (is that how you spell it?)

Jacl- you’re into Awilo? I’m amazed and impressed simultaneously. Parg- no such thing as baba-Africa. Anyhow, the blooming thread is a working progress if you want to include Somali songs then knock yourself out. (*think Somali songs are overrepresented in SOL) p.s Aduunka- me don’t listen to Somali heeso.

Jacl- even for you that’s low. I agree Juxa. No news is good news. Now what is happening people. How was your weekend?

Do share the good news@ Juxa. Hello people.

United Nations S/RES/1910 (2010) Security Council Distr.: General28 January 2010, 10-22259 (E)*1022259* Resolution 1910 (2010) Adopted by the Security Council at its 6266th meeting, on 28 January 2010 The Security Council, Recalling all its previous resolutions and statements of its President concerning the situation in Somalia, Recalling its resolutions 1674 (2006), 1738 (2006) and 1894 (2009) on the protection of civilians in armed conflict, 1325 (2000), 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009) and 1889 (2009) on women and peace and security, and 1612 (2005) and 1882 (2009) on children and armed conflict, Reaffirming its respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and unity of Somalia, Reiterating its commitment to a comprehensive and lasting settlement of the situation in Somalia, Reiterating its full support for the Djibouti Peace Process, which provides the framework for reaching a lasting political solution in Somalia, expressing its support for the Transitional Federal Charter, recognizing the need to promote reconciliation and dialogue among the Somali population and stressing the importance of broadbased and representative institutions reached through a political process ultimately inclusive of all, Commending the contribution of the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) to lasting peace and stability in Somalia, expressing its appreciation for the continued commitment of troops and equipment to AMISOM by the Governments of Uganda and Burundi, and condemning any hostilities towards AMISOM and the Transitional Federal Government, Commending the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, and reaffirming its strong support for his efforts, Welcoming the communiqué of the 214th meeting of the African Union Peace and Security Council of 8 January 2010, which renewed the mandate of AMISOM for an additional period of twelve months, Reaffirming the importance of the re-establishment, training, equipping and retention of Somali security forces, which is vital for the long-term stability of S/RES/1910 (2010)2 10-22259 Somalia, and emphasizing the importance of coordinated, timely and sustained support from the international community, Strongly encouraging the prompt disbursement of funds pledged in support of the Somali security institutions and AMISOM at the International Conference on Somalia held in Brussels on 23 April 2009, and recognizing the importance of timely and predictable funding for the Transitional Federal Government and AMISOM, Reiterating its serious concern at the continued fighting in Somalia, and reaffirming its support for the Transitional Federal Government, Condemning the terrorist attacks on the Transitional Federal Government, AMISOM and the civilian population by armed groups and foreign fighters who undermine peace and stability in Somalia, particularly Al Shabaab, and stressing the terrorist threat that Somali armed groups, in particular Al Shabaab, constitute for Somalia and for the international community, Emphasizing the importance of effective public information and communications operations to support the Transitional Federal Government and AMISOM and consolidate the political process, and expressing its serious concern at the continued attacks against journalists, Reiterating its serious concern at the worsening humanitarian situation in Somalia, strongly condemning the targeting and obstruction of the delivery of humanitarian aid by armed groups in Somalia, which has prevented the delivery of such aid in some areas, deploring the repeated attacks on humanitarian personnel, expressing its condemnation in the strongest terms of all acts of violence or abuses committed against civilians and humanitarian personnel, in violation of international humanitarian law and human rights law, and reaffirming the importance of the fight against impunity, Expressing its concern at the significant decline in humanitarian funding for Somalia and calling on all Member States to contribute to current and future consolidated humanitarian appeals, Condemning all and any violations of human rights and international humanitarian and human rights law, stressing the responsibility of all parties in Somalia to respect fully their obligations in this regard and to take appropriate measures to protect civilians, including women and children, and recalling the conclusions of the Security Council working group on Children and Armed Conflict pertaining to parties in the armed conflict of Somalia (S/AC.51/2008/14), Recalling its resolution 1897 (2009), recognizing that the ongoing instability in Somalia contributes to the problem of piracy and armed robbery at sea off the coast of Somalia, stressing the need for a comprehensive response to tackle piracy and its underlying causes, by the international community, including through the training of the Somali coastguard, and welcoming the efforts of the Contact Group for Piracy off the Coast of Somalia, States and international and regional organizations, Welcoming the Secretary-General’s report dated 31 December 2009 (S/2009/684), and its recommendations for continued action on the political, security and recovery tracks by the Transitional Federal Government with the support of the international community, S/RES/1910 (2010) 10-22259 3 Determining that the situation in Somalia constitutes a threat to international peace and security in the region, Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, 1. Decides to authorize the Member States of the African Union to maintain AMISOM until 31 January 2011, which shall be authorized to take all necessary measures to carry out its existing mandate as set out in paragraph 9 of resolution 1772 (2007); 2. Requests the African Union to maintain AMISOM’s deployment in Somalia and to increase its force strength with a view to achieving AMISOM’s originally mandated strength of 8,000 troops, thereby enhancing its ability to carry out its mandate in full; 3. Requests AMISOM to continue to assist the Transitional Federal Government in the development of the Somali Police Force and the National Security Force, and to assist the integration of Somali units trained by other member States or organizations inside and outside Somalia; 4. Requests the Secretary-General to continue to provide a logistical support package for AMISOM called for by resolution 1863 (2009), comprising equipment and services, including public information support, but not including the transfer of funds, as described in the Secretary-General’s letter (S/2009/60) to the Security Council until 31 January 2011, ensuring the accountability and transparency of expenditure of United Nations funds; 5. Encourages Member States to support AMISOM and the Somali Security Sector Institutions through the provision of appropriate and necessary equipment; 6. Requests AMISOM to ensure that all equipment and services provided under the support package are used in a transparent and effective manner for their designated purposes, and further requests the African Union to report to the Secretary-General on the usage of such equipment and services in accordance with the Memorandum of Understanding established between the United Nations and the African Union; 7. Requests the Secretary-General to continue to provide technical and expert advice to the African Union in the planning and deployment of AMISOM through the existing United Nations planning team in Addis Ababa; 8. Urges Member States and regional and international organizations to contribute generously and promptly to the United Nations Trust Fund for AMISOM, or to make direct bilateral donations in support of AMISOM, and encourages donors to work closely with the United Nations and African Union in order to ensure that the appropriate funds and equipment are promptly provided, particularly in relation to the salaries of AMISOM soldiers and the costs of contingent-owned equipment; 9. Recalls its statement of intent regarding the establishment of a United Nations peacekeeping operation as expressed in resolution 1863 (2009), and notes that any decision to deploy such an operation would take into account inter alia the conditions set out in the Secretary-General’s report dated 16 April 2009 (S/2009/210), and requests the Secretary-General to take the steps identified in paragraphs 82-86 of his report (S/2009/210), subject to the conditions in this report; S/RES/1910 (2010) 4 10-22259 10. Emphasizes that Somalia’s long-term security rests with the effective development by the Transitional Federal Government of the National Security Force and the Somali Police Force, in the framework of the Djibouti Agreement and in line with a national security strategy; 11. Urges Member States, regional and international organizations to contribute generously and promptly to the United Nations Trust Fund for the Somali security institutions, and to offer assistance to the Somali security forces, including through training and equipment in coordination with AMISOM, consistent with paragraphs 11 (b) and 12 of resolution 1772 (2007); 12. Requests the Secretary-General to continue to assist the Transitional Federal Government in developing the transitional security institutions, including the Somali Police Force, and the National Security Force, and to continue to support the Transitional Federal Government in developing a national security strategy, which reflects respect for the rule of law and the protection of human rights, including plans for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR), justice and corrections capacities, as well as the legal and policy framework for the operation of its security forces including governance, vetting and oversight mechanisms; 13. Reaffirms that the measures imposed by paragraph 5 of resolution 733 (1992) and further elaborated upon by paragraphs 1 and 2 of resolution 1425 (2002) shall not apply to supplies and technical assistance provided in accordance with paragraph 11 (b) and 12 of resolution 1772 (2007) to the Transitional Federal Government for the purposes of the development of its security sector institutions, consistent with the Djibouti peace process and subject to the notification procedure set out in paragraph 12 of resolution 1772 (2007); 14. Reiterates its call on all Somali parties to support the Djibouti Agreement, and calls for the end of all hostilities, acts of armed confrontation and efforts to undermine the Transitional Federal Government; 15. Welcomes the efforts of the Transitional Federal Government on reconciliation, urges the Transitional Federal Government to continue and strengthen these efforts in the framework of the Djibouti Agreement with all groups willing to cooperate and ready to renounce violence, and requests the Secretary- General, through his Special Representative for Somalia, to continue to work with the international community to facilitate reconciliation; 16. Calls for the immediate cessation of all acts of violence or abuses committed against civilians and humanitarian personnel in violation of international humanitarian law and human rights law; 17. Calls on all parties and armed groups to take appropriate steps to ensure the safety and security of humanitarian personnel and supplies, and demands that all parties ensure full, safe and unhindered access for the timely delivery of humanitarian aid to persons in need of assistance across the country; 18. Requests the Secretary-General, through his Special Representative for Somalia and the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS), to redouble their efforts to coordinate effectively and develop an integrated approach to all activities of the United Nations system in Somalia, to provide good offices and political support for the efforts to establish lasting peace and stability in Somalia, S/RES/1910 (2010)10-22259 5 and to mobilize resources and support from the international community for both the immediate recovery and long-term economic development of Somalia taking into account the recommendations contained in his report (S/2009/684); 19. Calls on the Transitional Federal Government to take every appropriate measure to improve security conditions in Somalia and requests the Secretary- General to expedite the proposed deployment of elements of UNPOS and other United Nations offices and agencies, including the United Nations Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA), to Mogadishu consistent with the security conditions, as outlined in his report (S/2009/210); 20. Requests the Secretary-General to report on all aspects of this resolution every four months commencing 1 January and expresses its intention to review the situation, as part of his reporting obligations, as specified in the statement of the President of the Security Council of 31 October 2001 (S/PRST/2001/30) and Security Council resolution 1872 (2009); 21. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

Join me and let’s celebrate Africa’s musicians and do share your favourites. From Senegal Youssou N´dour- my favorite Koffi Olomide & Youssou Ndour – Festival www.youtube.com/watch?v=gyk2HxnIVUQ&feature=related http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RG8Fi2_1gaE&feature=related Issa Sow From Mali Salif Keita. Africa is my favorite song to clean the house/cook with...time goes by so quickly. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LXYgCf24z5M&feature=related http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z1pqUKWfFl4&feature=related HABIB KOITE- listening to him reminds me of home, and the African sun. From Guinea Mory Kante- for Malika you must remember this song Yeke yeke From Nigeria p-square - can’t get enough of this guys...Just love their album. Oh yeyey eeh ohh yeey..... From Congo Awilo Longomba- ohh the memories... sokotaaa sokotaa

it always amazes me how society is soo acceptable of men adapting to modernity and when women do so its viewed as a process of westernisation/cultural crisis. Norf- By western clothes you mean trousers, shirts, jeans etc?? And in this case will i be right to say...We’re questioning this surge of westernisation process because it’s the women who are wearing them? And we shouldn’t question/mount similar campaign to bring back men cultural attire? I agree 20yrs this wasn’t the case. But 20yrs ago women’s rights/mobility and rights over what should go over their own bodies was severely regulated. Thus weren’t allowed to exercise their right of choice in all sorts of matters, let alone what they should wear. Wouldn’t you agree? And yes i do agree the process of cultural globalisation isn’t a new phenomenon, but rendering all social/cultural changes as “western” is a bit redundant in my books. Men have long recognised that some cultural clothes are best left for cultural events/at the past but similar considerations are denied for women. Women are still forced to adhere to restrictive cultural norms that dictate what women ought to wear/not. P.s waiting to see a fraax in macawis out and about

Care to explain how so @Norf

lool wth is that? Hello ppl.

Lets blame the west and globalisation? Cross about cross-dressing Is it a wicked Western habit that should be stopped? Jan 28th 2010 | DOHA | From The Economist print edition CROSS-DRESSING is on the rise among young Qataris. The local press says that more tradition-minded locals are upset by the growing number of young women affecting a masculine style of dress, baggy trousers, short hair and deep voices. These women, who call themselves boyat, which translates as both tomboy and transsexual (and is derived from the English word boy), are being seen in schools and on university campuses where some are said to harass their straiter-laced sisters. In an episode of a talk show on Qatari television, called Lakom al Karar (The Decision is Yours), a leading academic said that the “manly women” phenomenon was part of a “foreign trend” brought into Qatar and the Gulf by globalisation. Foreign teachers, the internet and satellite television have been blamed. So have foreign housemaids, for badly influencing children in their care. The studio audience was divided over how to respond. Some called for the death penalty for cross-dressers, while others favoured medical treatment. A rehabilitation centre for Qatari boyat has been set up, but a local report says that as many as 70% of them refuse to give up their “abnormal behaviour”. It is not just Qataris who are rattled. A year ago the ministry of social affairs in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) launched a campaign against “masculine women”. The project, entitled “Excuse me, I’m a girl”, involved workshops, lectures and television programmes, stressing the virtues of femininity and raising awareness of the presumed dangers of women looking like men. An emirates’ foundation is helping to fund a research project on “gender identity disorder among Emirati youth”. One official describes the “deviant behaviour” of the boyat as a “menace” to society. But others sound less fazed. An American university lecturer in the region says the short hair and gym shoes worn by these young women would look perfectly normal on an American campus. That is just what unnerves the traditionalists

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