cynical lady

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Everything posted by cynical lady

  1. LOL@ ubax-day Juxa- what’s the plan? Kusband taking your anywhere special? p.s said has a problem issuing cyber hugs let alone give you diamond…the dude is on major self-imposed lockdown. *waves at She and Juxa.
  2. My dear Juxa, you should know better than that. I’m not rolling my eyes at the plight of these women, but it’s the responses that drive me to such.
  3. Hello Juxa. Gosh when will the day end.
  4. Looking forward to it…JB you heading to your infamous parties then? Pictures man, we want pictures
  5. Here we go again; actually we never left the limelights; last week the government incorporated profiling as part of airport security. So this is probably well timing.. Well ladies and gents it seems like the ‘the Muslim community’ is again called to flush out the terrorists among its mist. So, i ask you; do you know a terrorist? Does he communicate his intentions with you on daily basis? As i sip my coffee i can help but feel violated again but then again we are a soft target and accustomed to such erosion of our civil rights. To make it worse when asked did he include the voices of the so called jihadis? He responded by saying “well, it’s quite hard talking to the Muslim community, especially after their portrayal in the media hence it’s been very hard. (Pure comedy)...but he did manage to speak to TWO Muslim boys and TWO of our producers are Muslims.(and the documentary is now legitimised) The programme is on today.... P.s the title of the “documentary” is wrong in so many levels and the constant usage of MUSLIMS when in-fact talking about TERRORIST is something am always annoyed with. Well its Today, 21:00 on BBC Two Peter Taylor investigates the terrorist threat from young Muslim extremists radicalised on the internet. Following the attempt to bomb an airliner over Detroit on Christmas Day, this landmark series looks at the angry young men of Generation Jihad who have turned their backs on the country where they were born. In the first episode, Peter hears from those convicted under Britain's newest anti-terror laws and investigates how some of the most notorious terrorists came to be radicalised. He finds a generation that has shed the moderate Islam their parents brought to this country, and instead have adopted a faith that they believe compels them to stand apart from Britain and its values. CREDITS Presenter Peter Taylor Producer Leo Telling Producer Fatima Salaria Executive Producer Sam Bagnall
  6. Iran’s proclaimed ambitions in Africa are particularly worrying for Israel, which once had a lot of friends on the continent and wants to keep the few that remain Feb 4th 2010 | DAKAR AND NAIROBI | From The Economist print edition ARRIVING at the airport in Senegal’s capital, Dakar, you have a fair chance that the newish-looking taxi taking you into town will not be the usual French or Japanese model, but Iranian. And it will not have been imported, as most cars in Africa are, but assembled in nearby Thiès. From here, the first few hundred taxis have just come off the production line at an Iranian-built Khodro plant. They are tangible symbols of a new power in sub-Saharan Africa that has, for some, begun to cause ripples of concern. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iran’s controversial president, is in the vanguard of Iran’s push. Two years ago in New York he said he saw “no limits to the expansion of [iran’s] ties with African countries”. Last year Iran’s diplomats, generals and president criss-crossed the continent, signing a bewildering array of commercial, diplomatic and defence deals. By one tally, Iran conducted 20 ministerial or grander visits to Africa last year, reminiscent of the trade-and-aid whirlwind the Chinese brought to Africa in the mid-2000s. The reason is not hard to fathom. Iran wants diplomatic support for its nuclear programme in parts of the world where governments are still biddable. In Latin America Iran’s president has already exploited anti-American sentiment in countries such as Bolivia, Nicaragua and Venezuela. In Africa, by contrast, where most countries have strong ties to the West, Iran has concentrated on strengthening Muslim allegiances with offers of oil and aid. Take Senegal, a 95%-Muslim country. Though poor and quite small in population, it carries diplomatic weight in Francophone Africa and influence at the UN, where quite a few African governments look to it for a lead on some big votes. So Iran has been bombarding it with goodwill. As well as the Khodro car factory, the Iranians have promised to build tractors, an oil refinery and a chemical plant, as well as to provide a lot of cheap oil. Senegal’s President Abdoulaye Wade has gratefully accepted this bounty, in return paying four official visits to Iran. In November he hosted Mr Ahmadinejad in Senegal, publicly assuring him that he endorsed Iran’s right to nuclear power—and accepted that this was for peaceful purposes only. A happy Iranian president also visited neighbouring Gambia, a smaller country with a nasty authoritarian regime—and a UN vote. Also in west Africa, Iran has been pushing into Mauritania and has tightened its links with Nigeria. In east Africa Iran has helped turn Sudan, another mainly Muslim country, into—by some counts—Africa’s third-biggest arms maker; in 2008 the two signed a military co-operation accord. Iran has also been cultivating some less likely allies in the region. Last year Mr Ahmadinejad visited mainly Christian Kenya, being joyously welcomed in the port of Mombasa, on the Muslim-inhabited coast. He struck a deal to export 4m tonnes of crude oil to Kenya a year, to open direct flights between Tehran and Nairobi, the two capitals, and to give scholarships for study in Iran. Wherever Iran has embassies it also sets up cultural centres. Iran has been trying to use its oil to get into Uganda too. On a recent visit to Iran, Uganda’s president, Yoweri Museveni, tantalised his hosts by hinting that they might consider building a refinery and pipeline for Uganda’s recently discovered oil. Zimbabwe’s president, Robert Mugabe, has been courted too, along with sub-Saharan Africa’s diplomatic and economic giant, South Africa, whose ruling African National Congress has long shared Iran’s support for the Palestinians against Israel. Iran has for many years supplied South Africa with a lot of oil. But economic ties have tightened. Private South African companies are investing heavily in Iran. For instance, MTN, a mobile-phone company invested $1.5 billion-plus in Iran in 2007-08 to provide coverage for more than 40% of Iranians. In return, South Africa has been one of Iran’s doughtiest supporters at the UN, abstaining on a resolution to condemn Iran’s human-rights violations and arguing against further embargoes and sanctions over Iran’s nuclear plans. Yet the amount of aid that Iran gives Africa is still small compared with the sums Americans and Europeans give, let alone China. It is doubtful that countries such as Senegal would jeopardise aid links with the West by becoming too cosy with Iran. And sometimes there is more Iranian talk than action. Kenya’s direct flights to Tehran have yet to happen. Khodro is producing only half the number of taxis promised. It may be hard for Shia Iran to influence Africa’s predominantly Sunni Muslims. Can the Jewish state recover ground? All the same, Israel is rattled. Its diplomatic links are fewer and frailer than before—and Iran is doing its best to shred even these. Last year Mauritania, one of the few Arab League countries to have diplomatic relations with Israel, told it to close its embassy. After Iran’s foreign minister visited the country, Iran said it would take over a hospital that Israel had been building in the capital, Nouakchott, adding that it would provide more doctors and equipment than Israel had promised. In Senegal the Israelis had offered to help the notable Sufi Muslim town of Touba to build a water and sewage system. But negotiations were abruptly broken off at an advanced stage, after Iran promised to carry out the same work—and give a bigger donation to the town as well as the water pumps. Lebanon’s rich and influential diaspora also comes into the game. In Congo, Guinea and Senegal, among other countries, the Shia Lebanese party-cum-militia, Hizbullah, which Iran helps sponsor, collects a lot cash from its co-religionists, while spreading the Iranian word. As a result of Iran’s African activity, Israel is trying to push back into the continent, where it had strong ties in the 1950 and 1960s. But many countries cut them after the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973, and again when the first Palestinian intifada (uprising) began in the late 1980s. In September Israel’s foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, made Israel’s first high-level mission to Africa for decades, visiting Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria and Uganda. Countering Iran’s influence was plainly one reason behind the trip. Many African governments still crave Israeli expertise for projects such as irrigation, but they are also after military and intelligence technology. Security-minded Ethiopia, confronting Islamist militias backed by nearby rebels in Somalia, has become Israel’s closest continental ally and a big buyer of defence equipment. Kenya, also worried about Islamist fighters operating in next-door Somalia, has long been receptive to Israel’s blandishments. In west Africa, Nigeria may have spent as much as $500m on Israeli arms, including drones, in the past few years. Mr Lieberman may tour Africa again this year. Israel is particularly worried by Iran’s eagerness to warm relations with Sudan and Eritrea, a strategic spot on the Red Sea that could threaten Israeli shipping. Eritrea also arms the fervently anti-Israeli Somali jihadists. Sudan may already serve as a conduit for Iranian weapons to Hamas, the Palestinian Islamist group that Iran backs, and to Hizbullah. A year ago Israeli aircraft destroyed a convoy in eastern Sudan that it said was carrying Iranian arms to Hamas in the Gaza Strip. http://www.economist.com/world/middleeast-africa/displayStory.cfm?story_id=15453225
  7. Isn’t it strange how Somali mothers are extra hard on their daughters and dot on their son’s, while fathers tend to be opposite… (How I hated the alla wiilka excuse)
  8. General section is full of threads discussing the same issue. Morning people. Glorious Fridayyyyyyy is here. Gosh can’t wait for 5.30pm
  9. Things are good Faheema, can’t complain. Do try to avoid more injuries dear. Hello Juxa and can you send that girl my way….???
  10. There needs to be a campaign to get us somalis to vote this year. I for one will cast my ever vote in an election. What an interesting mentality you have.
  11. We Malika, mbona una uchunguzi sana? tangu leni umekua FBI? kama unataka ukweli; mwenzako natafuta buzi wakumchuna..nemi invest mwenzako kwa the old man na kama unavo jua nime poteza muda and miyaka uko.....mzee ni lodi lofaa, hana ata shilingi...yani mchunaji ka chunwa na kaingezwa mjini...siamini
  12. heheh@Malka... Well old people's wisdom waa segsi.
  13. Tory media machine hits turbulence If the Tory election press machine wasn’t stress-tested before this week it is now. David Cameron knew that he would risk negative headlines by softening the party’s rhetoric on reducing the deficit. Mr Cameron’s concession that there wouldn’t be “swingeing cuts” in the first year of a Conservative administration was intended to blunt Labour’s attack. But what was anticipated as a period of minor turbulence, while the party got its message to a place less likely to scare off voters, has developed into something rather more ominous. First, George Osborne’s attempt to regain the initiative over the economy backfired when he trumpeted an agreement by Lord Stern to help develop policy, only for the independent climate economist to insist he was not an advisor. Then Chris Grayling, the Shadow Home Secretary, tried - unsuccessfully - to defend the Conservatives’ highly-questionable use of crime statistics. Suddenly, what had been regarded as a generally smooth media-handling operation is looking rather less assured. Mr Cameron, who has run much of his leadership by building and sustaining media momentum, will be among those most desperate not to allow an impression of drift and division to take hold in the wake of what is turning out to be a bad week. Each of the three negative stories offers different lessons for the party as it prepares for the real election battle to begin. First, the kerfuffle over his Davos speech at the weekend proves that Mr Cameron can no longer say anything about the deficit without drawing attention to the lack of details from the Conservatives on how they would reduce it. Secondly, endorsements - long a staple of Tory presentation - carry serious risks. It may, indeed, have been the media which helped to overstate Lord Stern’s role in advising the party on its plans for a Green Investment Bank, but Mr Osborne would hardly have complained about that had the climate economist not raised an objection. Lastly, in an election period the media - and voters - will be extra vigilant for statistical trickery. Mr Grayling’s defence of the Tories’ attempt to compare violent crime data before 2002 with data collected after that date by a different method was ill-judged. No doubt, he and the Tory campaign team thought voters would hear the party speaking about an issue of importance to them, and largely ignore what could be characterised as a Westminister row about numbers. In fact, there is a risk that voters alienated as never before from politics may conclude the Tories are “just the same” as Labour. For a party committed to campaigning on a message of change little could be as dangerous. http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article7013457.ece
  14. Dave must be worried; it’s as if Gordo has had a personality transplant The Prime Minister had been talking for more than an hour before the Liaison Committee when I suddenly looked at him as if for the first time. It was 3.16pm and Gordon Brown was in full flow on some impossibly arcane subject. As I watched him — fluent, relaxed, in control — I wrote down: “He loves being Prime Minister. And he looks like one.” He won’t give it up without the fight of his life. I’m not sure Mr Brown, in the past, really took in that he wasn’t elected as PM. But now, election looming, needs must and he seems different. He has grown into his prime ministerial suit. Even that ghastly smile — he entered flashing it at a blank wall (smile lessons continue apace) — seemed more real yesterday. “This could be the last time we see you here,” said one MP. “I hope not!” chortled Gordon. “Maybe the last for you!” It is unnerving how buoyant he seems. This has been going on for more than a month now. Dave must be worried. It’s as if Gordo has had a personality transplant. Suddenly, just like when he started this job, he’s full of big ideas on constitutional reform. He’s got a whole schtick about being the world’s first global politician. He’s already writing his chapter in the history books. He spoke almost non-stop for 180 minutes. One of the topics was called “On Being Prime Minister”. As this session started, he sat back, it seemed, smiling genuinely. Did he agree with Tony Blair that the Prime Minister did not have enough power? The short answer (even the long one didn’t include his predecessor by name) was no. He waxed lyrical about collective government. The Cabinet will laugh at that. Was he still running the Treasury? “No!” he said, praising Alistair Darling (that is how much he wants to be elected). Did he, like Mr Blair, believe in sofa government? “I do not have a sofa in my office!” he shot back. What about his Goats (government of all the talent)? Some Goats had left with scathing comments. Gordo noted that these were people with “big personalities” (ie. ego-maniacs) who had a right to make “controversial” statements. So how long would he like to be PM? He tried not to answer but admitted in his oddly formal way: “If I stand for election, I will put myself forward for the term of that election, it’s obvious, isn’t it?” So it’s official then. Gordon’s going on and on and, certainly, yesterday he did just that. http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/parliamentary_sketch/article7012922.ece
  15. Well V-da is around the corner and the old man well u know he left me....... so,..
  16. Hello mpendwa mac mac She went north
  17. They all are....the campaign season has began my dear. So are you red or blue?