Xalimo, I would advice against doing that. Since you will almost certainly be detained and beaten if not killed by the Hargeisa Mafia led by Col Riyaale. Here is what happened to another young lady who went back: "Fathiya Jama , resident in London, was on a visit to Hargeisa where she volunteered as an election officer on polling day. When African Rights interviewed her on 24 April, she had a huge bruise on the right shoulder and on the right calf. We ran into 2-3 soldiers who had been stationed at the crossroads. They were armed. I asked them not to shoot. They said they won't shoot us, but that added that we couldn't take the main road. Take a back alley, they told us. We pushed through them and headed for the gobolka [a nearby cluster of government ministries, on the way to the offices of the NEC]. Before we got there, a lot of soldiers ran towards us. One of the young people in our group threw a stone at them, and they[Police] responded by shooting furiously into the air. A policeman in a blue shirt picked up a stone, and then a lot of the other policemen did the same. Others had sticks . Some of our young men stayed to lob stones at them, but most of us ran. I rushed into a bush. The policeman in the blue shirt pursued me, shouting: "Stop that woman! F--- her and her Kulmiye." About 10 of them descended upon me, slapping me hard all over the face. Two of them in the truck took me by the arms to pull me into the vehicle even though it was so crowded that there was no place for me to put my feet. At the same time, another policeman was hitting me on the shoulder with the butt of his gun. They managed to throw me into the truck like a piece of luggage. I was the first person they grabbed, so they vented their rage on me. "Why did you come? What is Kulmiye, now that it lost the election and its flag has been hoisted down?" There were about 10 of us in the truck, all women except for 14-year-old Hamza." Salam

Somalia talks to continue despite leader's pull-out By NATION Correspondent Somalia peace talks will proceed despite the Transitional National Government leader's withdrawal. The next phase of negotiations resume today at Mbagathi, Nairobi, the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (Igad) technical committee that has been directing the talks for the past nine months through its Kenyan mediator, Mr Bethuel Kiplagat, said yesterday. Negotiators will debate the draft federal charter, select a parliamentary speaker and president of a transitional government to govern Somalia for four years before general elections are held. Mr Kiplagat yesterday sought to play down Mr Abdiqassim Salad Hassan's departure last Wednesday as well as the continued boycott by Somaliland which broke away from the rest of Somalia in 1991 and declared unilateral independence two years later. He said: "We are looking forward to the resumption of the next phase of the negotiations tomorrow, delegates will begin to debate the draft charter." Ethiopia's special envoy to the talks, Mr Abdulaziz Ahmed, declared on the sidelines of Mr Kiplagat's briefing that the departure of the TNG leader was of no effect. "He is an individual, he can go, the TNG is here," said implying that Mr Hassan no longer represented the mainstream of the transitional government. Mr Ahmed also denied Mr Hassan's allegation that Ethiopia was arm-twisting Igad and Mr Kiplagat to achieve its unspecified strategic goals at the negotiations. He said: "Our hope is that he will return, we will keep talking to him, we will send a delegation to him and also to Hargeisa." Mr Kiplagat also said the door to the negotiating room would remain open to Mr Hassan and the authorities in Hargeisa. He denied allegations of bias levelled against him, Ethiopia and Igad by the TNG leader when walking out of the talks. Mr Hassan accused them of pretending to hold talks in the open while plotting with Ethiopia to break up Somalia, deprecate Islam and the Arabic language. Yesterday, Mr Kiplagat said the issues Mr Hassan was raising been discussed and consensus arrived at. Source: Daily Nation, Aug 02, 03

Abwaan Hadraawi oo si weyn loogu soo dhaweeyey Magaalada Baladwayn - Waxaa si weyn magaalada Baladwayn loogu soo dhaweeyey Abwaanka caanka ee Hadraawi oo safar ku maraya gobolka Hiiraan - Waxaa warbixintaan soo diray wariye Xasan Bariis oo ka tirsa idaacadda BBCda

Peace march held in central Somali town to pacify clan dispute www.chinaview.cn 2003-08-02 19:38 MOGADISHU, Aug. 2 (Xinhuanet) -- When Mohamed Ibrahim Warsameh Hadrawi and other Somali artists arrived in the central town of Beledweyne, 300 km north of Mogadishu, on Friday, they were warmly greeted by local residents from rival clans in the town. Hadrawi, the famous artist and poet in Somalia, has started his peace march from Mogadishu and went down all the way to the southern port town of Kismaio and he is now heading towards north. Hadrawi's team, consisting of many composers, artists and poets,has been welcomed by hundreds of cheering people and the local officials in the town waving flags and green leaves, happy about their arrival in Beledweyne. Beledweyne itself has been divided into two hostile areas whichis separated by a bridge that crosses over the river and the town has often been East and West mainly dominated by the Hawadle clan in the east and the Gudundhabeh in the west. Even though the small scale business would cross the bridge still the heavy load trucks transporting the goods would not crossfrom east to the west or the vice-verse. But, Friday has been a historic day, as Hadrawi together with other artists, as part of his delegation, have marched on foot through the bridge opening it for the public and hundreds of people have crossed with him cheering for the start of peace amongthe two sides of the town. This bridge, before it was built as a real bridge, was earlier a small ladder-kind of a bridge crossing the river suitable only for the pedestrians, and it is where Hadrawi has in the early seventies met the girl whom called the most beautiful one he had ever met and he had composed then a song for her called Beledweyneafter the town. The song gave an extensive description of what the girl looked-like and her features and in the end of the song, the poet has blessed the town. So, this is what makes the poet still attached to the town and its people. The song had become and still is one of the best Somali songs. The people of Beledweyne believe that the blessing of Hadrawi of the town has made fruits. "Today, we export more than 40 trucks of vegetables each day tothe neighboring regions, and this shows how our town had become a prosperous city," said Abdullahi Abdi Ali Koffi, the acting governor of the region. "The criss-crossing of the bridge by the people continued sincelast night and the people feel as a new day was born for them," Abduwahab Abdullahi Omar, a businessman in the town told this reporter by phone. "This is really building the confidence among our people." To prove to the people that Hadrawi is there for them, he has walked through all the quarters of the town on foot with all his team members waving to the people and he was offered a big luncheon on Saturday at the western side of the town since he has slept on Friday night in the east. Politically, the town is united as the governor is from the east and his deputy is from the west, but clan wise, the people have been having some friction which Hadrawi now aims at solving through dialogue. Before making to Beledweyne, Hadrawi has spent a night in Jowhar town, 90 km north of Mogadishu, where he has been well received by the local authority and was offered a big dinner. There are no problems at all in Jowhar town, and that's the reason why he would not spend more time there. This is the first time ever in the history of Somalia that such a peace march was organized and now it is the Peace and Human Rights Network organization, a local NGO, which is facilitating this peace march. The Somali artists have been accused of inciting the civil unrest during the days when they stood firmly against the late regime in 1990, and now they feel obliged to play their role in calming the people down again. Enditem Source: Xinhua News Agency, Aug 02, 03

OOdweyne, I am surprised at your obsession with Puntland. This at a time when Power Abuse and Obstructions of Justice are everyday occurances in NW Somalia. Led by the former NSS commander and current Dictator, Col. Riyaale Kahiin. Who has overseen the killing/torture/detention/rape of thousands of NW Somalis. Which is continuing to do to this day. But instead of focusing on that your sole purpose seems to be to distract attention away from him(riyaale) and his corrupt and abusive mafia. Let me guess, he should be getting another raise right? "Your silence speaks volumes" Oodweyn P.S. Someone of your age really should be doing something better with his time....

It's sad that this is accepted by "Somalilanders"...Where is the democracy? Where are the human rights? Where is the justice? Such hypocracy bogals the mind. And now you are trying to sweep this under the carpet or as you call it not "hang our dirty linen outside"...I see you have accepted the UDUB style censorship and dictatorship. And to think this Col. Kahin has only been in power for 1+ year....

Abwaan Hadraawi Oo Saacadaha Soo Socda Gaari Doona Magaalada Baladwayn Reer Beledweyne Oo Weli Xasuusan Ducadii Hadraawi Abwaanka Soomaaliyeed ee caanka ah Maxamed Ibraahim Warsame (Hadraawi) oo shalay barqadii ka amba baxay magaalada Muqdisho ayaa lagu wadaa in uu saacadaha soo socdo gaaro degmada Baladwayn ee xarunta gobolka Hiiraan. Abwaanka oo ay haatan bilow u tahay booqashadiisa loogu magac daray Hayaanka Nabadda ee uu ku marayo gobollada dhexe ee dalka Somalia ayaa habeennimadii xalay ahayd baryey magaalada Jowhar ee xarunta gobolka sh/dhexe halkaasi oo maamulka gobolka shabeellada dhexe ee uu hor joogaha u yahay maxamed cumar xabeeb maxamed dheere ay si diirran ugu soo dhaweeyeen iyadoo xaflad wayn oo lagu soo dhawaynayayna lagu qabtay magaalada jowhar habeenkii xalay. Abwaan hadraawi waxa manta uu sii maray degmada Buulo Burte ee isla gobolka hiiraan laakiin wariyayaasha la socda wafdiga ayaa ku soo warramaya in aysan u suurto galin in uu dadka deegaankaasi la hadlo sababo wariyayaashu arbushaad iyo ammaan darro aan sidaasi u badnayn ku macneeyeen. Saacadaha soo socda ayaa lagu wadaa Abwaanku in uu gaaro magaalada Beledweyne ee Gobolka Hiiraan, halkaasoo uu kula kulmi doono soo dhoweyn tii ugu balaarnayd, maadaama dadka reer Beledweyne ay weli xasuusan yihiin ducadii uu Abwaanku u mariyey hada ka hor "Beledweyn alahayoow ka dhig beerta raaxada, beledweyn alahayoow ka dhig xero baraareed, beledweyn alahayow ka dhig guri barwaaqaa". Hadraawi waxa lagu wadaa in maalmahan oo dhan uu booqasho aan hooray loo arag ku kala bixiyo gobollada dhexe ee dalka Somalia isagoo kana baaqsaday in uu booqdo gobolada Bay iyo Bakool sababo lala xiriiriyay amaanka oo aan la isku hallayn karin, wallow qaar ka mid ah hoggaamiyayaasha RRA-da ay sheegeen in aysan jirin amaba aysan saamayn safarkiisa ku yeelan doonin xasillooni darrida laga sheegayo gobolladaasi oo ah buu yiri mid aan gaar siisnayn heerka ay gaarsiinayaan dadka doonaya in ay kala qoqobaan dalka iyo dadka soomaaliyeed. Taasi oo dad badani ku macneeyeen in masuuliyiinta gobolka bay ay ka xunyihiin in hadraawi kismaayo booqdo baydhabo oo qorshaha ugu jirtayna ka tago iyadoo aanay jirin wax daliil ah oo lagu qanci karo oo macnaynaya waxa sababan in uu ka baaqsado booqashada nabadeed in uu dhinacooda ka siiyo gobollada bay& bakool. C/laahi Khadar, goobjoog, Muqdisho http://www.goobjoog.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=1623

We'll need peacekeepers, Somali mediators say By William Maclean NAIROBI, Aug. 1 — Mediators trying to end anarchy in Somalia said on Thursday they hoped to form a government soon despite increasingly fractious negotiations but added it would need the support of an international peace force. ''We are all looking forward to the formation of a transitional Somali government very soon which... will wrench the country from the present state of despair and devastation,'' chief mediator Bethuel Kiplagat told a new conference. ''We cannot go there (the capital Mogadishu) without a peacekeeping force. We will definitely require a peace force for Somalia,'' added Kiplagat, a retired Kenyan diplomat. ''The country cannot be allowed to bleed.'' The nine months of Kenyan-hosted talks -- the 14th Somali peace effort in a decade -- aims to form a government composed of Somalia's many clans to end the chaotic reign of warlords. But diplomats say matters have been complicated by regional rivals such as Ethiopia, Eritrea, Saudi Arabia, Djibouti and Egypt, some of whose observers at the talks appear to want to engineer the installation of their own compliant ruler. Somalia has been torn by war since the overthrow of military ruler Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991. The current interim president, Abdiqassim Salad Hassan, stormed out of the talks on Wednesday complaining that delegates were plotting to divide Somalia. Abdiqassim's Arab-backed Transitional National Government (TNG) was set up in 2000 to try to restore some stability to Somalia but it controls only parts of the capital and tiny pockets in the rest of the country of seven million. Abdiqassim fears a transitional constitution being negotiated in Kenya could encourage Somalia's break-up on federal lines and marginalise Islam and the Arabic language. But Kiplagat maintains there will be no impact on Islam or Arabic. The TNG's mandate runs out in mid-August. Kiplagat said the United Nations and African Union (AU) would study what to do if delegates failed to form a new government by that time. The AU has asked seven countries on the continent to supply 81 observers to monitor violations of a nine-month-old ceasefire. Kiplagat said east African states would appeal to the international community for contributions to a separate force of peacekeeping troops once the new government had been formed. Source: Reuters, Aug 01, 03

This is their real website http://www.amoud-university.borama.ac.so/ And yes Awdal is pro-Somalia but they didn/don't have a militia to protect themselves against the mafia in Hargeisa. The Police, governor, mayor are all corrupt and are paid from hargeisa. They have no reason to want to seperate.

Angel/Lander/Ayoub/Gediid/Oodweyn/Mystery, It's very shocking and disappointing of the "Somaliland" crowd kept quiet on these articles. I know that human rights in "somaliland" is suppose to be what seperates this region from the rest of Somalia. That has been proven false with their torturing, beating, detaining, imprisoning, and killing of the innocent Somalis residing in NW Somalia. Not to mention the history of the currently dictator Col Riyaale Kahiin and his clique. This is the group(Circa 1969-1991) that brought you hits such as the Mudug Massacres(78), the Burco Bombings(88) and the Mogadishu Madness(90)!! Stay tuned for more!!!

Happy Anniversary - Radio Galkayo Online – (RG)! Ladies & Gentlemen, In this merry occasion, RG team wishes to extend its inmost gratitude to its listeners for their loyal followship, objective feedback, constructive criticism and support with regards to the quality, content, and the availability of RG Online programmes current as well as archived. RG being the only community radio station operating in the region is non-commercial radio, provides informative and educational programmes responsive to the interests of the people, and relies on listener support in all aspects. Our team of reporters and journalists strive towards bringing you the very best in journalism for news, educational and cultural programmes in the region. Our motto shall remain "News and Views You Won’t Hear Anywhere Else". RG team’s primary endeavour has been to provide quality programme in our daily flagship – Faaqidaada Raadiyaha – for which majority of our listeners have expressed their utmost admiration. However, as many of our listeners have proposed a set of new programmes including introductory Qu’ranic verses, daily news bulletin, religious programmes, a weekly news analysis show aired on Mondays, a roundtable discussion segment, and an entertainment show i.e. Imaqashii Imadadaali etc., are being considered. We encourage our listeners to contact RG team to participate in the continuation of current programmes and the creation of new, quality programmes for many years to come – Programmes for the listener, by the listener! Many Happy Returns! http://www.radiogalkayo.com has been redesigned as well. Check it out.

Oodweyn, I can't believe your recent obsession with Puntland. A man of your age and knowledge should be back in hargeisa to better his "country". Instead of chit chating on SOL with youngsters. Or are you doing a service to "Somaliland"?!?! Very sad... Let me remind you where "Somaliland" was during it's fifth anniversary--constant war. They celebrated by spilling more blood on the streets of Hargeisa, Berbera, and Burco. Quite a celebration, wouldn't you say? The fact is that Puntland has achieved more in it's first 5 years then 'Somaliland' did. Jelousy and envy won't change that. BTW, I noticed how you and 'Somaliland' patriots kept quiet on the Human rights/Atrocities in the 1980's article I posted...I guess that dispelled any thought of a Democratic country that respects human rights

Originally posted by LANDER: Don’t you think if they were power hungry and they achieved the peak of their power immediately after the war, they would have continued their conquest and choosen leaders to run the regions among themselves? They did But instead they decided that their goals were achieved, their people were free, and therefore the movement was no longer needed. The SNM Central committee decided for a "two year transitional rule by SNM. This of course let to the 1992/1993 war in which 2000+ people were killed. For the sake of the entire region and the future of their populous, they decided to lay down their arms and give up all of their power in probably what could be the most unselfish move in Somali history. Talk about Bullsh!t. Stop trying to spoon feed us such propaganda. So this short explanation all boils down to one question, If the SNM was so power-hungry, why did they relinquinsh all of their power? I guess you have the 'fuzy' memory... Quote from SomalilandNet.com "The conclusions of the conference were presented as recommendations to the subsequent SNM Central Committee meeting, which agreed upon the following: -Reconciliation of the warring parties to the conflict -Declaration of the Somaliland Republic on 18 May 1991 - A transitional two-year rule by the SNM , and the accommodation of the non-***** communities in the government structure during this period. -Initiation of a separate reconciliation process for Sanaag region" "The Burco conference had effectively neutralized the potential for violent conflict between the Issaaq and their neighbours, but it did little to resolve the latent tensions within the SNM itself." "Less than a year after the Burco meeting, the government of Cabdirahman Axmad Cali "Tuur" found itself at war with a coalition of militias loosely based on clan, and linked by political affiliation with the Calan Cas (Red Flag) faction of the SNM. Clashes took place first in Burco, then Berbera, and Hargeysa was reduced to a state of near-anarchy." http://www.somalilandnet.com/somaliland_voice/opinion/0130.shtml Let me guess your response--"SomalilandNet has been hijacked by Somaliweyn crowd!!!"

Lander, I didn't think you were so naive. There were several grouops in NW Somalia by 1991: SNM, SDA(Awdal), USF(Awdal) and USP(Sool&Sanaag). After the fall of Siyaad the SNM went into Awdal and fought(skirmishes) with USF/SDA militia's before withdrawing. They did not go into Sool/Sanaag because they didn't want more fighting. Afterwards there were numerous agreements signed between clans/subclan elders to maintain peace and stability. This was of course before the SNM clan started killing each other for greed and power. Who is to blame for those thousands of deaths/destruction? Not Afweyn this time--but the 'nobel' snm... Excerpts: "The take over of the north by the SNM in February 1991, produced an exodus largely composed of non-Issaq groups, such as Gadabursi, Darrod and Isa, who sought refuge in Teferiber, Dher Wanaje, Kebri Byah and Aisaha camps. These refugee groups, particularly the Darrod, contained a large number of refugees who were supported in the camps in the north. The Darrod were associated with the fallen regime of Siad Barre, and the Gadabursi fought against the SNM during the civil war because of fear of Issaaq hegemony. The Isa cooperated with the SNM in the war against the Gadabursi in Awdal region, but differences developed between the Issaaq and the Isa who were suspected of harbouring a secession tendency- to annex their traditional territory in the disputed Zeila district in the north-west to the neighbouring Djibouti. Thus, non-Issqaq refugees fled from the north because of fear of reprisal from the SNM and political uncertainty. " http://www.sas.upenn.edu/African_Studies/EUE/ethsoml.html "On top of all these calmities, the SNM, spearheading an entire division of Mengistu's troops, slaughtered five hundred fifty innocent people in Borama, Dila and Zeila on February 4th, 1991. And when the SNM had occupied, with the "generous" assistance of these troops and had inherited the ammunation dumps in the north of somalia, the first step they took was a deliberate clan-cleansing of the non-Isack clans from their homes at Gebiley, Hargeisa, Arabsiyo, Eiragavo and Ainabo. To humilate further the clans in the north, they hijacked their elders and took them first to Harar (Ethiopia) in April 1991 and later to Burao where they were intimidated to sign a "compulsary declaration of independence" that has been concocted directly by "Mengistu Haila Miriam". Two ex-Ethiopian generals, violating directly the sovereignty of the Somali state, were directing that so-called conference at Burao. Thus, by carrying out these repugnant deeds that are contrary to whatever values or culture we shared as Somlis since the millennium, the SNM dealt a mortal blow to any bonds of brotherhood and sisterhood we shared." http://www.sas.upenn.edu/African_Studies/Hornet/awdal.html OR http://www.awdaldevelopment.org/Html/history.htm Btw, Where was 'Somaliland' president Riyaale when all these groups were fighting Afweyne? He was out killing/torturing/overseeing the deaths of Somalis in Berbera.... p.s. Lander it wasn't just Bari but also Nugal and Mudug(Yusuf's subclan) regions that first suffered under Barre.

This is the most disgusting thing I have read on SOL. Are "somalilanders"(read hargeisa tribe) that jelous and desperate to take pleasure in such a tragedy?!?! The fact is that NE Somalia has been a haven for Internally Displaced Somalis since 1991 from Central/South/NW Somalia during their civil wars. The people in the NE are not racist like in the NW--we are somali and don't discriminate against other somalis. Not to mention people from other East african countries. Get a life and ask God for forgiveness.

The Somaliland Minister of Interior’s Misjudgments or calculated actions M. A. Mohamed Hargeysa Online The decisions of the Minister of Interior of Somaliland and his cohorts; the Somaliland Police chief and the Airport Immigration Officer; to remove and arrest a passenger on transit to Mogadishu has been transmitted through the media like a wild fire. Any conscious Somalilander will ask himself/herself what are the merits of an act like that and how much can it damage the prospects of Somaliland to achieve what it has been fighting for the last thirteen years to gain international recognition. It is one of the aspirations of Somaliland to project and prove itself as an example of a nation emerging from the ruins of devastated civil wars and transforming into a democratic state. The recent municipal and presidential elections are testimony to that. But every action done by the Minister of Interior has been contrary to what was expected of a young nation fighting hard to disassociate itself from the failed state of Somalia. To the dismay of concerned citizens of Somaliland, early signs of creating a police state in Somaliland are seen lately. The challenge is not how you turn your country into a totalitarian state but how you develop your country. I think the Minister does not understand that we fought Siad Barre to free ourselves from a clan based dictatorial regime. There is popular Somali proverb that says:” Magac bilaash uma baxo”, The characteristics of a person can be read from one’s nickname). Ismail Faqqash still lives in the faqqash era. Faqqash Mentality Yes, the remnants of Faqqash (Siad Barre’s regime) only know how to intimidate, imprison and torture physically, mentally and morally people whom they think are not with them or have different opinions of how they run their autocratic system. Let alone people who differ with them in their beliefs and express their views. This is the legacy of the clan system inherited from the late President Egal after the Somali National Movement failed its people and descended into clan politics and could not establish government institutions after they ousted the Siad Barre regime. Because of the shortsightedness of SNM and after plunging the country into several civil wars, the remnants of Faqqash regrouped themselves and took over the power taking advantage of the weakness of clan politics by manipulating the elders and eliminating visionless SNM colonels and politicians. Human Rights Violations This is not the first time that the Somaliland Minister of Interior has ordered to detain innocent citizens illegally, but was preceded by similar cases that were addressed by Human Rights organizations. The African Watch and the Somaliland forum have appealed to the Somaliland President to release the prisoners that have been in jails since the last presidential election without trial. These prisoners are those who expressed their opinion when there was a mishandling of counting of votes in the last elections. If they are not brought before a court and kept in prisons without trial, then they should be classified as prisoners of conscience. Since Somaliland has put itself in the spotlight, it would invite the Amnesty International and other International Human Rights Organizations to intervene in the illegal detention of prisoners of Conscience. What was the purpose of abducting a passenger on transit and cause the unrest that followed afterwards and endangering the stability of the city and the state. The detention of general Jama M. Ghalib had no merit at all nationally and internationally, except locally to agitate the clan in which Jama hails from. If that was the objective of the Minister of Interior, I think he really achieved what he wanted. But what was the cost of his action? The answer is, the loss of life and property that was not really necessary. The death and injury of some citizens who slept in peace the night before the General was detained is regretful and need to be investigated. Double standard There are mixed feelings about the detention of the General who doesn’t share his belief with the main stream Somalilanders, but exercises his freedom of expression and advocates Somali unity. It is up to what each believes The question one has to ask, is he alone in his unified Somalia agenda or are there many others who share his belief? How big can he damage Somaliland’s quest for recognition? Is he really a threat to Somaliland’s existence?. Experience shows that those who preached Somali Unity and declared our independence null and void have failed in their endeavor. Unlike those who sought the highest office in Somaliland he had never changed his color, but was consistent in his belief. Somalilanders witnessed chameleon type behavior from individuals who switch gears in different forums to gain their political goals. It is not that far away when O. Arteh traveled from Kula Lumpur in the east of the globe to New York in the west campaigning for the unity of Somalia. After that he ran for the presidency of Somaliland twice and was defeated. The late president Egal was the co-chairman of the 1991 reconciliation conference held in Djibouti. We all know how he came into power in 1993. The first president A. Tuur after his defeat has jumped on the federal band wagon and was welcomed heroically when he returned to Somaliland days before the presidential election. He denied presidential pardon, though it was rumored that there was a deal between him and Riyaale. Non of them has ever renounced publicly their earlier campaigns for the unity of Somalia. Another recent similar case, was the TNG Minister who was in the same situation as the General, but was treated differently. He was welcomed and accommodated in one of the best hotels in Hargeisa. The TNG Minister continued his travel the next day and no body accused him of involvement in hostile activities against Somaliland as was in the case of Gen. Jama. That is what is called a double standard. Creation of Clan Tensions A lot of people see or interpret the series of unwise decision made by the Minister lately as nothing but creating friction, tension, animosity and rift between the clans of Somaliland. We are building a new Somaliland to be run by a government of institutions. Democracy in our country is at it’s infant stage. Every action taken by any Minister will be translated as targeting or singling out a clan until the Populace mature enough to differentiate between what is right and what is wrong. Clan politics is very fragile and vulnerable to be misused by people who hate Somaliland to become an entity of it’s own. Incidents should be handled wisely. The arrest of the Sultans who took part in Arta conference like Sultan Mohamed Abdulqadir and Sultan Abshir Kahiye, angered a lot of people. Similarly, the threat to revoke the landing license of the Somali chartered aircrafts if they fly Mr. Ismail Buba to Hargeisa is another example quoted by the critics of Somaliland government. Bad and provocative language by politicians aimed at particular individuals or clans like the remark by the Minister of Interior when asked about the detention of General Jama “Qudh iyo Qabiil midna uga baqan mayno” ; We can’t be intimidated because of his clan or his position; adds the fuel to tensions and escalates the uneasiness that is created by the incident. In conclusion it is justifiable to infer from the actions and remarks of the Minister that he is a burden to the stability and peace of Somaliland and It would be a grave mistake if actions of some key players in Somaliland political arena are left unaccountable. Somaliland deserves to prevail in this era of turmoil and confusion in the Horn of Africa and we hope that president Riyaale would not let one person derail the independence we fought hard for. Hargeysa.org M. A. Mohamed

Somaliland Is Harboring a Fugitive The actions of the Minister of Interior are a liability to Somaliland (SL), so is his presence. Rather than strategizing a vision to economically and politically grow and develop; rather than planning and implementing public policies that foster good governance and capacity building; rather than harmonizing the communal relationship; Somaliland is burdened by managing the crisis the Minister engenders, and managing poorly. The unfortunate illegal arrest and the detention of Jama Mohamed Qalib (JMQ) were the latest of a spate of egregious incidents. What is more egregious is that the Minister entrusted to enforce law and order is a fugitive and SL is not only knowingly harboring him but has also anointed him. How would that reflect on SL? The death, the injury and the property damage that resulted from the attack of the vigilante were unfortunate. The detention of JMQ has disrobed the beleaguered administration of Rayaale. It has unearthed, the endemic systematic disregard of human rights, the inconsistency, and the inability of Rayaale to lead, to take charge, to assert himself and to rein the reckless Minister of Interior, known in Sweden as the fugitive. Additionally, it has unearthed the thinness of Somaliland’s democracy. It wasn’t the rule of law and due process that triumphed in the end; it was the elders and the traditional negotiations, that Somaliland was distancing herself from, which overtook the constitutional process. And that is double jeopardy. What was the charge of detaining, kidnapping rather of JMQ? Freedom of expression and the freedom of choice are fundamental human rights inscribed in the annals of United Nations, protected by the international law, practiced by the civil society throughout the world. That endows Jama and like-minded others to exercise that right: to choose to work towards the realization of Somaliweyn political entity over that of Somaliland. This is unfortunate, criminal isn’t. JMQ is credible; he is a person of immense integrity, of conviction, a warrior, and a law-abiding citizen that every group would like to count on his support. These are attributes that can’t be ascribed to the top echelon of Somaliland authorities. Be it the President, the speaker of the house, or the Minister of Interior. As a Somalilander, I lament and deplore the fact that JMQ is on the other camp. Duplicity and disinformation are the hallmark of Rayaale’s administration but consistency and fairness aren’t. Publicly, few other Somalilanders share and practice Jama’s view of Somaliweyn. Among them is Abdirahman Ahmed Ali (tuur), the first President of Somaliland. The red carpet treatment Abdirahman has received the first time he returned to Somaliland after he denounced the legitimacy of Somaliland’s withdrawal is a stark contrast to Jama’s arrest and detention. That is duplicity, that is tribal profiling and that is enraging. That isn’t all; the Minister of Interior has stated in his B.B.C interview that others who committed similar crime have requested a pardon before arriving Somaliland. In this context, others meant including Abdirahman Tuur. But, according to Abdirahman Tuur, there was never such a request, nor a need to do so in a letter received by Jamhuuriya. In democracy, only courts of law can deliberate the innocence or the guilt of the accused. And only after one is convicted, one becomes eligible for Presidential pardon. I stand corrected. Unless Abdirahman Tuur was secretly convicted in absentia, there was no ground to pardon. If Abdirahman Tuur was convicted without due process, that is lynching. Otherwise, this proves that the Minister has knowingly lied as the representative and the speaker of the government in the international media; that is criminal and he should be prosecuted. The Minister is out of sync. The primary functions of the Ministry of interior, as I see it, are two: a) to lay out the groundwork for sustainable peace, consult closely with the traditional leaders, avert, intervene, reconcile and monitor communal and tribal conflicts and b) coordinate, supervise the intelligence gathering agencies and act upon intelligence that either disturbs the peace or subverts the nation. In fulfilling this mission, the qualified person should be skillful in conflict resolution, diplomatic, human rights and civil liberties protector, cool headed, trustworthy but most of all he/she should have the capacity to critically evaluate the evidence, explore and exhaust options before taking action. Compare and contrast that with the record and the temperament of the current Minister of interior. Hargeysa is under unannounced and illegal curfew, the right to peacefully demonstrate is suspended, and the independent media is constantly intimidated and prosecuted, citizens are detained, denied due process, and political opponents harassed and freedom of expression criminalized. These are his policies and that of the President he serves. Personally: he is a gun-ho, trigger happy, quick-tempered, drug addict and alleged drug trafficker. The Minister’s presence in Somaliland is in contempt of international law. In Sweden, as has been reported elsewhere, the Minister of Interior is wanted for trafficking drugs between States. That is a felony. For the record, Somaliland has been publicly advised of this serious allegation. Rather than complying with the international investigation and cooperating with the Interpol, Somaliland has honored him with impunity. Legally, harboring an alleged criminal is an accessory; and that Somaliland is guilty of. The Somaliland government should act responsibly and handover the fugitive to the Interpol. Harboring alleged drug trafficker is a serious offense and that itself could hinder Somaliland’s aspirations. This stains Somaliland’s international record. The Minister is polarizing and provocative. Showing respect and paying homage to each and every tribe of the community, is not only the right thing to do but also it is part of the engrained culture and anything else that doesn’t conform to is a taboo. Conforming to that is the duty of the Minister but the Minister patronized the tribe JMQ is hailing from by stating that the government wouldn’t back down in fear of Jama’s tribe. This was unfortunate, the tribe wasn’t the issue; the issue was JMQ v Somaliland. This remark was distasteful, responsible, insensitive and censurable. It is more disdainful that the President of the country didn’t disassociate himself with this inciting remark. In light of the policies he has enacted, his disregard of human rights, his alleged criminal record, not to mention his “faqqash” background, Ismail Adan is morally unfit and unqualified to hold any ministerial position, much less that of interior. Again, the Minister lied, this time about his education and qualifications. During his confirmation hearing, he submitted knowingly, under oath, an inaccurate resume to the parliament and the President. In bold letters, he claimed that he is an engineer. An engineer he isn’t. Worse yet, he signs official documents as an engineer. That isn’t an honest error, that isn’t embellishing, that is pure fabrication. In spite of all this, the Minister is enjoying the confidence of the President, so much so that he was nominated for another term. Rewarding misconduct is a reflection of the moral decay that permeates on the UDUB Administration. Kidnapping is illegal. Unfortunately, the casualty wasn’t only JMQ, it was democracy, it was good governance, and it was the truth. Somaliland should bank and articulate the merits of her case, which is indeed formidable. She should debate, encourage discourse and diversity of opinions, cajole and win her opponents in the realm of public relations. After all, Somaliland wouldn’t win this war by physically silencing her critics. That is a mafia tactic, not worthy of a government in need of international sympathy. The question is, who is in control? The perception that Rayaale is nominal, and a figurehead, is becoming less questionable as the days pass by. Whether it is a perception or reality, others seem to be in control. Supporters and critics of this administration agree on one thing: that the Minister’s behavior merits summary discharge. But, who would show him the door? Ali Gulaid Hargeysa.org

The desperate actions of a desperate man who represents no one but himself. _______________________________________________________________________ Somali leader quits talks President Salat warned of a fresh civil war The president of the interim government of Somalia has walked out of peace talks in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, at a crucial stage of a process aimed at ending years of fighting in the country. President Abdikassim Salat Hassan accused a committee steering the peace conference and other Somali delegates of sanctioning the "dismemberment" of the Horn of Africa country. But at a news conference in Nairobi, the Transitional National Government (TNG) speaker, Abdi Derrow Issaaq, said the president was trying to wreck the whole process of the peace talks because his term in office was ending in a fortnight. Mr Issaaq denied Mr Salat's claim that the TNG had suspended its participation in the talks, saying they would continue in the president's absence. Another TNG delegate at the talks, Abdi Rahaman Dinari, said President Salat's move would not affect the peace efforts since he walked out of the talks individually and did not have the support of the whole group. 'Plot' International observers say that Mr Salat , who controls only 25% of the Somali capital Mogadishu, doubts his future in a new administration which was supposed to be in place by the end of July. The BBC's Hassan Barise says that Mr Salat received a warm welcome back home in Mogadishu, as a large convoy of battle wagons, government officials and dozens of MPs went to meet him at the city's airport. The peace talks continue "I pulled out of the conference because it became a plot to divide Somalia and that it aimed at changing the Somalia's religion, tradition and language," he told his supporters. However, he declined to talk about his next move, saying that the Somali people would decide "their destiny, and hold a meeting in their home country and establish a system which satisfies their needs". President Salat expressed concerns on the outcome of the conference in Kenya, which he claimed "might bring about the flare-up of yet another civil war among the Somalis inside the country". Should he refuse to relinquish power by mid-August, as required by the peace deal, then there is likely to be confrontation between the new government and Mr Salat's clan. The president is reportedly opposed to the establishment of a federal government to govern Somalia for the next four years, and the formation of a transitional parliament of 351 members which will appoint the federal president, who in turn will name a new prime minister. But the deal has been praised by international observers as a significant step towards a peaceful Somali after years of fighting between powerful warlords since 1991, when the dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was ousted. Peacekeepers Mr Salat is the third leader to pull out of the talks since peace negotiations started 10 months ago in Nairobi. More than a dozen attempts to broker peace in Somalia since then have failed. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development, (Igad), the regional peace mediators, are keen to see that all factions are included in the new government. IGAD and the African Union (AU) have said that a peacekeeping force will be deployed in Mogadishu and other regions of southern Somalia once the new administration starts to operate. Last month the European Union said it would give financial support to cover the cost of the deployment of the AU force, comprising troops from Kenya, Ethiopia and South Africa. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3111033.stm

Sxb, no need to post this. Everyone knows the people of SS&H are a part of Puntland/Somalia. They did not take part in bogus referendums or elections conducted by the hargeisa government. The hargeisa government has no presence in those regions, administration, nor police. They do not use the 'Somaliland' shilling. Nor do they use the Berbera port. It is a dream. Its all too easy to fool foreigners who have no idea about somali politics; nor the facts on the ground. Even when foreigners do arrive the are restricted to touring Hargeisa. I think we should focus on the province of Toghdeer/Western Sanaag; which would fit in much better in Puntland then 'Somaliland'. Much like SS&H-they look East and not West. They use our currency(don't recognize hargeisa currency), use Bosaso port(not Berbera), and have not favoured secession(fought against it in 1990s). Socially and economically they are part of Somalia, but politically they are more neutral. Salaam

Somalia: Shadows of the past as human rights deteriorate Restricting Freedom of Movement Somalilanders who endured years of repression under Siad Barre find it deeply troubling to see the return of some of the most intrusive and offensive practices of that era. The police now routinely stop vehicles in Hargeisa after 10:00 p.m., telling passengers to park their cars and walk to their destination, irrespective of the distance and oblivious to the scarcity of street lights and of taxis at that hour. The order, which has become more widespread and pronounced since the elections, is normally accompanied by the comment that "you should go to sleep", a reminder of the time when Siad Barre's soldiers made it impossible for people in this region to have any kind of life. Upset that she was being treated like a child, one woman said she told the police "to distribute baby bottles to the population along with these instructions." Pedestrians are also stopped and asked questions about where they have been and why "they are out so late." Young men, who tend to stay out until that hour to watch football on television or videos, or to go to the cinema, are quick to complain about police interrogations . Given the absence of civil disorder, the policemen themselves appear in the dark about this infringement of personal freedom . Sometimes they argue that the measure will promote peace, but an unhappy public is unlikely to prove a peaceful citizenry in the long run. Other times they say that it is intended to discourage the sale and consumption of alcohol, an unlikely explanation. Whatever the thinking, the impact is wholly negative, both in its association with the past and in its effect on the lives of people who are entitled to go where they want, when they want to, provided they are not visibly disturbing the peace. On 24 May, in a front-page story entitled "Hargeisa under Un-Declared Night Curfew", The Somaliland Times wrote: In the last few weeks, it has become routine to see armed security men deployed [at] checkpoints at various parts of the city during night time. Motorists and in some cases even pedestrians are stopped at these checkpoints for inspection and then told to go straight home to sleep or "waa la seexanayaa" [it's time to go to bed], a term that was in common use during the repression under dictator Siad Barre's regime. The paper linked the unofficial curfew with other developments that threaten human rights. Such behaviour coupled with other types of repressive measures such as arrests and beatings by security men , have already triggered a backlash against the government among Hargeisa city dwellers. It also discussed the wider social and economic effects. Apart from the harassment, humiliation and trauma ... the curb on freedom of movement has undermined business in various sectors such as transport, restaurants, tea-shops, local entertainment and wedding services. The same issue carried an editorial which asked why the President and Guurti had failed to take corrective measures. Describing the night-time restrictions as "a highly explosive issue", it warned that if the matter was not "resolved quickly, [it] will have disastrous consequences not only for peace and security in the city but for the whole of Somaliland as well." The government has so far avoided making an official explanation as to why it had introduced the measure in the first place. The President cannot be said to be unaware of the wide discontent among residents of the capital with the curb on their freedom of movement... Even the Guurti, which was supposed to be the guardian of peace and tranquillity has remained unconcerned [about] the violations committed on a nightly basis by the security forces ... This conspiracy of silence is very disturbing. Hargeisites are worried that this could be an indication of more repressive policies to follow. The Siege of Elders in Gebiley, 2 May On 2 May, a group of elders from Odweyne, Burao, Berbera and Hargeisa, supporters of Kulmiye, were invited to lunch at the Askar restaurant in Gebiley, together with elders of Gebiley and the leaders of the local branch of Kulmiye. At a press conference in Hargeisa on 5 May, the elders spoke of an encounter they did not expect to have. Hersi Hussein Farah summed up the experience. We had hardly begun to eat the food when guns were pointed at us by our very own national soldiers , something that we found very disturbing. The soldiers began by asking Dr. Obolos, who had welcomed us: "Are they with you?" which we also found equally troubling. We had gone there as guests for a gathering, but we understood that there was an intention to create a commotion instead, so we tried to defuse the situation. The people of Gebiley reacted angrily and we calmed them down because as elders, we did not want to be responsible for any disturbance that might occur. We agreed with the elders who had invited us that we would pacify the population of Gebiley and God helped us in this endeavour. When the mayor arrived, they asked him for an explanation. His response was to tell us that Dhega-weyne [a former SNM commander and currently a supporter of Kulmiye] was in town and that is why we had to go through this. They did not consider this a satisfactory response. We told him that as far as we know, Dhega-weyne is a citizen; since when has he been denied his rights in Somaliland? We were not content with the answer. What we saw is that the party of Udub is involved in the government. When it has been defeated politically, it uses the national army against Kulmiye.2 A Ban on Protests At all times, and particularly in the aftermath of a disputed election, the government is right to be concerned about the potential for violence and to take measures to minimise clashes between the security forces and the public, and between members of opposing parties. But the public, and the different political parties, have a right to voice their political opinions, provided they seek to do so in a peaceful manner. The most appropriate means of respecting the fundamental right to freedom of association and other civil and political rights, is for the government to allow the right to organise peaceful political protests. But in a letter dated 20 April, the Minister of the Interior took a different view to a request from Kulmiye. Even though the constitution permits the organisation of demonstrations, the Ministry has decided for the time being not to permit any kind of demonstration. Therefore, this is to let you know that it is not possible at the present time to allow you to hold the demonstration that you requested. When a lid is put on peaceful political expression , the outcome is likely to be an ugly confrontation, as was demonstrated shortly afterwards in Hargeisa. Beatings, Arrests and Detentions At a time of heightened tension and political sensitivity, it is particularly important that the Ministry of the Interior, which is in charge of law and order, be in the hands of a Minister who can engage different political actors in dialogue and maintain peace without resorting to policies and practices that violate basic human rights. Unfortunately for Somaliland, and as this report shows, the actions and words of the current Minister of the Interior who controls the police, Ismail Adan Osman, have been provocative and likely to trigger the very instability that the government says it is determined to ward off , and which the public at large fears. Recent events also highlight grave shortcomings in the police, who are clearly poorly trained, and as a result, quick to see the public as their enemy . To those who have borne the brunt of their anger, their behaviour is painfully reminiscent of an era they thought had passed. 20 April, A Bloody Confrontation in Hargeisa On the morning of Sunday 20 April, the day after the preliminary results were announced, a group of about 50 women and youngsters, some boys as young as 14, gathered together at the home of the leader of Kulmiye in search of news and to debate what action to take about the election result. They decided to walk to the offices of the NEC as a measure of protest. They had barely walked any distance when they ran into two truckloads of armed policemen, accompanied by about 20 policemen on foot, at the junction with the main road. Determined to prevent a march along the main road, the policemen immediately shot into the air to frighten and disperse the crowd. A number of the women were wearing headscarves with the Kulmiye colours of yellow and green, and some were carrying its flags and wearing its T-shirts. Fathiya Jama , resident in London, was on a visit to Hargeisa where she volunteered as an election officer on polling day. When African Rights interviewed her on 24 April, she had a huge bruise on the right shoulder and on the right calf. We ran into 2-3 soldiers who had been stationed at the crossroads. They were armed. I asked them not to shoot. They said they won't shoot us, but that added that we couldn't take the main road. Take a back alley, they told us. We pushed through them and headed for the gobolka [a nearby cluster of government ministries, on the way to the offices of the NEC]. Before we got there, a lot of soldiers ran towards us. One of the young people in our group threw a stone at them, and they[Police] responded by shooting furiously into the air. A policeman in a blue shirt picked up a stone, and then a lot of the other policemen did the same. Others had sticks . Some of our young men stayed to lob stones at them, but most of us ran. I rushed into a bush. The policeman in the blue shirt pursued me, shouting: "Stop that woman! F--- her and her Kulmiye." About 10 of them descended upon me, slapping me hard all over the face. Two of them in the truck took me by the arms to pull me into the vehicle even though it was so crowded that there was no place for me to put my feet. At the same time, another policeman was hitting me on the shoulder with the butt of his gun. They managed to throw me into the truck like a piece of luggage. I was the first person they grabbed, so they vented their rage on me. "Why did you come? What is Kulmiye, now that it lost the election and its flag has been hoisted down?" There were about 10 of us in the truck, all women except for 14-year-old Hamza .3 Kinsi Aadleef had set out with Fathiya and the others. A mother of six and four months pregnant, she found it difficult to run far when the shots rang out. The police slapped me to force me on to the truck. I climbed in and they drove us to the central police station. In front of the station, one of them struck me with the butt of his gun on the back and on my arm .4 The bruises she suffered on her right arm, on the back and on the lip, were evident at the time. Nimo Daud Mohamed and some of her friends from the same school set out together on the protest march. As soon as we reached the crossroads, we came face to face with a lot of policemen. Four of them immediately went for my Kulmiye headscarf, ripping it off and raining slaps on me. I refused when they told me to get into their truck. They beat me some more with their hands and also with a stick to get me on to the truck. More than two weeks later, the marks left by the beating along the right thigh and just below the right knee were visible. Her 14-year-old brother, the youngest person on the march, was singled out . My brother, Hamza, was beaten particularly badly, and left with black bruises all over his body .5 Nimo's friend, Samira Abdi Ismail, had also attracted the attention of the police with her headscarf. We were on our way to the Electoral Commission because we wanted to take part in a peaceful protest. But we had hardly gone any distance when two cars full of policemen, and about 20 others on foot, stopped us. One of them grabbed my scarf, pulling both the scarf and my hair. I took hold of the scarf to keep it on my head. We struggled and then he hit the knuckles on my right hand hard with the end of his gun. They beat with a special vengeance anyone wearing a symbol of Kulmiye. About 10 of them pounced on me because of my insistence on keeping my scarf on my head. One of them hit me on the lower end of my back with his gun and then all 10 of them jointly threw me on to the vehicle.6 When African Rights interviewed Hamza, he said that the worst beating he received was on his left shoulder. He had planned to run, but said he stopped when he saw the policemen joining forces to subdue Samira. Unwilling to abandon her, he was thrown into the vehicle at the same time. Frightened by the gunfire, Muna Abdillahi Diriye from the same school ran into a house in the neighbourhood, near the offices of the NEC. Pursued by policemen, she fell upon them when the owners of the house pushed her out. They ripped the Kulmiye T-shirt and flag I was holding in my hand. Then they beat me with the butt of a gun on my head and my back. I still get headaches from that beating. Faisa Hassan Mohamed had the misfortune of being in the area and got caught up in the chaos. She was standing in a corner when she spotted the crowd and heard the shots. I yelled at the policemen: "Don't kill our children!" A policeman carrying a walkie-talkie told the others: "Arrest her, she is a strong supporter of Kulmiye." Two of them then slapped me around the face. I asked them why I was being arrested since I had not come to protest, I wasn't wearing any Kulmiye gear and I wasn't throwing stones. A third policeman hit me just above the knee while they pushed and dragged me towards their truck. When we got to the vehicle, I stood aside and said: "But tell me what I have done." They continued to slap me and threw me into the truck. One of my legs was protruding; they struck me on the right calf with a stick to push my leg in.7 When they reached the central police station in downtown Hargeisa, one of the policemen confirmed that Faisa had been standing apart when the trouble started. She was not booked, but returned to the spot where she had been arrested. The others, however, were not so fortunate. According to all the women, the policemen used abusive language throughout the drive to the station, relating in one way or another to their political party. Things did not improve when they reached their destination, according to Fathiya who remembered the words of the driver. "Get down you prostitutes, the prostitutes of Kulmiye." Samira recalled the use of similar language. "They said, amongst other things, that we were drunk." Nimo, whose father is the secretary-general of Kulmiye, had particular reason to be worried. "They told me that my father will also be arrested, adding that you and the rest of Kulmiye will be f...." While their names were being registered, another truckload of Kulmiye supporters arrived. A young man of about 19, who had been severely beaten, was one of the passengers. Fathiya tried to protect him as best as she could. A policeman with a white shirt, armed with a pistol, pointed the gun at the young man with the comment: "I'm going to shoot you in the head." I wrapped myself around him, pushed him towards the back and asked him why the policeman wanted to shoot him. He replied: "He knows me." The young girls, about 25 of them, and the 8 boys, were then locked up in different rooms while the two women, Fathiya and Kinsi, were kept together in a separate section. Fathiya found herself in a distressing situation when it became apparent that Kinsi had become very ill. When Kinsi wouldn't talk to me, I took off the cloth covering her face and saw that she was foaming at the mouth, that her tongue was sticking out, that her teeth were stuck together and her eyes had a fixed look. I did everything to convince the police that this was a very sick woman who could be dying. I shouted at the top of my voice for a full hour, but that didn't elicit any response from the police . Then Nura Hussein and Shoon burst into the room, alerted by my shouts. Nura threatened to bring the entire media inside the police station if they didn't allow us to take Kinsi out. They agreed, but they didn't even help us to lift her. Nura, Shoon and I lifted her, with the help of people who had come to visit detainees at the station. The police also refused to provide us with a car. Someone gave us his car and we took her to a private clinic. The doctor gave her some shots; she didn't know where she was and spoke in a confused manner. It was then we found out she was pregnant. Kinsi spent the night at the main hospital in Hargeisa. Angry about her treatment and in great pain, and mindful of the obstacles of challenging the police, she expressed her determination to lodge a complaint against the police. The police emptied one of the cells for the group of young women. Samira spoke of their ordeal for the 12 hours they were locked up. They placed a tube inside the cell which they used to flood the room with water. As a result, from 9:00 a.m. until 10:00 p.m., we were forced to stand up. We didn't get to eat until 4:00 p.m. because they had turned away the people who had brought us food. When we spoke to them through the little hatch and asked for water, they replied: "Let Siilaanyo bring it for you." [siilaanyo is the name by which the leader of Kulmiye is known]. No-one was allowed to go to the toilet. And they kept up a barrage of insults, including the senior officers in charge of the station. Some of the policemen , both uniformed and some in plain clothes, came and told us that we would be released if we agreed to join Udub , the government party. We told them no. One of the women was pregnant, but she was left to her own devices, Samira said. She had been beaten and thrown into the police truck, even though she was visibly pregnant. She was so weak that she lay on the wet floor. Her relatives didn't know where she was and so she just had to share the food that we received. The entire group was released at about 10:00 p.m. when Nimo's father posted bail for them. The Arrest of SNM Fighters in Hargeisa, 19 May The residents of some districts in Hargeisa, notably the area known as the Red Sea, listened to the sound of gunfire on the night of 18 May between heavily-armed policemen and some former fighters of the Somali National Movement (SNM) , the armed guerrilla movement which fought and dislodged the Siad Barre regime from Somaliland, then the northwest region of Somalia. Since the preliminary results were first announced on 19 April, many SNM fighters did nothing to hide their anger. In a press conference on 28 April covered by Somaliland Television and the newspapers, they complained that some of them had recently been dismissed from the army and police force because of their politics, and some of those who took part in the press conference were subsequently arrested (see below). In mid-May, a [sNM]group gathered together in a makeshift camp they set up in a marshland in the Red Sea[District]. At about 9:45 p.m. on 18 May, the government sent in three vehicles mounted with anti-aircraft guns known as "technicals", to drive them out. The result was an exchange of gunfire. The men dispersed of their own accord and none were arrested that night. But a hunt for SNM fighters commenced the following morning and five were arrested at the Ming Sing restaurant at about 11:00 a.m. They are: Kayse Ahmed Madobe; Mohamed Dahir Warsame; Mohamed Weere; Saalah; Ahmed Barkhad Aideed. They were initially detained at the offices of the Criminal Investigations Department (CID), and were transferred the same day to Hargeisa central prison where they remain. Salah, a close relative of a leading Udub politician, has been released. Another SNM fighter, Ali Omer, known as "Ali Aar", was arrested in the Hera Awr district after a car chase by the police. He was shot in the leg but the bullet went through his trousers and he was unhurt. Ahmed Barkhad Aideed's brother, Dayib, is also in detention. To date, the government has not charged the men officially with any crime. None of them are said to have taken part in the firefight of the 18th. On 22 May, African Rights sought permission to visit the detainees from the officials in charge of prisons at the Ministry of Justice, to ensure that they had not been tortured or subjected to any kind of inhumane treatment. The prison officials turned down our request , saying that their detention was "a very sensitive political issue" which African Rights should take up directly with the Minister of the Interior "who had given the order to arrest them." On the afternoon of Friday, 23 May, a huge number of well-armed policemen driving "technicals" surrounded the home of the State Minister of Finance, Nuh Sheikh Omer, located in Togdheer in Hargeisa. Their aim was to capture a number of former SNM fighters who had apparently been invited by Nuh to discuss their grievances. Claiming that the ex-combatants included men wanted for the 18 May incident, the Minister of the Interior ordered their arrest. The State Minister refused to allow them inside; in the meantime, the men escaped through a back door. The action, in broad daylight in a residential district, astonished and frightened local residents , apart from revealing divisions within the government about how best to deal with the events of 18 May. Denied Their Jobs: Unfair Dismissal of Soldiers The backbone of the army in Somaliland, in numerical strength and experience, are former SNM combatants. Although established in 1993, the army only became a force in 1994 after hundreds of fighters voluntarily disbanded and handed in their weapons and equipment. Because the leader of Kulmiye was the long-term chairman of the SNM, there was suspicion from the outset that they would vote in its favour. In the press conference on 28 April, a number of them accused the army of making them redundant because of their political sympathies. Saeed Hassan Mohamed, a former member of the SNM, had been in the army since it was formed. He was the driver for the commander of the army, General Abdisamad Haji Abdillahi, and has been a driver for all three chiefs of staff in Somaliland. The owner of a Toyota Landcruiser, he rented the car to Kulmiye for its election campaign, together with a driver. I was called in and accused of campaigning for Kulmiye. I told them that they had rented my car, which is a commercial transaction, and that I gave them my vote which I have the right to do. That's it. I was first told to take leave, and dismissed after the results were announced. I was not even one of the soldiers who spoke on TV.8 Others who have been dismissed include: Yusuf Abaade, a driver at the office of the presidency and the personal driver of the late President Egal; Adan Harur Jama, also of the office of the presidency; Farah Mohamed Ahmed, an officer in Wajale; Faysal Kaamil; he was detained for some days in May in the central police station in Hargeisa; Maykal Jama Tarabi of the office of the presidency and previously one of Rayaale's bodyguards when he was vice-president. Access to Information: Imposing Controls Radio Hargeisa: Unequal Opportunities It is difficult to exaggerate the importance of radio in Somaliland, given the high rate of illiteracy and the expense, and therefore the scarcity, of television.9 Even though it does not reach everywhere in Somaliland, Radio Hargeisa is the most important source of information for most people. As a result, equal access to the radio for all political parties, during both the local government elections in December 2002, and the more recent presidential elections, was considered a vital asset by all political players. In reality, it has proved difficult to shake off the legacy of the Siad Barre regime where the radio was not so much a national asset as a tool of political propaganda for the government. Many of the employees of Radio Hargeisa were trained under the Siad Barre government. Despite the unfair advantages enjoyed by Udub, as the party of the government, an effort was made to include coverage of the other parties during the elections for local councils. The situation changed shortly afterwards, when only the three front-runners -- Udub, Kulmiye and Ucid -- emerged to take part in the presidential elections. The resolve to impose controls at Radio Hargeisa has included two incidents of physical violence against employees. One of them is Ahmed Saleeban Mohamed, known as "Duhul."10 When the presidential campaign got off the ground, employees were attached to the different parties. Ahmed was asked to report on Kulmiye. But his assignment soon ran into trouble. At the beginning of the campaign, I was allowed to air, for a few minutes, the views of either Siilaanyo or one of the other leaders on the programme known as "Hoghogaal" [informative]. One day, Siilaanyo organised a press conference where he spoke about the problems that confront business people doing transactions on the border with Ethiopia. I taped it and told Radio Hargeisa that I would be airing Siilaanyo's voice. My boss, the director of the radio, Mohamed Saeed Muhumed, told me to broadcast just one sentence. I told him that this didn't make sense as the message would be lost. Either we had to abandon it or air a decent segment. After he went home, I took the initiative to air the tape for a full five minutes. Mohamed Saeed heard Siilaanyo's voice at home at 2:15 p.m. Five minutes later, he walked in in a rage; I was on my way out of the studio and he called me into his office. I knew why of course, so I said to him: "Are you going to ask me why I put Siilaanyo's voice on the air?" He turned around and boxed me in the right eye. I was in such shock that I couldn't react. In any case, I couldn't see for a moment. People separated us. He then told the guards that I should be arrested. They suggested that we both go to the police station, but he left and I also went home. He later asked our colleagues to talk to me and defuse the situation. Ahmed continued to report on Kulmiye's political campaign, but in his words, "the pressure intensified from one day to the next." Because they saw Siilaanyo as a political danger, Radio Hargeisa decided to wipe out his name, his campaign, his experience and his history. Those in charge made a clear decision to put a curtain on all this. The director and the programme officer went through the news items to delete any reference to him. It was aired only when they had made so many deletions that the essence was lost. Ahmed then compared the Radio Hargeisa of today with the system that existed during the Siad Barre regime . During the Siad days, information went in one direction only. There was only one point of view, that of the government. It didn't matter what the people thought, and diversity of opinion was not on the agenda. There is no difference between what we have today and what we had then. We are back to 1988. Despite the constitutional guarantee of equal access, Radio Hargeisa belongs to the government and to Udub . When it comes to public opinion, only the views of those who support the government will be aired. There is no way that criticism of the government will be voiced . Suspicion about the motives of journalists can sometimes be far-fetched. One Friday Hussein Abdillahi Deeqsi broadcast a well-known poem composed in 1964 by the poet Qaasin. Isma doorin gaalkaan diriyo daarta kii galaye,, [there is no difference between the white man I chased away and the one who took his seat]. This was immediately taken as criticism of President Rayaale. The journalist was told that he had "an agenda" in broadcasting this poem. Even some journalists known for their pro-Udub sympathies have been called in to "explain themselves." Ahmed also described a tendency that he characterised as "the re-writing of history." During the final days of the presidential campaign, President Rayaale was due to make a stop-over in Gebiley. We were told to prepare a video which highlighted his achievements during his one-year in office. We looked, but we couldn't find anything to show. They also didn't want any shots that showed the late president, Egal. In the end, they picked shots from here and there and put them together for the people of Gebiley.11 The analysis of Radio Hargeisa as a tool of the government was underscored by another journalist, Ahmed Sheikh Hussein, who started with Radio Hargeisa in 1991. He became the chief editor of the news programme and a programme producer. He spoke of a noticeable shift in recent months. In the last six months the difference has become really obvious. The radio should be accessible to all the political parties, but it is important only to Udub. A lot of the employees of the Ministry of Information belong to it as the party of the government. Only once, on the programme Hoghogaal, did we give 7 minutes to each of 3 political parties, Asad, Kulmiye and Udub. We received good feedback from the public. Otherwise, politics have been allowed to interfere with the professionalism of journalism. There is a lack of balance . We prepare news programmes and then we are told: "Stop this programme, or play this one", something that didn't use to happen. The director of Radio Hargeisa is openly Udub. But you have the impression that even he is not entirely free but is taking instructions from the Minister. Because of all this, I haven't been able to exercise my responsibilities for some time. I would go there but wouldn't have any work.12 Ahmed and another journalist with Radio Hargeisa, Abdirahman Sheikh Elmi, known as "Shamah", aired their critical views about the lack of political balance in a press conference. In an interview with African Rights, Shamah detailed the constant pressure journalists faced from the director of the radio who sought to ensure that Kulmiye, and especially its leaders, got little or no mention on national radio. Both Radio Hargeisa and the government newspaper, Maandeeq, were much more fair during the local council elections in December. The problems have become acute during the past three months. New control panels were set up to weed out information that was considered undesirable. News items, for example, had to go through both the director and the programme officer. In February, during the anniversary of the "Dagaxtuur" [anti-government riots by students in 1982], different leaders of Kulmiye spoke at the khayriyah.13 I recorded the speeches. When I returned to the studio, my boss asked me: "So what did you bring?" I told him I had brought the news from Kulmiye's event. Apart from Mohamed Haji Mohamoud, I told him that Siilaanyo had also spoken. He told me not to include the content of what Siilaanyo had said , but just to mention somewhere that he was one of the speakers. He asked me to treat the speech by Mohamed Kahin in the same way. I said that Anab Omer Ileyeh was another of the speakers. He replied: "Say that someone from the women's wing spoke, but you don't need to say her name." Finally I asked him to dictate exactly what he wanted because the instructions didn't make sense. He told me: "Basically just say that members of Kulmiye spoke." To please him I suggested that I would, instead, devote most of the programme to the visit of the President to the western coast. He was delighted: "Yes, do that. That would be a good exchange. Today will decide whether we become friends or enemies." 14 The Detention and Sentencing of Mohamed Omer Khayre in Borama On 8 May, the Borama-based correspondent of the newspaper Haatuf, Mohamed Omer Khayre, was arrested following a story published by Haatuf on 7 May in which the journalist cited the Borama-based representative of Kulmiye, Ahmed Yusuf Farah, who accused some members of Udub of being "involved in anti-Somaliland clandestine efforts", namely preparing to hoist the old Somali flag should Udub lose the elections. Both men were detained in Borama central prison. In their statement of 14 May, the Somaliland Society for Independent Journalists and Writers described the detention of their colleague as "illegal and unwarranted." Demanding his unconditional release, the group said it was "alarmed by the growing increase in the harassment and imprisonment without charges of journalists and opposition activists in Somaliland."15 Both men were given a summary "trial" on 20 May and given suspended sentences, of three months against the journalist and one year against Ahmed Yusuf Farah. Neither man was allowed to have a lawyer to represent him. In an interview with African Rights, Mohamed Omer Khayre gave a detailed account of his encounter with justice. He said that he had gone to the police station to settle a domestic dispute between members of his family and some neighbours. He was waiting for two policemen to accompany him when the telephone rang. I heard the police officer say: "Yes, he's here with us", but I was not sure what he was referring to. He then told me that I was going to be booked. I was taken aback. The following day, the representative of Kulmiye, Ahmed, came. He confirmed that he had given me the interview and that I had quoted him faithfully. He told them: "Arrest me if you want, but you should free this man. He just did his job." They refused to release me, but they did arrest him as well. After a few days at the police station, on Saturday the 10th, the two of us were chained together and paraded barefoot through the streets of Borama up to the court like two major criminals. When we asked a CID officer exactly what offence we had committed, he told us that the charges were based on our "confessions" to the CID. But we had not confessed anything. I had merely confirmed that I had indeed written the article in question, and Ahmed stated that he had made those remarks critical of some Udub officials in an interview with me. Ahmed was not even asked to prove the truth of what he had said. He was only asked if he had made those remarks. In the court, the district attorney-general said that he did not know what offence we had committed, and therefore did not know how to charge us. We were taken back to the police station. On Sunday the 11th, we were taken to the court again. A piece of paper was prepared but at the time we didn't know what was written on it. Later we found out that the paper authorised 45 days on remand, to be extended. We were assured by the people there that we would be released. When we were taken back to the police station, we were sure that it was to pick up our belongings. Soon afterwards, the governor of Awdal region, and the head of the Awdal police force, came together to the police station. We overheard them saying that they needed petrol "to transport them to the prison." That made us realise where we were headed. We were taken to the prison in the car of the Awdal police chief. We were put in a room with 33 other prisoners, but were never asked any questions. On the 20th we were taken to court again. We were separated from the other people and locked up in a big hall. Then we were joined by the district attorney-general, the judge and hid deputy. There was no question of legal representation for us. I was told that the charge against me was "disseminating false information that could threaten the peace" and Ahmed was charged with "making up false information that could threaten the peace." Ahmed got into an argument with them. He told them: "Who is accusing me, the government or Udub? I criticised officials of Udub, but they are not here. He was told that he had committed offences "against the nation." Then one of them added: "Don't talk so much if you want us to be lenient." They left and returned after half an hour with the judgement. I was refused a copy of the judgement.16 Reacting to the sentence against Khayre, the publisher of Haatuf, Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, described it "as intimidation against the independent media." He added: This government wants to silence the press, so they are using this case as an example of what will happen to those who don't toe the line. Haatuf placed the sentences in a broader human rights context. The two accused men rejected the sentence that had been passed against them which they described as unjust. This [case] would appear to be part of the new steps which have been taken recently by the government of President Rayaale against journalists and community leaders, which amounts to a denial of the right to freedom of expression, guaranteed by the laws of the country. In recent days, some leaders have, without going through legal channels, given the order for the arrest of citizens.17 Another Haatuf journalist, Mohamed Amin Jibril, got into trouble on 23 May when he and a colleague, Abdifatah Mohamed Aideed, followed a police operation in the Togdheer district of Hargeisa (see above), close to the offices of Haatuf. Mohamed Amin, no stranger to the police, described what happened. It was around 3:00 p.m. on Friday when we heard the commotion. We quickly learned that a large number of policemen had surrounded the house which belongs to Nuh, the Minister of State for Finance, apparently to flush out some SNM ex-combatants. The police tried to grab the camera off Abdifatah but he was protected by the large crowd which had quickly gathered. Then they turned on me; they recognised me from an earlier incident this month when I was also briefly detained. They beat me up and then drove me to the central police station where I was locked up with people on murder charges and other serious offences. Our editor, Yusuf, intervened and I was released after about an hour and a half.18 Notes: 1. For details see African Rights "Uncertain Times in Somaliland: Tension in the Wake of Disputed Election Results", 1 May 2003. 2. Haatuf, 5 May 2003. 3. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 24 April 2003. 4. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 24 April 2003. 5. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 6 May 2003. 6. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 7 May 2003. 7. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 24 April 2003. 8. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 5 May 2003. 9. Somaliland Television is privately owned. 10. The other journalist who was physically assaulted is Abdillahi Jama Mohamed who was attached to cover Ucid. 11. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 8 May 2003. 12. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 4 May 2003. 13. The public square in Hargeisa where most political gatherings take place. 14. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 5 May 2003. 15. The Somaliland Times, 17 May 2003. 16. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 24 May 2003. 17. Haatuf, 21 May 2003. 18. Interviewed in Hargeisa, 24 May 2003. African Rights (UK) PO Box 18368 London EC4A 4JE Tel: 0781 478 6011 Email: afrights@gn.apc.org http://wwww.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/0/ee00ed5fd066f92049256d35000809e2?OpenDocument

Justice for the Atrocities of the 1980s: The Responsibility of Politicians and Political Parties "One day in mid-August [1988], Dahir Rayaale, head of the NSS, came to our ice plant and took my father away. They also arrested one of the watchmen, an old man, Farah Badeh Gheedi. They were detained in the police station, accused of talking about the prospects of the SNM coming to Berbera. " Abdifatah Abdillahi Jirreh By Rakiya A. Omaar Like so many other Somalis, my life in the 1980s was marked profoundly by the terrible human right situation under the regime of Mohamed Siad Barre. I was one of the very lucky ones. I did not live in Somalia at the time, and no-one in my family was killed or maimed when the government unleashed a genocidal frenzy in Somaliland, then the Northwest region of Somalia. Being lucky implied a responsibility: to let the world know what was happening, so it could exert pressure to halt the atrocities. Fortunately, I had just begun my career in human rights as director of the US-based group, Africa Watch. This position gave me a platform from which I could speak and make my contribution. I am, in particular, proud of one book I researched and wrote while at Africa Watch, A Government at War With Its Own People: Testimonies About the Killings and the Conflict in the North, published in New York in January 1990. Unfortunately, the Ethiopian government of the time refused us permission to interview the refugees in the Ethiopian camps. So the research took me to Djibouti and to various cities in the UK which housed men, women and children who had fled Siad Barre’s tactics of terror. I spent months listening to harrowing testimony about a well-planned campaign to eliminate an entire people. It is not possible to do justice to their stories in an article, but this is the picture that emerged. I am writing about this book now, 12 years later, because it has, once again, entered the political arena. Arguing that all Isaaqs were supporters of the Somali National Movement (SNM), the guerrilla movement that sought to drive the government out of the Northwest, life, as we know it, was denied to them in their own homeland from 1981 to May 1988, It became, instead, a succession of human rights abuses. Murder; detentions; torture; unfair trials; confiscation of land and other property; constraints on freedom of movement and of expression; a strategy of humiliation directed at family life, at women and elders; the denial of equal opportunities; discriminatory business practices and curfews and checkpoints became a daily affair. Both urban centres and rural communities were targeted, but it was the nomadic population, regarded as the backbone of the SNM economically and in terms of human resources, which suffered the most. Their men and boys were gunned down, their women raped, their water reservoirs destroyed and people, as well as livestock, were blown up by landmines. In late May 1988, the SNM attacked the towns of Hargeisa and Burao. It was the start of a savage war against Issaaq civilians which drove most of them into exile in the inhospitable desert of Ethiopia. Instead of engaging the SNM militarily, the government used the full range of its military hardware against unarmed and defenceless civilians, thinking perhaps that the SNM would be too preoccupied with the chaos of mass civilian casualties to fight back effectively. The assault knew no bounds: residential homes were bombed, fleeing refugees were strafed by planes and men, women and children perished by the thousands. Mohamed Said Barre is not alone in his guilt for these crimes against humanity, for which no-one has yet been prosecuted. Some of the other key architects of this policy of annihilation, men like Mohamed Saeed Morgan, Mohamed Hashi Gaani and countless other collaborators, continue to wreak havoc in Somalia. Others, including Mohamed Ali Samater, live in comfortable exile in the United States and elsewhere in the world. And then others are right here in Somaliland. And they include President Dahir Rayaale, who was head of the feared and powerful secret service, the National Security Service (NSS) in Berbera. President Rayaale is named in A Government at War With Its Own People. The town of Berbera saw some of the worst atrocities of the war , even though the SNM never entered Berbera in 1988. Elders and businessmen were immediately arrested en masse after the SNM attack on Hargeisa and Burao; between 27 May and 1 June, they were transferred to Mogadishu. The killings, which were exceptionally brutal in Berbera, began shortly afterwards. Many of the victims had their throats slit and were then shot. A series of massacres which have been mentioned again and again took place, mainly in June, in Buraosheikh, close to Berbera, when about 500 men were killed in groups of between 30-40. Some of the victims were from Burao, Hargeisa and surrounding villages who had come as temporary labourers to the port of Berbera. Others were asylum seekers who had been returned from Saudia Arabia. The names of some of these men are listed in the book. As head of the NSS in Berbera, Dahir Rayaale bears a heavy and direct responsibility for their fate. Witnesses who are alive also recall Rayaale’s contribution to the war against civilians. One of the people I interviewed in Djibouti in August 1989 and who is cited in the book is Abdifatah Abdillahi Jirreh. He was only 14 at the time, but he remembered Dahir Rayaale. One day in mid-August [1988], Dahir Rayaale, head of the NSS, came to our ice plant and took my father away. They also arrested one of the watchmen, an old man, Farah Badeh Gheedi. They were detained in the police station, accused of talking about the prospects of the SNM coming to Berbera. Rayaale is not the only man who has held a senior political position in Somaliland whose conduct of human rights has been questioned. Many former Issaaq members of the NSS and the HANGASH, the military police that came to exert formidable power over civilians, today occupy key positions in Somaliland in the NSS, re-established in 1995, and the Criminal Investigations Department (CID). The people they tortured, interrogated and spied on, and the people whose loved ones they killed, will, one day, no doubt give their own account. So the issue is not one of clan and community identity, but of individual responsibility for grave injustices. These men, whether they are Isaaqs or non-Issaaqs, must answer for what they did in their political and professional capacity. And the political parties to which they belong must investigate these accusations thoroughly and objectively and respond accordingly. The three political parties who will contest the forthcoming presidential elections—UDUB, Kulmiye and UCID—must ensure that they do not recruit, let alone put forward as candidates, human rights offenders. Since the accusations in the book became a matter of public debate, “witnesses” have gone on television to say that Rayaale actually saved lives. That is not the point; he may well have saved some people, but that does not prove that he did not commit the acts of which he is accused. The case about President Rayaale is especially serious because he is a candidate in the first free presidential elections that the country has known in more than 30 years. He became president, not through the will of the people, but appointed by the House of Elders on the death of the late President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal. But now it is a matter of choice. If he wins, he will remain in power for five years. Justice for the victims is at stake. But so is the future of Somaliland. The crimes of the 1980s is the very reason why Somaliland decided to secede from Somalia in May 1991. The fact that men like Morgan and Gaani retain considerable power in Somalia is a major issue for people in Somaliland. Only a leader whose own hands are clean has the legitimacy to speak for Somaliland on such major questions as the prosecution of war criminals and to represent his people effectively regionally and internationally. The question will be asked: why has it taken so long for this information to be widely disseminated and known, despite the fact that it was documented as early as 1990? There are many factors, the most important of which was the decision taken in May 1991 to pursue a policy of reconciliation in Somaliland. But even then, the leading perpetrators of war crimes were excluded and a committee named to pursue their case. But settling the internal conflicts of the 1990s drained energy that might have been devoted to that task. So justice took a back seat. But with the prospect of electing a president who faces such serious accusations, Somaliland cannot afford to remain silent. Keeping quiet means that tens of thousands of people died for nothing. It means that an entire people became impoverished and stateless refugees for nothing. It means that Hargeisa, Burao, Berbera and other towns became roofless ghost towns for nothing. And it means that any attempt to pursue the likes of Morgan and Gaani will be laughed out of court. It is time to speak out and set the record straight. Rakiya A. Omaar is the director of the international human rights organisation, African Rights.

You guys actually talk like "somaliladn" is a seperate country. ITS NOT. SS&H are a part of NE Somalia; socially, ethnically, politically, and economically. Which is a part of Somalia. If you guys want to declare hargeisa-berbera a state--by all means go ahead. That's all "Somaliland" is. Togdheer and East are with their brothers in East/Central/South Somalia. And no amount of bribing, or dreaming on SOL is gonna change that.

Your right, Col. Riyaale spilled all the blood and commited all the crime he wanted under the dictator. I guess he got it out of his system. Unlike most of us living in the west--Somalis(NW) back home know this man very well. To think that if they were given the choice they would choose Col. Riyaale to Silaanyo is a joke. That 'election' was rigged and everyone knows it. I don't care weather they are General, colonel's, presidents, faction leaders, warlords, etc. they have all commited crimes against somalis.

Nin Yabaan, So someone who doesn't agree with you should be banned? If that were the case I think you would have been banned a looooong time ago That's why this is called a FORUM!!!

Good news. Good luck to the people of Carmo!!