Former President Mohamed Siad Barre, The Most Wrongfully Vilified Person In the Somali History After the Late Nationalist Leader Sayid Mohamed Abdule Hassan By Warsame101
Aug 28,2007
by London-GEDO-NN
From the downfall of Somali’s central government to the present day, a smear campaign was undertaken by the rebel groups and warlords to malign and attribute today’s Somali problems to this former President. I will provide a concise examination and description stating his achievements and information that will determine the real culprits responsible for the complete and utter destruction of our national government.
What lead to the Somali Revolution (1969): After Somalia gained its independence in 1960, the common population was filled with a sense of joy and pride and a new-found nationalism. With this New Age, the Somali people had great expectations and hopes, only for it shatter to the ground after witnessing the manifested corruption perpetrated by the leaders of the government. The civilian government was rifled with corruption (musuq maasuq) and tribalism (qabyalaad). What had started out as a putative nation was being torn apart at the seams through tribalism. Political appointments were made constantly to promote clan-power.
For ten-years, the adoption of the script for the Somali language was put on hold whilst the political leaders were diligently buying votes, using government cars as taxis and hiring relatives to sign their praises (afminsharism) in the public market-place and in the teashops [1]. Most of the custom duties were pocketed by civil servants; hospitals were selling their medicines to local pharmacies. For instance, Somalia during that period had received the highest foreign aid per capita in comparison to other African States and yet there was no visible improvements in the standard of living save for the creation of Somali’s first generation of millionaires [2].
I.M. Lewis admits that in “the ten years of civilian government in Somalia, elections and competition for material resources in urban contents and in the national context greatly expanded the arenas of rivalry between clans and their segments, bringing in to sharp conflict groups which had previously never interacted, and hardly never knew of each other’s existence”.[3]. Where the Western observers saw “democracy”, many Somalis saw �" mass and elite; nomad, farmer, and city dweller; civilian and military �" saw corruption, tribalism, indecision, and stagnation [4]. The Somali intellectuals profoundly dubbed this as neo-colonialism.
The famous poet Mohamed Ismail responded to this situation in a way that exemplified Somali people's deepest feelings:
"Oh! My friends the Somali Language is very perplexed;
It is all anxiety in its present condition;
The values of its words and expressions are
being gagged by its own people;
Its very back and hips are broken, and
it accuses its own speakers for neglect;
It is weeping with (deep) sorrow;
It is being orphaned and its value is vanishing"[4]
In the 1969 Somali elections, there were over 1000 clan-based candidates and more than 70 parties for fewer than 130 seats. The Somali population was simply tired of this power struggle, disunity and pseudo-democracy. After the assassination of the late president Sharmake, a revolutionary coup was staged by a sector within the state apparatus led by the armed forces and aided by intellectuals, public employees, and members of the petit bourgeoisie who were frustrated, disillusioned, and angered by the ineptitude of the post-independence governments.
Mohamed Siad Barre, on 24 October 1969 explained the reason for the coup in a speech broadcasted on the radio where the nation was advertently listening: “Intervention by the Armed Forces was inevitable. It was no longer possible to ignore the evil things like corruption, bribery, nepotism, theft of public funds, injustice, and disrespect to our religion and the laws of the country. The laws were thrust aside and people did whatever they wanted.”[5].
What did the Somali Revolutionary Government achieve for Somalia?: Within three years, President Mohamed Siad Barre achieved goals that took the previous government forever to decide on. He put in effect the choice of a script for the national language which is still regarded as the greatest achievement in the Somali history. A massive literacy campaign titled Bar ama Baro (Teach or Learn) was put in place where a large amount civil servants numbering up to 40,000 students were sent to the countryside to educate the nomads in literacy and by 1977, more than 70% of the Somali population had passed literacy tests, a result that had astonished the World and an achievement that was viewed by United Nations as one of the most successful mass-urban literacy campaign ever recorded.
Effective campaigns were kick-started to eradicate corruption, laziness, tribalism and cleanliness. Additionally, self-help schemes and crash programmes played an important part in the life of the Somalis after the revolution. They ranged from sand-dune stabilization to tree plantings. Every capable Somali had to contribute as much as 7-hours-per-week of their spare time to construct government designed projects such as roads, hotels, office buildings, schools and housing.
Industry, banks and businesses were nationalized. The budget system was centralized for the first time in Somalia history which lead to a unified budget, incorporating the former central and regional budgets. Foreign schools were taken over by the national government and foreigners were banned from employment in posts that could be filled by Somalis, a move that was welcomed by the general population. Security courts were created to solve tribal clashes. The Somali Army Force was increased and at the same time, the Somali Air Force was modernized which gradually lead to the first Somali Navy force being established. Private educations were abolished which lead to a substantial expansion of the school population at primary, secondary, and university level. Private medicines were phased and a nationwide immunisation program was launched. Training institutes for Animal Health Assistants were established which was a step greatly admired by Julius Nyerere, an authority on African socialism and first president of Tanzania, who remarked in 1974 during the Mogadishu �" OAU meeting that “The Somalis are practicing what we in Tanzania preach.” [6]
The sample data below this reflects a sample comparison of what the government of President Mohamed Siad Barre had achieved in the Educational sector in contrast to the post-independence governments:
1. In 1969, before the revolution, 55,021 students were enrolled in all schools located in the country. In 1975, after the revolution, the number jumped to 240,550, which is an increase of 437%!!
2. In 4 years between the pre-revolution and post-revolution, there was an increase of 128% in elementary school enrolment which is equal to an annual growth rate of 32.1%.
3. Intermediate school enrolments increased 51% (21.8% annual growth rate). Secondary education enrolments rose overall by 63.8% (16% annual growth rate).
4. Before the Revolution, there were 6,412 secondary students of which 737 were girls. After 4-years of the Revolution, there were 10,500 students of which 1,773 were girls, considering girls; their enrolment increased 140.6% over the 4-year period.
5. Before the Revolution, there were 3 technical and 2 vocational schools in Somalia. After the Revolution (before 1978), there were 16 of them: 4 technical schools, 2 polytechnics, 3 nursing, 2 clerical, and 1 each for maritime, agriculture, animal husbandry, range management, and telecommunication technicians.
6. Before the Revolution (in 1969), there were 1,873 Somali teachers. Three years after the Revolution ( 1972-3) the number jumped to 4,486 teachers which was a rapid increase of 440% in teacher training.
7. Before the Revolution, there was not a single university in Somalia. After the Revolution, in 1972, a Somalia National University was established with five initial faculties (gradually expanded in 1974) in education, law, economics, agriculture, and the sciences were in operation. In 1974, faculties of medicine, veterinary, sciences, natural sciences, maritime sciences, languages and literate and fine arts were established.
8. Before the Revolution, intellectuals and academics still used the English or Italian terminological terms. After the Revolution, these terms were Somalized.
9. Before the Revolution, all textbooks and school books were written by foreign authors and printed in foreign countries. After the Revolution, Somalis had their own school and textbooks, written by Somalis and printed in Somalia. Between 1973 and 1976, the Ministry of Education published over 6 million text-books in Somali.
10. In 1975 alone, 1,180 class-rooms were built for primary education
A further listing of achievements of the Somali Revolutionary Government was capable of filling a whole.
Dr. Abdi Sheikh Abdi, who was a vehement anti-Siad writer, could not deny its achievements as he mentions in his work, Ideology and Leadership in Somalia,
"It can hardly be denied that Somalia under its present leadership has achieved some impressive results. This is most apparent to someone, like myself, who had been out of the country for many years. A good number of ambitious projects have been started, and in part completed, under the military Government, including the rehabilitation and resettling of nomads who had lost their flocks during the 1974-5 Deba-Dhere drought. These destitute former herdsmen have been settled in farming and fishing co-operatives between the two perennial rivers of south-western Somalia. Other projects include the north-south tarmac highway, built with Chinese technical help, which connects the two main regions of the Somali Republic and thus has both economic and political roles to play. Other projects undertaken by the Barre regime, though less successful, have instilled a co-operative spirit and a work-ethic that had been woefully lacking in the Somalia of the 1960s. The germ of this new spirit is most discernable in the numerous revolutionary youth centres that have been established in recent years.
I recall having been very moved by one of the songs sun by orphan girls who had known no other home but such a centre, and no other parent but the state:
It is a time of pleasant suprises
When one journeys from a place of drought and desolation
to one of plenty and prosperity
There was a time
When I did not know my lineage
Now I have a father in [President] Siyaad.
A mother in the October Revolution
The flag is my uncle,
The land my grandfather,
The soil my grandmother
President Mohamed Siad Barre changed the "Whom do you know?" question in to the "What do you know?" which aimed at strengthening the sense of unity and non-tribal identification.
David Laitin writes: “His first task was to eliminate what he called ‘tribalism’, but which might be better be described as clan solidarity. An intricate clan system pervades the Somali social structure, and this had been the basis of party formation, political recruitment, and coalition-building in modern Somalia. Past attempts to rid the country of tribalism in the civilian period met with failure. The inevitable first question that Somalis asked of one another they met was, ‘What is your clan?’. When this was considered anathema to the purpose of a modern state, Somalis began to ask in a true musug masag fashion, ‘What is your ex-clan?’. Mohamed Siad Barre outlawed this question with a vengeance. Informers reported those who asked the clan identification question, and they were jailed. Further, and more important, Mohamed Siad’s first cabinet was clearly chosen on merit and not by ascriptive critera. The military has also stopped inter-clan warfare in the bush, and has coerced the nomads their disputed to the central Government. On a more symbolic level, and independently arriving at a Parsonian insight, Mohamed Siad has also repeated a number of times, ‘Whom do you know? Is changed to: What do you know?’, and this incantation has become part of a popular street song” [7].
An interesting practice of the late President was that he would often mention his salary in his public speeches and frequently publish letters from Western Banks who wanted to persuade him in opening private banks in case he was overthrown.
What went wrong?:Many people have forwarded this question without receiving a satisfactory reply despite the fact that the chain events of the Somali History sufficiently provide an answer for this question.
In 1977, The Somali National Army and the WSLF (Western Somali Liberation Front), went to war in an aim to dislodge the Somali Region from the colonial Ethiopian power. Upon capturing up to 90% of its territory, the Soviets intervened by switching allegiance from Somalia to Ethiopia which lead to the mass-expulsion of the Soviets from Somalia soil. After Ethiopia received an enormous help in military hardware (totaling over 1 billion dollars) and foreign troops from the Soviets and its allies (Cuba), the coalition started launching a massive attack that pushed the Somali National Army back to the Somali borders. Even though this was a staggering defeat, the spirit of the Somali people remained roused.
A group of a clan-based militia with a lust for power where the current interim president of Somalia (Abdulahi Yusuf) was part of, decided to stage a coup at a time where the country was at its crossroads with the loss of the Somali Region. Even though they had failed to successfully perform the coup, it was fiercely condemned by the Somali population and was portrayed as an attempt to take advantage at a time of national crisis. Prominent Somali poets rushed to their pens and started devising poems rebuking this clan-based coup.
Some of the culprits behind the failed coup were charged with treason and subsequently executed, as witnessed by the Mogadishu residents whilst others fled to Addis Abba, Ethiopia, thereby creating a clan-based rebel group named SSDF with Abdulahi Yusuf as its head. This was an attempt to over-throw the current regime and reverse the situation of Somalia to the days of neo-colonialism where all the political power was concentrated to a small clan.
In 1982, the rebel group SSDF supported by a 10,000 strong Ethiopian force aided by tanks, artillery and jet fighter aircraft invaded Somalia and briefly captured the Somali border towns of Galdogob and Balanbale with the aim to drive inland to the towns of Galkayo and Beledweyn. Somali inhabitants of these border towns were ruthlessly massacred. Consequently, a national emergency was declared by President Mohamed Siad Barre and the Somali National Army, aided by jet fighter aircrafts were sent there to dislodge the Somali towns from the grip of the Ethiopian invasion force. Simultaneously, large rallies were held by the Somali population to condemn this treachery invasion.[8] Even though, the rebel group with its Ethiopian allies were pushed back, the move opened eyes to the slightest disgruntled Somali individual that with the help of foreign power, he will have the ability to over-throw the current national regime.
In the early 1980’s, the narcotic plant (khat) was banned and Mohamed Siad’s Finance Minister, Abdulahi Ahmed Addow, closed down the Berbera trade which at that time enjoyed a tax-free exportation, on what he claimed were fiscal grounds. This lead to the rise of the clan-based SNM rebel group who by showing their dissatisfaction with this move by the Finance Minister, decided to start taking arms against the Somali government.[9] In accordance with the first clan-based rebel group, they started asking for Ethiopian help. Ethiopia, satisfied by this started arming and training them. President Mohamed Siad Barre started issuing calls for them to come to the tables and leave the refuge of the Ethiopian government whose solely aim was to destabilize Somalia. The rebel groups rejected this plea and started conducting hit-and-run tactics on civilian and military positions in a bid to destabilize Somalia.
The rebel groups decided to wage propaganda wars to lure more clan kinsmen to their groups and bring the outlawed tribalism back to its stages of inception. In 1986, the President was injured in a car accident where he was immediately flown to Saudi Arabia and remained in a coma for several months. During this brief incident, Somalia’s stability started deteriorating and the rebel groups took advantage of this crisis by issuing false statements that the President had died.
After the President returned to his country, he was advised to take it easy and only permit his presidential duties to public appearances and minor duties. He spent most of the time-sleeping whilst his vice-president Mohamed Ali Samatar assumed power in his absence.
By 1986, the SSDF was already dissolved, as there was a disagreement with the rebel group and the Ethiopian Army about whether the Somali border towns of Balanballe and Galdogob belonged to Ethiopia or Somalia. The head of the rebel group was jailed and its members decided to join the Somali government as a bid to provide reconciliation. It was a move welcomed by the President as he started calling other rebel groups to come to the table and talk.
By 1988, President Mohamed Siad engaged in a peace treaty with Ethiopia whereby both countries would cease support for insurgent groups seeking to overthrow the respective governments in Ethiopia and Somalia. The SNM rebel group were homeless and decided to launch a full-scale attack on the northern cities Hargeisa and Burao which lead to the exodus of thousands of Somali civilians to the neighbouring Ethiopia. After they captured the two towns, they decided to engage in a retaliatory attack whereby they started executing members belonging to the family group of the late President. The Somali National Army retaliated by shelling the cities after receiving a direct order from the Vice President, Mohamed Ali Samatar. On the aftermath, where the shelling of both the SNM and Somali National Army ceased on the city, 5,000 Somalis perished and the city was re-captured by the Somali National Army. Saddened by this, the president urged the rebel groups to lay down arms and come to the peace tables as violence is not the answer to peace. Unfortunately, these calls fell deaf on ears as more clan-based rebel groups started emerging.
By 1990, the USC which was a major clan-based rebel group, advanced towards the capital of Somalia bringing mayhem and destruction. The city was shelled from the outskirts by the USC, a mass-exodus was ignited and hundreds of thousands of Somalis fled. Foreigners were evacuated as stores and public buildings were looted. Militias consisted of drug-crazed youngsters emerged as they started targeting the fleeing civilians. Mohamed Siad Barre, speaking from the presidential palace made numerous proposals for a cease-fire, including an offer to resign but the USC rejected them all. He was forced to leave the city he once built. [10]
Now, 17-years-later after the departure of the last Somali leader, Somalia has witnessed the holocaust of over 1 million Somalis perpetrated by warlords, the destruction of Somali’s cities, mass-looting, and the invention of roadblocks, anarchy, mass-rapes, and wide-spread ignorance. Over 14 unsuccessful peace-conferences were staged and tribalism that the late Mohamed Siad Barre sought to eradicate was at its peak.
Yet, 17-years-later, some Somalis still blame this man who modernized and built the then modern State of Somalia. The Golden Age of Somalia flourished under his rule. The same man who educated Somalis and put it on the world map. The same man who for the first time united the people as a nation. The former Ethiopian ruler Mengistu Haile Mariam, who was President Mohamed Siad Barre’s contemporary, committed hideous atrocities and genocide, yet after his disposal, Ethiopia, a nation with a population exceeding 70 million people and more than 70 ethnic-groups managed to reconcile after his departure. Why? Because the Ethiopian coup was justified as Mengistu Haile Mariam was someone that was rightfully despised by all Ethiopians collectively for his human-right injustices.
Yet, President Mohamed Siad Barre who has been falsely accused by the rebel groups for massacres that he did not commit proves that the rebel-groups were looking for a false pretext to overthrow him. Yes, he committed mistakes as he admitted in his last interview, with the wording: "I am only a human, which unfortunately was my mistake. The English have a saying when you perform little, you make a few mistakes, when you do not perform at all, you make no mistakes."[11]
And rightly he was, the amount of accomplishments that he achieved for Somalia was due his hard-working nature whereby it led to committing a few mistakes. If the rebel groups had the people at heart, they would have accepted his proposal of resignation and to cease destruction and genocide. But by lust for power, they arrogantly rejected his call and remained determined on the destruction of Somalia.
How is it possible that the rebel groups and warlords can accuse the late president for hideous atrocities whilst they have committed far worse atrocities that amounted to a full-fledged holocaust?
The SNM during its brief capture of the Northern cities until 1991 bombed, and strafed villages in Awdal and the neighbouring regions. Entire non-SNM clans were targeted by this rebel groups which led to the massacre of thousands of peaceful Somalis who had nothing with the conflict. The USC were responsible for the man-made famine in the Bay and Bakool regions where over 500,000 Somalis perished. Over 100,000 Somalis died during the inter-USC conflict between Ali Mahdi and Mohamed Aidid, not to mention the ethnic cleansing that was put into effect by the USC leader after the late President left the capital city.
The chaos and holocaust that followed after President Mohamed Siad Barre’s departure is testament to the fact he was the one who saved the country from the neo-colonialist era and that he was the one who held the country together. Now, 17-years-later, most Somalis are finally realizing the importance of his rule and are desperately longing for his return. This makes him the most wrongfully vilified person in the Somali History.
Warsame101
Warsame101@gmail.com
References:
[1] Revolutionary Change in Somalia, David Laitin, 1977
[2] Ibid
[3] The Pastoral democracy: a study of pastoralism and politics among the Northern Somali of the Horn, Ioan Myrddin Lewis
[4] Mohamed Ismail
[5] Mohamed Siad Barre, My Country and My People, Vol. 1 (Mogadishu, 1970)
[6] Speech in a meeting in Mogadishu of the OAU heads of state, 1974
[7] Revolutionary Change in Somalia, David Laitin, 1977
[8] The Times, 1982
[9] Somalia, 1986
[10] Reader's Digest News, 31 December, 1991
[11] His last interview -
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