The names of the alleged hijackers, all ostensibly Muslims, were released to the public only hours after the attacks, despite Mueller saying we had no knowledge this would happen. This is an impossible twist of logic. If he didn't know of a plan to strike buildings with planes, how would he know the names of the hijackers? I know what you mean Ms Word.

June 3, 2003 Posted to the web June 3, 2003 Nairobi A fact-finding mission from the African Union (AU) and the regional Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), sent to look into the security situation in the country, has arrived back in neighbouring Kenya. The 21-member mission, led by Maj-Gen Joseph Musomba of Kenya, which has been in Somalia for the last 12 days, also included observers from the EU and the Arab League, and Somali delegates, according to a statement by the organisers of the Somali peace talks in Kenya. Musomba told IRIN that the aim of the mission had been to prepare the ground "for the future deployment of African Union military observers". The mission would help plan for the deployment of peacekeeping troops "if the conference [peace conference] approves such a step". Musomba said the team had encouraged those it met "to abide by the ceasefire agreement". He said most of the Somalis his delegation had met wanted peace. "The ordinary people we met are crying for peace. It is the leaders who are letting their people down," he asserted. He said it would be a shame if the talks in Nairobi did not produce "positive results". "The Somali people we saw have so much expectation and hope for the eventual outcome of the conference." Musomba called on the international community, IGAD, the AU and the Arab League "to put pressure on the leaders to make peace and agree on an all-inclusive government", at the conference. He added that he was surprised to learn that fighting had erupted in Middle Shabelle while the mission was still in Somalia. However, he said, he would reserve comment until he had all the information about the situation. Over 20 people have been killed in the course of an outbreak of heavy fighting in the Middle Shabelle Region, south-central Somalia, according to sources in the Somali capital, Mogadishu. The fighting in the village of Raghe-Eil, 95 km northeast of Mogadishu, pits militias loyal to faction leader Muhammad Dhere against those of the Abgal sub-clan of Muhammad Muse. The clashes, which broke out on Thursday, were still continuing sporadically, a local journalist told IRIN.

This is an old, but interesting piece. Enjoy The Somali Dispute: Kenya Beware Submitted to Rudoph V. Wiggins, PhD In Partial Fulfillment of Requirements for Written Communications The Marine Corps Command and Staff College Quantico, Virginia Major Tom L. Wanambisi Kenya April 6, 1984 The Somali Dispute: Kenya Beware On June 26, 1960, hardly four days after the British Government granted the former British Somaliland her independence to become the Somalia Republic, the new government declared her desires to unite all the Somali speaking people in the Horn of Africa. As the Somalis see it, writes Mr. John Drysdale: "Their frontier dispute is not essentially about land alone but the people."1 The nomadic Somali speaking people who by colonial boundary "arrange- ments" found themselves dismembered. About two-thirds of them live under the national flag of the Somalia Republic and the remainder are divided between Djibouti (former French Somaliland), Ethiopia and Kenya. This historical error prompted the first Somalis President, Dr. Abdirashid Ali Sharmarky to say this: "No! Our misfortune is that our neighboring countries, with whom we seek to promote constructive and harmonious relations are not our neighbors but our Somali kinsmen whose citizen- ship has been falsified by indiscriminate boundary "arrangements". They have to move across artificial frontiers to their pasture lands. They occupy the same terrain and pursue the same pastoral economy as overselves. We speak the same language. We sare the same God, the same culture and the same traditions. How can we regard our brothers as foreigners?"2 On the other hand, both the Ethopian and the Kenyan Governments consider their Somali population as just one of the minority communities living within our borders and are, therefore, bonafide citizens. The governments regard any external pressure as infringement in internal matters of a sovereign state. They further consider any desire by the Somali people to break away and possibly unite with Somalia as seditious. The support, material or moral given to the Somalis to enable them to fight by the Somalia Government is viewed as infringement of territorial integrity. And, in the words of President Kenyatta: "Kenya will never surrender any inch of her territory to anyone.3 The Portion Under Dispute One, Robert Paul Jordan, an American journalist once wrote: "The Horn of Africa is a most inhospitable place. A harsh land this is. Not a desert, but close. High arid country mostly--a Savannah of acacias, patches of grass, thorny shrubs, tall ant-hills and rocks. When the scanty rains fall, it runs cruel. Then, sheep and goats slowly die. The barrens are strewn with their carcasses."4 This portion of land is, no doubt, desolate but strategically located. The area consists of a large triangular land mass which juts eastwards into the Indian Ocean to the south of the Arabian peninsula. One side of the triangle extends westward from the "Horn" along the Gulf of Aden to Djibouti. The second leg runs in a southerly direction from Djibouti over the Eastern Highlands of the Great Rift Valley (Ogaden Province of Ethiopia) to the mouth of the River Tana on the Kenyan East Coast. See Map. By way of comparison, this vast land is about three times the size of New Mexico. It is virtually isolated from the rest of Africa by the high mountains in the west of the Great Rift Vally. These inland mountains are similar to California's Sierra Nevada range in that they obstruct the prevailing westerly winds. Precipitation occurs as the moisture-ladden air mass rises over the mountains but very little rain falls on the eastern slopes including the Ogaden plains. Consequently, most of the region is nearly as dry as the Great Amerian Desert. The only two rivers, the Shebele and Juba,flow from the high mountains southeastward into the Indian Ocean near the Port of Kismayu. They are perennial rivers. Although part of the River Juba is navigable, Shebele is not. It terminates in marshland near the town of Jowhari before reaching the ocean. The portion between the two rivers is the best farmland in the area producing sugar cane, vegetables, bananas, sorgum and millet. However, sometimes the rains do not come, such was the case--a prolonged drought in 1980 in which both the rivers ran dry for the first time in memory.5 Drought is even more prevalent to the north along the coast. It averages only two inches of rain a year. Although similar dry weather prevails throughout the area resulting in a parched landscape, the few ancient wells and occasional rains do provide some relief. This brings life to the hardy patches of grass which support the herds of sheep, goats, and camels. Before I take the reader to a historical background, let me focus a little on the specific contested portions. As I mentioned earlier, the Somalia Government considers the Ogaden Province of Ethiopia and the North- eastern Province of Kenya as forming part of the "Greater Somalia" domain.6 The idea of "Greater Somalia" was conceived in the mind of Mr. Bevin, then Britain's Foreign Secretary after World War II, who in 1946 proposed to the House of Commons in London to consider lumping together the British Somaliland, Italian Somaliland and adjacent parts of Ethiopia into a trust territory.7 So that, in Mr. Bevin's won words: "The nomads should live their frugal existence with the least possible hinderance. They could have a chance to live a decent economic life."8 Ten days after Mr. Bevin introduced this proposal in the House of Commons, the British administrators in Somaliland organized meetings to inform the people the "good news" about their future.9 As it will be learned later, this pre-emptive move would embarrass the British Government and create a living but volatile problem in the Horn of Africa. An Ancient Heritage The Somalis are a Hamitic people whose ancestors are believed to have immigrated from the Arabian peninsula long age. They came to settle on the biblical land of "Punt", the ancient "Aromatic Kingdom" renowned for its frankincense and myrrh.10 Their traditional geneologies trace the ancestry to Arab forebears who belonged to the Quraysh tribe of the Prophet Mohamed, and ultimately they claim belong to a common ancestor.11 The Somali Prime Minister, Dr. Abdirashid Sharmarky once said: "Our misfortunes do not stem from the unproductiveness of the soil, nor from a lack of mineral wealth. These limitations on our material well-being were accepted and compensated for by our forefathers from whom we inherited, among other things, a spiritual and cultural prosperity of inestimable value. The teaching of Islam on the one hand and lyric poetry on the other..."12 At least 65% of the population live a nomadic life style. Moving from place to place within their homeland in search of water and grazing areas for their livestock is their way of life. Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam, Head of the Geography Department of Ehtiopia's Haile Selassie I University, described the Somalis as exhibiting: "External individualism and utter lack of discipline. The acute struggle for existence in this harsh environment often expresses itself in group conflicts over wells or grazing land."13 Although largely illiterate and poor, Somalis regard themselves as superior to adjacent groups. This arrogance stems from the ethnic homogeneity shared by all Muslims in the Horn.14 Although dispersed in the four different countries (the Somalia Democratic Republic, Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibout) the Somalis common language, religion, and cultural heritage provide a strong sense of unity which is truly rare and, therefore, gives them an advantage. The Colonial Legacy Prior to the European colonization of the Horn in the second half of the nineteenth century, the region had been ruled by indigenous tribal chiefs. The Sheiks and Sultans whose relatively small, semi-autonomons dominions paid grudging difference to Ethiopian hegemony. For over three centuries, despite periods of neglect and frequent uprisings, Ehthiopia had maintained its independence and authority over most parts of the Horn.15 The Ethiopian influence, however, varied over years as the Somalis resented their domination. This resentment was consequently exploited by several European nations to gain their initial control in the Horn. The initial British interest in the Horn was on the Somalia Coast for strategic and logistical reasons. After the British had annexed Aden in 1840, treaties were signed with local chiefs to guarantee the continuous supply of cattle from inland to feed the garrisons. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 increased the strategic importance of the area and; consequently, the British entered other long term agreements which gave them possession of the port of Berbera and several other offshore inlands. Britain immediately assigned consuls at Berbera, Seylec and Bulhar to protect her interests.16 She gaines automatic control of the area and especially the sea links between India and the Suez. These accomplishments were achieved by exploiting local grievances such as one described in 1892 confidential British diplomatic dispatch to London which read: "Sheikh Sufi states - The Abysinians read, "Ethiopians" are always on one side of us, the English on the other. We (Ogaden tribes) are with the English, and we wish for English rule. We are your children. I say that, as a sheep quivers under the blow of a knife, we, the Ogaden, are quivering under the oppressions of the Abysinians, who have every year, for the last nine years, visited us and levied large numbers of sheep, goats, horse, camels and taken what they liked from us. We have no guns and are not powerful enough to fight and must submit. Last season the Abysinians (drove) off all livestock; 990 men, women and children perished. We are Mullahs and we like to tell the truth."17 The British made use of similar circumstances to gain influence in the area, including the colonization of the region to the south into the present day Kenya and Uganda. This expansion had been sanctioned by the Berlin Conference of 1884/85.18 By the same token, the French and Italians had also established colonies. The French acquired a colonial foothold in the northwest along the coast of Aden in 1885 (present day Djibout) which they initially called French Somaliland. This colony was strategically placed. Its port City of Djibout was the terminus of Ethiopia's only rail link to the sea. Thus, the French could easily cut off this access if the need arose and Ethiopia would be paralyzed. The Italians would have appreciated that kind of leverage in their own dealings with Ethiopians. Italian efforts to subdue Ethiopians were frustrated when Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II dealt a humiliating blow at the Italian Army at Odawa in 1896.19 However, the Italians contented with establishing colonies in Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. It took many years before the European colonial powers finally gave up their influence on the Horn. The French agreed to grant Djibout independence in 1977 (although they still garrison troops there). The former British and Italian Somaliland joined to form the present day Somalia Republic in July 1960. As it stood, the government was not happy. It had inherited colonial boundaries which were not compatible with the ethnic Somali peoples' ideals for "Greater Somalia". That is probably the most important legacy of the colonial era. An era that has created the present day tension and conflict in the Horn. This situation regretably may continue as long as the Somali people seek to unite at the expense of their neighbors. Arms Build Up At her independence, Somalia had a weak Army of 5,000 men. This force was inferior to meet her political objectives. She approached the Soviet Government in 1963 for assistance. The Soviet Government responded by lending her equivalent to the United States dollars 32 million. By 1969 Somalia had trained about 800 officers in the Soviet military schools. She had recruited, trained and equipped 23,000 regular men.20 By 1976 she had acquired the following equipment in her military inventory. Click here to view image With a total force of 23,000 men in the Army, 1,000 in the Air Force (Aeronautical) about 550 in the Navy, 8,000 in the Police and 10,000 Victory Pioneers of popularly known as Peoples' Militia, Somalia declared a silent war against Ethiopia in June 1977.22 Why? To annex "Ogaden" as part of her expansion program. The Ogaden War As the new military government in Ethiopia (after the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie) was sorting out the mess at home, including suppression of Eritreans who wanted to breakaway to the north, the Western Somalia Liberation Front (WSLF) also stepped up its attacks to the south against the overstretched Ethiopian Army outpost in the Ogaden Province. In July 1977 these guerrilla forces were joined by the Soviet equipped and trained Regular Somalia Army. This surprise attack was highly successful in the initial stages. The highly taxed Ethiopian Army had been pushed back to Dire Dawa within three months. It was at this point in time that the desperate Ethiopians requested help from the Soviet Union to counter both the Samalis and Eritrean rebal forces. The Soviets responded quickly by airlifting in a huge amount of supplies and Cuban troops. In March 1978 with the assistance of East Germany, Soviet advisors and Cuban troop, the besieged Ethiopians regained the offensive and drove the Somalia forces all the way back to their border. Somalia losses were significant. It is estimated that Somalia lost about 8,000 troops--at least one-third of the prewar army strength, 75% of its tank force and nearly half of its combat aircrafts.23 Although the Somalia National Army was defeated decisively in the Ogaden War, recent events have indicated a stepped up guerrilla activity by the Western Somalia Liberation Front with the backing of the military government. Thus, the fighting still goes on. What would have happened if Somalia decided to attack Kenya first? The Shifta War in Kenya The British Government on realizing that the would-be Kenya Government would not accept the terms set by some British officials in the 1960's, decided to take a different approach. Series of meetings were organized including one in August 1963 in Rome to resolve the issue. The British Government stand was spelled out by Mr. Peter Thomas as follows: "Since the British Government would be responsible for Kenya only a few more months (before her independence in December 1963), the British Government considers that it would be wrong to take a unilateral decision about the frontiers of Kenya without reference to the wishes of the government of that country; and that agreement should be sought by the African governments concerned working and negotiating within an African framework."24 The Somalia delegation led by then, Prime Minister Dr. Abdirashid Sharmarky were disappointed to learn at their first meeting that the British Government had no intention of making any constructive proposals. He charged: "The British had only convened the meeting to explore the position of the Somalia Republic, which was in any case well known to them."25 In conclusion, the Somalia Government states: "It was evident that the British Government has not only deliberately misled the Somalia Government during the course of the last eighteen months, but has also deceitfully encouraged the people of North Eastern Province to believe that their right to self-determination could be granted by the British Government through peaceful and legal means. The responsibility for the consequences that may follow this suppression of a fundamental human right lies squarely on the British Government."26 Shortly after this, the Somalia Government recalled her Ambassador from Britain and severed diplomatic relations. The Somali people residing in the North Eastern Province boycotted the elections, took arms, and demanded self-automony. For us Kenyans, the Somalis demand that we give up approximately 45,000 square miles of our territory (approximately a fifth of the land mass), not only is it unacceptable but also violates our Constitution and the OAU Charter. The Kenyan view was and continues to be similar to that expressed by the majority of the Organization of African Unit member countries: "Thus, in almost every country in Africa, there are minority groups having racial, religious or tribal affinities with neighboring countries."27 The conference that met in Addis Ababa Ethiopia in 1963 to resolve the boundary issue resloved: "Countries with widely diverse populations would be quickly dismembered if each ethnic group was allowed to go its own way under the banner of self-determination. The resulting partitioning would create a chaotic potpourri of tiny, nonviable"Nations" toally incapable of providing even the barest of government services."28 At the conclusion of the conference, the Somali President Osman had the following to say: "By becoming united, the Somali people feel that not only would their welfare be secured, but that as a single entity they would be able to contribute effectively to the ideals of African unity. The people of the Republic cannot be expected to remain indifferent to the appeal of its brethren. If the Somalis in those areas are given the opportunity to express their will freely, the government pledges itself to accept the verdict."29 The Somalia Government was, to speak the least, "very dissastisfied" with the result of the meeting. The North Eastern Region therefore became the site for small but intensive skirmishes between the Somalia supported guerrillas and the (independent)Kenyan Army. For four years the war continued with neither side being able to gain political advantage. Diplomatic efforts to end the fighting were unsuccessful as the Somalia Government ignored the organization of African Unit (OAU) call to withdraw her support from the guerrillas. This prompted the Kenyatta Government to sign a "Mutual Defense Treaty" (MDT) with the Emperor Haile Selassie's Government in 1964. The treaty still had little impact on the war as the Kenyan Army could not effectiviely control the materiel supply routes from Somalia to the guerrillas. Finally in 1967, the Kenyan Government decided to control the movement of local inhabitants by constructing fourteen "Manyattas"--villages which were guarded by troops. Fortunately, this action had tremendous effect on the guerrilla activities and in October 1967 the Kenyan Government signed a "Memorandum of Understanding" with the Somalia Government ending the Shifta War. The ceasefire to me was not totally due to the "Manyatta" scheme but rather to the high costs of the protracted conflict. The new Somalia Government decided to terminate what had become a futile and expensive national burden which they could not afford anymore. Although the fighting had stopped, Somalia did not renounce its territorial claims. Instead a low intensity campagin still continues and the future may well see a resumption of a major conflit. Kenya beware. Even after Somalia's defeat in the Ogaden War, she still retains one of the largest armed forces in the Horn; comprising of about 50,000 men in the National Army, 1,000 in the Air Force (Aeronautical Corps) and 550 in the Navy. She restructured her major commands in 1981 into three regionally defined corps: seven infantry divisions each composed of three armored/mechanized brigades, sixteen infantry brigades, three comando brigades and twenty-three artillery battalions. As Air Force (Aeronautical Corps) of four tactical strike squadrons and one transport squadron. A Navy of twenty vessels including ten fast attack crafts (FAC).30 Although most of the Soviet supplied and serviced equipment is claimed to be in poor serviceable state, Somalia still husbands a formidable force in the Horn capable of being reactivated upon receipt of resources. External Influence Supposing Somalia decided to go offensive once more, who are likely to support her or who are likely to be her allies? Somalia still has a number of wealthy friendly nations who would come to her aid. Egypt has had long historical ties with Somalia dating back into the 18th century. During the Ogaden War and precisely the North Eastern Region skirmishes, Egypt supplied certain combat items to sustain the war. Even after Somalia cut diplomatic relations with Russia, Egypt undertook to supply some spare parts from her own Soviet stockpiles. Somalia joined the Arab League nations in 1974. Being a predominantly Moslem state, she attracts sympthy from wealthy Arab countries. Saudi Arabia has become increasingly interested in the Somalia's affair not only for political reasons but also strategic and economic. Kuwait has invested heavily in power stations in Mogadishu and Iraq has been supplying her with crude oil.31 Somalia also maintains cordial relationship with the Sudan. Although Somalia broke relations with Russia, she still maintains good relations with Rumania for ecomomic aid.32 China has maintained cordial relations with Somalia since 1961. She receives both economic aid and military. For instance in 1978, after severing diplomatic relations with Moscow and suffering defeat in the Ogaden War, Siad Barre desperately visited China to seek emergency military and economic help. China responded with a token shipment of light arms, spare parts and materiel equivalent to American dollars 18 million.33 Accordingly, she supplied her with thirty Chinese F-6 fighter bombers in 1981.34 North Korea has also remainded on good terms with Somalia providing a cement plant, iron foundry, vegetable oil factory and a technical college.35 Although Italy discontinued assisting Somalia, she resumed economic and military aid in 1977. Perhaps, one single but major supplier of the needed economic and military aid now is the United States. With the increased tension in the Persian Gulf area and the Soviet presence in both Alghanistan and Ethiopia, the United States was compelled to reinforce its presence in the Indian Ocean to safeguard her strategic national interests. To do so, she sought access to military facilities at Berbera and adjacent airfields. Agreement was reached in 1980 covering the use of the facilities, refurbishing of the port and in exchange the United States agreed to provide economic aid and military credits over two years for the purchase of twelve M-167 (towed) Vulcan 20mm AD gunds, three TPS-43 long range AD radars and associated communication equipment. These were supplied in 1981.36 For Kenyans, who is likely to come to our aid when we face aggression? Potential for Conflict Although the large scale fighting in the Horn has gone down, guerrilla (can not read word)continue unabated. The underlying cause of conflict remain unsolved and are most likely to provoke further fighting in the future. Recently, the two Heads of State pleaded for mutual cooperation and understanding to enhance development for the good of all the people in the area. But, nothing was said about Somalia's expansion ambitions. Somalia has not renounced her territorial aggression. Who knows the exact answer? It is my opinion that the Somalia officials are buying time. Time to rebuilt their shattered economy, restructure, retrain, rearm their huge armed forces and obtain economic support from whatever source, and as soon as they are ready, they may declare war, this time probably against Kenya. Conclusion In conclusion, I would like to make two fitting quotations from the recent speech of President Ronald Reagan in November 1983 when he visited the Republic of South Korea and addressed members of the United States Army Second Division: "For the United States, the military strength will never be an end in itself; nor will military strength alone give us the means to achieve our ends. The freedom and prosperity we seek for ourselves...cannot be created or imposed by force. If we lack sufficient force to deter or counter the hostile use of force, then we would have no chance of preserving the peace. And without peace we cannot have freedom or prosperity. It is the paradox of peace that to preserve it, we must be prepared to use force and use it successfully. Only if we can convince any potential adversary that the cost of aggression would be far higher than any possible benefit can we be certain that aggression will be deterred and the peace be preserved."37 The Kenya Defense Force Mission is defensive and the government articulates it thus. Accordingly, may I quote President Reagan's address: "Our policy is defensive. United States uses its military force only in response to clear threats to stability and peace. We pursue this policy knowing fully that our defensive posture grants several military advantages to a potential aggressor. He can choose when, where and how to attack. He can formulate a detailed plan for his operations to take maximum advantage of his strengths and exploit our vulnerabilities. He can also mask his pre-attack mobiliza- tion efforts under the guise of training exercise or diplomatic crises so that any advance warning we might get could be cloaked to ambiguity."38 I conclude that the Somalia border dispute requires a deliberate solution and urgently. It cannot in my view be achieved by mere expressions of brotherhood. Rather, it could be achieved by a more genuine and honest approach by both governments without external influence. Kenya beware.

thanx for bringing this up Shujui. Our democracy needs a broader dialogue You think :rolleyes:

Moving along, reality on the ground dear Lander is a determining factor which influences one’s deductive summation of the presence of a condition that perhaps challenges the desire of the beholder of the existence of an idyllic state structure in Somaliland, yours in this case. This could not be dismissed for doing so would not only be disservice to the struggle, but denial of the people’s right to decide and determine their place geographically or politically in the sphere of things Somali. This ought to be extended to all groups in the region. If Hargeysa, Togdheer (excluding Buhodle which I understand is a region now – Hawd), and Awdal desire a state or republic of their own, so be it. This observes the true resistance and relentless aspiration on the part of the people in SS&H who identify economically, geographically, and politically more with Puntland State, thereby federal Somalia, and arguably Awdal which is in a bit of a limbo at the moment, but has remained a fierce proponent of a federal Somalia despite geographically limiting factors on one side whilst instability and uncertain future on the other hand plights their position at least for the time being. If you consider this hypocritical, I wonder what term you would reserve for the proponents of a country called Somaliland who base their entire argument on the grounds of atrocities, human rights violations, political and social marginalisation, above all the promotion of colonial legacy whilst rejecting pre-historic territorial integrity and land appropriation in order to benefit a single group whilst subjecting the same ills and untoward against other groups. When you find a befitting answer for that, do notify me for I surely shall receive it with immense interest. Better than I could've ever said. :cool:

that map obviously never saw the day Did not does not mean will not, Lander bro

A case of careless journalism, Nomads The first sentence should tell you how careless the journalist is. The Somali tribes Somali is an ethnic group with clan-families. There is no such thing as a "United Somalia Republic Party" :rolleyes: This piece is not even worth looking at

You can get all the information you want about the Somali bantus from http://www.culturalorientation.net/bantu/sbhist.html.

I really felt all the poems that are posted on here. you guys are talented

My favorite picture of all anything related to Somalia. :cool: Sad their dreams and sacrifices are being shredded to pieces.

Yaasiin Xaaji Cismaan Sharmaarke. Cabdulqaadir Sheekh Saqaawadiin. Xaaji Maxamed Xusseen Xaamud. Maxamed Faarax Hilowle Farinaaji. Dheere Xaaji Dheere. Cismaan Geedi Raage. Maxamed Cismaan Baarbe. Daahir Xaaji Cismaan Sharmaake (Dhagaweyne). Cali Xassan Cali (Cali Barduure). Siyidiin Xirsi Nuur. Maxamed Cabdulle Xayeesi. Huudow Macalin. Maxamed Cali Nuur.

Somalia Hanoolata, for those of you who are both optimistic or pessimistic.

There is hope for a consensus on the controversial federal charter issue, Kenya's special envoy to the Somali peace talks, Mr Bethwel Kiplagat, said yesterday. A conference would soon receive recommendations to pave the way for setting up new transitional institutions in the country. A parliament would be created by the Nairobi talks based on clans, he said. Organisers of the peace talks say the second phase will soon end after a plenary session tackles the recommendations of six technical committees dealing with the core issues. These include federalism, disarmament, conflict resolution, economic reconstruction and land rights. The talks are the 14th international effort to restore stability in Somalia since 1991. Meanwhile, an aspiring presidential candidate yesterday called for donor funds for the completion of the talks. Jubaland Civil Society Party's Rashid Mohamed Hure also asked the donors for financial assistance to the government that will be formed after the talks. Mr Hure said he did not see why the talks should not reach a quick settlement before the presidential poll, due next month. An all-inclusive government, he said, would in particular address terrorism, disease and poverty. The new president would bring about reconciliation and reconstruction, he added. Ambassador Kiplagat who is overseeing the Nairobi talks says a consensus is emerging on the controversial issue of a federal charter. Source: Daily Nation, May 30, 03

May 26, 2003 Posted to the web May 27, 2003 Nairobi The main opposition party in the self-declared republic of Somaliland says it does not recognise the legitimacy of President Dahir Riyale Kahin, according to a statement issued by the party on Sunday. A senior official of the Kulmiye (Solidarity) party told IRIN that it was prepared to talk to the ruling party, the Unity of Democrats Party (UDUB), "so long as they are not claiming to be the winners" of last month's elections. Kahin of the UDUB, who had been the incumbent president, was confirmed as the winner of last month's disputed presidential election by the Somaliland High Court. Kulmiye's presidential candidate, Ahmad Muhammad Silanyo - Kahin's main challenger, told IRIN at the time that his party "categorically rejected" the results of the 14 April election. The Kulmiye senior official said the party "does not recognise UDUB as the winner of the elections. The court's ruling was not based on the facts, and is an injustice". "In the national interest, we are calling on UDUB to come to the negotiating table without any preconditions, and as equals", he added. "Kulmiye will do everything in its power to safeguard the country's peace and stability." Somaliland, a former British protectorate, declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991 after the collapse of the Siyad Barre government, but has not been internationally recognised.

My favorite propaganda poster :cool: Somalia's future leaders in school.

I should try this one time How about you sit on my lap and we'll see what pops up? See what happens.

^^^^^^^Manshallah qurux badanaa. :cool: Inshallah when Somalia is peaceful once again my vacational home will be built up there.

loooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooool you kept me waiting for ages, is that the best you can come with? loool I don't see what's so humorous :confused:

Lander aboow I'm just curious, but when was this? TNG government had already proposed to make the capital of the next Somali state in Hargeisa, and yet you don’t see the people of Somaliland going to trade in their sovereignty.

Beatings, Arrests and Detentions

As Somalis prepare for their first democratic elections since the fall of Siad Barre regime in 1991, many issues are occupying the minds of the protagonists for the presidency. The Horn of Africa nation has had one of the worst intra-clan tensions in its chequered history since independence from Italy in 1960. One of the candidates for the presidency, Mr Farah Addow, is conscious of the clan issue. “For peace to permanently prevail in Somalia, all clans must be treated equally. If I win, all clans will designate their own members for appointment to government and the Cabinet,” he says. After years in international sports leadership, Addow claims to have acquired requisite diplomacy that can propel Somalia to political and economic stability. Unlike Kenya where the President appoints the Cabinet from Members of Parliament, in Somalia ministers are named from outside. “I want to create justice and equality among all the clans because some clans have not been treated unfairly in the past. This has to stop because we all belong to one Somalia,” Addow, African Football Confederation (CAF) vice-presi- dent, says. He says that for a Government to remain stable, all clans must not only be treated equally, but must be seen to be treated as such. “Leaders must learn to fulfil promises they give the electorate. Leaders must be principled.” He says that before taking up the presidency, his property will be audited. The audit will be conducted again at the end of his tenure to ensure he did not enrich himself at the expense of poverty-stricken Somalis. Addow comes from the majority ****** clan, which has five sub-clans - Murnsade, Gaajel, Gugumdhabo, Mudulood and Habarbidir. Another clan is Darood, with Marehaan, Harti and Ogadeen sub-clans. Other clans are Digilmirifle, Dir, Jareerweyne and Hamar. Among the seven candidates for the presidency, Addow and Mohamed Omar Habab are from the Mudulood sub-clan. Abdilkassim Salad Hassan, Abdulahi Ahmed Adow and Hussein Mohamed Aideed are also ******s, but from Habargidi sub-clan. Abdirahman Jama Bare is a Darot Marehaan and Col Abdulahi Yusuf Ahmed a Darot ********* . Addow is probably the most visible personality among the candidates, thanks to his involvement in sports administration in Somalia, East and Central Africa and Africa. Besides being the president of Council of East and Central Africa Football Associations (Cecafa ) which he quit on May 18, and CAF vice-president, he is also the out-going president of Somali Football Association and Somalia National Olympic Committee. Addow has broached the possibility of forming an alliance like the National Rainbow Coalition which handed Kanu its first electoral defeat since Kenya’s independence in 1963. “We are still talking, and I better not go into details. But we are thinking along those lines.” He thinks his United Somali Congress faction can forge links with other factions of like mind for purpose of winning the election. Another sticking issue in his hands is the question of British Somalia, popularly known as Somaliland. Somaliland obtained independence from Britain on June 26, 1960. However, they were united immediately Somalia got independence from Italy, the following month. At some stage, they seceded and formed what is today known as Somaliland. Addow, however, wants them under one roof. “We have a common heritage. Our people are related by blood. We need integration.” Source: East African Standard, May 28, 03

NAIROBI, 28 May 2003 (IRIN) - The World Bank has resumed operations in Somalia for the first time since suspending its activities there at the onset of the 1991 civil war. In a statement, the Bank said it would now assume a leading role through the "Low-Income Countries Under Stress" initiative, which supports countries "with very weak policies, institutions and governance" where lending might not be an option. The Bank's re-engagement would focus on four strategic entry points - macroeconomic data analysis and dialogue, livestock, HIV/AIDS and capacity building for skills development. In formulating this strategy, the Bank said it had held extensive consultations with various partners, donors, UN agencies and Somali stakeholders. The initiative will be jointly implemented with the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and other partners, the statement said. The World Bank suspended its lending to Somalia following the collapse of the state in 1991, and resumption of new lending is prevented by the fact that the country is in arrears, lacks a functional government and is affected by an unstable security situation. The statement added that the proposed activities would be covered by a grant from the Bank's Post-Conflict Fund. [ENDS]

No hard feelings Og, I myself thought Siman was a man, so let's just call it misplaced assumptions.

Seeing Islam as 'Evil' Faith, Evangelicals Seek Converts By LAURIE GOODSTEIN GROVE CITY, Ohio — On a recent Saturday in a church fellowship hall here, evangelical Christians from several states gathered for an all-day seminar on how to woo Muslims away from Islam. The teacher urged a kindly approach: always show Muslims love, charity and hospitality, he said, and carry copies of the New Testament to give as gifts. The students, scribbling notes, included two pastors, a school secretary and college students who said they hoped to convert Muslims in the United States, or on mission trips abroad. But although the teacher, an evangelical preacher from Beirut, stressed the need to avoid offending Muslims, he projected a snappy PowerPoint presentation showing passages from the Koran that he said proved Islam was regressive, fraudulent and violent. "Here in the Koran, it says slay them, slay the infidels!" said the teacher, who said he did not want to be identified because being a missionary to Muslims put his life at risk. "In the Bible there are no words from Jesus saying we should kill innocent people." At the grass roots of evangelical Christianity, many are now absorbing the antipathy for Islam that emerged last year with the incendiary comments of ministers. The sharp language, from religious leaders like Franklin Graham, Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson and Jerry Vines, the former president of the Southern Baptist Convention, has drawn rebukes from Muslims and Christian groups alike. Mr. Graham called Islam "a very evil and wicked religion, and Mr. Vines called Muhammad, Islam's founder and prophet, a "demon-possessed pedophile." In evangelical churches and seminaries across the country, lectures and books criticizing Islam and promoting strategies for Muslim conversions are gaining currency. More than a dozen recently published critiques of Islam are now available in Christian bookstores. Arab International Ministry, the Indianapolis group that led the crash course on Islam here, claims to have trained 4,500 American Christians to proselytize Muslims in the last six years, many of those since the 2001 terrorist attacks. The oratorical tone of these authors and lecturers varies, but they share the basic presumption that the world's two largest religions are headed for a confrontation, with Christianity representing what is good, true and peaceful, and Islam what is evil, false and violent. The criticism is coming predominantly from evangelicals, who belong to many independent churches and Christian denominations, including the Southern Baptist Convention. Evangelicals have always believed that all other religions are wrong, but what is notable now is the vituperation. "The Koran's good verses are like the food an assassin adds to poison to disguise a deadly taste," writes Don Richardson, a well-known missionary who worked in Muslim countries, in "Secrets of the Koran" (Regal Books, 2003). "Better to find the same food, sans poison, in the Bible." This month, he is scheduled to speak on Islam at churches in five American cities. Most of the authors and teachers preach a corollary of the Christian dictum to "love the sinner and hate the sin." They assert that while the vast majority of Muslims are not evil, they have been deceived by a diabolical religion based on a flawed scripture that can never bring them salvation. Akbar Ahmed, chairman of the Islamic studies department at American University, said he grew up attending Catholic and Protestant missionary schools in Pakistan, but never heard a negative word about Islam from the missionaries. Now, he said, the new hostility to Islam and, in particular, the insults to the prophet Muhammad have outraged the Muslim world. "The whole range of Muslims, from orthodox to liberal secularists, are all lined up against these attacks coming from the American evangelists," said Mr. Ahmed, the author of a new book "Islam Under Siege: Living Dangerously in a Post-Honor World" (Polity Press). "Unwittingly, these evangelists have unleashed a consolidation of sentiments for Islam. Even the most moderate Muslims have been upset by this." The push for conversions may backfire for the evangelists, he said, since Muslims who may have been open to the missionaries' presence feel their honor has been insulted. In interviews, evangelical authors and lecturers said their work did not denigrate Islam as much as share the truth about Christianity. Ergun M. Caner, raised a Muslim by his Turkish family, converted to Christianity as a teenager and wrote, with his brother Emir, "Unveiling Islam: An Insider Look at Muslim Life and Beliefs" (Kregel Publications), which has sold more than 100,000 copies. "I am more interested in apologetics than polemics," said Mr. Caner, now a professor of theology and church history at The Criswell College. "Apologetics is defending your faith, and polemics is critiquing others. A Muslim has the right to to worship Allah, and I have a right to stand in front of that mosque and tell them that Jesus saves. That's the hope for Iraq, the hope for Afghanistan." Evangelical scholars and leaders cite several reasons for their quickening interest in Islam: the American defeat of a major Muslim nation, Iraq, which may open it to Christian missionaries, while other Muslim nations remain closed; the 2001 terrorist attacks, which led many Americans to see Islam as a global threat; the greater numbers and visibility of Muslims in the United States, and the demise of Communism, once public enemy No. 1 for many evangelical organizations. "Evangelicals have substituted Islam for the Soviet Union," said the Rev. Richard Cizik, vice president for governmental affairs of the National Association of Evangelicals, which represents 43,000 congregations. "The Muslims have become the modern-day equivalent of the Evil Empire." The National Association of Evangelicals called on Christian leaders this month to temper their anti-Islam oratory, saying it had been unhelpful to interfaith relations, and dangerous to Christians spreading the gospel to Muslims. While some evangelical leaders welcomed the criticism, others bristled and said that it was not the Christians but the Muslims who must stop the hate-speech. Historians note that enmity between Christianity and Islam dates as far back as the Crusades, the fall of Byzantium and the reconquest of Spain. "Keep in mind that Islam is the only religious tradition that has ever threatened the existence of Christianity," said Charles Kimball, chairman of the religion department at Wake Forest University in Winston-Salem, N.C., and author of the book "When Religion Becomes Evil" (Harper San Francisco, 2002). "That's deeply woven into our subconscious, into Western literature and culture, and so this image of an Islamic threat taps into a notion that's there already." The conservative evangelical approach to Islam is in stark contrast with the "interfaith understanding" approach of many Orthodox, Roman Catholic and mainline Protestant churches like the Methodists, Episcopalians and Lutherans. Since 9/11, local churches in these denominations began inviting Muslims to explain their faith at a flurry of interfaith events and dialogue sessions. "God calls all of us to have an open mind and an open heart," said the Rev. Robert Edgar, general secretary of the National Council of Churches, which represents many Protestant and Orthodox denominations. "And many of the people who are part of the National Council of Churches believe that if judgment is to be made it needs to be made by God and not by those of us who have divided ourselves up around a particular ideology." These churches acknowledge theological differences between Christianity and Islam, but stress the common roots and essential compatibility. They teach that Muslims are monotheists, "Allah" is simply Arabic for God, and both faiths share Abraham as patriarch. But for many of the evangelical experts on Islam, these notions are simplistic whitewash to paint over a real theological divide. At the daylong seminar in the fellowship hall of Southwest Grace Brethren Church, just outside Columbus, the teacher drew on his own life experience as evidence of Islam's evils. While President Bush and others have depicted Islam as a peaceful religion that has been "hijacked" by extremists, the teacher said he knew better than to believe that. He spoke of a childhood friend in Beirut who joined the Hezbollah terrorist network and showed off his victims' severed ears. Another friend, he said, was threatened with death by his father when he converted to Christianity. (The teacher did not mention the Phalangist Christian militias that helped stoke Lebanon's civil war.) He did not tell the class who he was, and his mysteriousness reinforced his message that Christian missionaries face danger in Muslim nations. At least six have been killed since Sept. 11, 2001. "You can tell me Islam is peaceful, but I've done my homework," he said, reeling off a list of Koranic citations. "From the beginning of Islam, the sword brought results faster than words." Some of what he taught would be accepted by most theologians: Muslims reject the Christian concept of a Trinitarian God — the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost. Muslims respect Jesus as a prophet, but do not accept the Christian belief that he is the son of God. But he intermingled accepted facts with negative accounts of Islamic teaching, history and traditions. The pilgrimage to Mecca, he said, is a dangerous event at which people are killed every year. Communal prayers each Friday are "a day of rage," he said. And Muslims even pray differently than Christians, he said. "Muslims pray to get points," he said, "not to communicate with God." Group prayer on Fridays is for "extra points," he said. Pat McEvoy, a secretary at a high school in Columbus, said she had known very little about Islam before the seminar. Her school has an influx of students from Somalia, and as she walked through the hallways she regarded these immigrants as "a virtual mission field." She said she felt an obligation to save them from an eternity in Hell. "If I had the answer for cancer, what sort of a human would I be not to share it?" Ms. McEvoy said. The teacher concluded by giving the students tips on what to do and not to do to reach Muslims: Don't approach them in groups. Don't bring them to your church, because they will misunderstand the singing and clapping as a party. Do invite them home for a meal. Do bring them chocolate chip cookies. Do talk about how, in order to get saved, they must accept Jesus. "Our job," he said, "is not to make the Muslim a Christian. Our job is to show them the love of Christ."

May 27, 2003 Posted to the web May 27, 2003 Nairobi Members of the Somali business community have said they will support an "all-inclusive" outcome of the peace talks currently underway in Nairobi, Kenya. Muhammad Jirde Husayn, an executive member of the Dubai-based Somali Business Council, said the business community would support any comprehensive agreement emerging from the talks. "We will support morally, materially and physically any new government that comes out of Nairobi," he told IRIN. Jirde is leading a 27-member team to Nairobi, representing a cross-section of the community both inside and outside the country. He said that the group, which comprises members from all Somali clans, had convened "to see how best we can contribute to the reconciliation process". Jirde said they had met delegates to the conference and its chairman, Kenyan Special Envoy Bethwel Kiplagat. "We have told the delegates to stay the course and conclude the conference successfully," he added. According to a Somali delegate, the business community's support is crucial to any future government in Somalia. "The community has the money and military muscle," he said. "If it puts them at the disposal of the government, this will succeed, but without the support of business leaders, getting a government going will be next to impossible." A Somali economist attending the peace talks added that it made "business and economic sense" for the business community to support the peace process. Currently, it was business leaders who were providing commodities such as security, electricity and water, "all the things a government is supposed to do". "This means a lot of overhead costs for businesses, which cut into profit margins," he noted.