Similarly, Opone is described as at least 800 Stadia away from the tip of the horn of Africa, and probably a lot more. Ras Hafun is only about 200-300 Stadia from the tip. There are two towns roughly evenly spaced before you get to Opone, Pano and the Promontory of Tabae. While it is a certainty that Hafun is an ancient town, it has simply been misidentified in my opinion. It is the ancient town of Tabae, not Opone.

Hey nice post, It's true heritage has held no value for many 20th century regimes. It's a real shame. I think Avalites must be Zeila for two reasons. First of all, Avalites is described as the first "far side port", and the Gulf of Tadjoura is called the Gulf of Avalites. Avalites is also described after the narrator has already "passed through" the straight. All these facts would make no sense if Aseb was Avalites. Also, Malao, identified with Berbera, is 800 Stadia away from Avalites, which is about 125 Km. This is just about right for Zeila but too far away for Aseb by a long shot.

No, though I'd like to visit one day.

Thanks As all the northern towns are located in stable states, perhaps it's time for Somalis to excavate these cities and discover the glories of their past? The incense trade was BIG business in the ancient world, and these towns were likely very rich and full of examples of ancient Somali culture, language and art.

The towns correspond on the map with: Avalites: Zeila or nearby Malao: Berbera or nearby Mundus: By a circular bay near Karin, behind the little island in the center of the bay. Mosyllum: Either Geilweite or Mait Aromata: East of Damo, right on the tip of the horn of Africa. Tabae: Somewhere on the Ras Hafun peninsula Pano: A village located somwhere near Bandar Beyla Opone: Somewhere close to Eyl. Sarapion: A town beyond the "barren bluffs and beaches of Azania" (a reference to Mudug and Galgadud coasts) and a considerable distance from Opone. Likely this is the Sabaean town of Shingani. Nicon: The next town down the coast, Baraawe was also originally a Sabaean trade post and is likely the town the greeks called Nicon.

I've been trying to connect up the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea with historical sites and probable locations as described in the Periplus. These are of course the Greek names for these towns, which are often quite different from the native ones. The use of "Berber" in the Periplus does not neccisarily connect with the well known modern usage of the word, for north African peoples.

Xabsade has become a Somaliland-sponsored warlord, and Las Anod is his domain. In my opinion, the only way out of this mess is for Xabsade, the pro-Puntland faction and the pro-Somaliland faction to discard the faction system entirely and just form their own state. As long as the choice is between Somaliland, Puntland or warlordism Sool will be be divided forever and it will never end. The Maakhirians have the right idea, being a football for Puntland and Somaliland only gets you kicked around.

You're actually applauding the fact that Sweden is denying people refugee status? Duke, you have gone too far this time.

I think that Moyale is in the borders. Malindi is outside of them, that town is solidly Swahili. Did you mean Lamu?

The NFD really is there, honest. The source of the Juba and Shabelle are around Goba, north and south.

With my proposed provinces.

What do you mean?

Originally posted by The Zack: Most of this map is wrong and inaccurate. I don't know what kind of history you are trying to note here but you labeled wrong qabiil's on different gobols. There are a lot of different ideas about clan and state geography in Somalia, and it's actually kind of a contentious issue. PM me if you are interested in discussing these matters.

History is never a waste of time my friend, and think of the value of being able to see history unfold? I got the idea to do this, chronicle the history of Somalia's rapidly changing political landscape, from this site: www.euratlas.net I saw how valuable it was to be able to see how things changed over time, bit by bit and sometimes massively all at once over time.

I wish I had actually, that would be remarkably valuable for future historians. I've always loved maps and their value for being the "image that speaks a thousand words".

Another update, getting more accurate with the borders. This also features recent Islamist advances and fragmentations of TFG authority.

The Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia is exactly that, an alliance. The UIC and ex-TFG parliamentarians are allied together to "reliberate" Somalia. They did not merge.

Sheikh Sharif Ahmad was always pro-consensus and reaching across clan and ideological lines. Read any of his many speeches and interviews during the UIC era in Mogadishu. The former al-Ittihad in the UIC (Turki, Ayrow and Aweys) wanted a more aggressive approach, and they pushed hard for expansion and going on the offensive. They muscled Sheikh Sharif, the Executive chairman, from control of the Shura and once they had the Shura council they went on their Jihad. At first things went well, but in the end they just made too many enemies. Now, the two "factions" of the UIC, the Consensus faction and the Jihad faction, are pursuing their "way", not opposed but somewhat in competition. Both want to prove that their way is what will get the Ethiopians out of Somalia. If Ayrow and Turki and their fellows drive the Ethiopians and TFG out by force of arms, they will be vindicated, and they will be in charge, and the Asmara group will come back and meekly follow their orders. If on the other hand Ayrow and Turki don't get anywhere and it is a diplomatic solution that is victorious, the opposite will occur. In a way, it's sort of the UIC equivalent of the Democrats and the Republicans.

The pirates aren't "al-Qaeda". The UIC, oh I'm sorry, "Al-Qaeda", were the ones who put a stop to piracy. Now that they're gone, piracy has returned. The pirates are clan militias, and this is merely the naval equivalent of the roadblocks on the highway.

I did my own research and it's true, it was slander. I have talked with several people who were in Mogadishu under the UIC, and I have investigated the incidents in question. First of all soccer was not banned, nor was music. I know three people who visited Mogadishu and watched the 2006 World Cup. The UIC *did* ban movies and videos with nudity and sex, or sexual references. These movie houses often also played soccer games during the daytime and "adult" movies at night. It was one of these movie houses that caused the rumor that the UIC closed cinemas that played soccer games. The UIC also banned Qaad, which was highly unpopular, but perhaps understandable given the circumstances in Mogadishu. Some courts also banned smoking. This is no worse than most western countries. The Ethiopian army captured no Al-Qaeda agents, or any foreign fighters at all in their invasion of Somalia. The US special forces literally combed the countryside looking for them on the heels of the Ethiopian army, but it was a wild goose chase. There never were any foreign fighters. Except the Ethiopians of course, they're plenty foreign. The Shabbab is a different matter, those guys are dangerous zealots, and they have a lot to answer for. The Shabbab never took orders from the UIC though, they have their own uniforms, leadership, and methods. The Shabbab for instance wore no red Cimmamad like UIC soldiers, but a black or dark green turban that they often covered their faces with. They went against UIC orders on several matters, attacking towns without invitation, killing helpless enemies, harassing citizens, etc. Hassan Turki's al-Ittihad were their own organization too, but at least they are civilized, and not barbaric. A lot of the things the UIC is blamed for was actually committed by either Turki (attack on Kismayo) or Ayrow's Shabbab (killings in Bu'ale, August invasion of Hobyo and Harardhere, assasination attempt on Yeey). The Asmara group is the best combination of the UIC minus the zealot Shabbab and aggressive al-Ittihad, plus progressive ex-TFG ministers. It should have more support than it has.

Yeey worked hard to create that famine, and he's angry that the WFP is trying to undo all his hard work.

Here is a map showing where the oil blocks are, in relation to the political situation. If Range Resources and African Oil Corp want to explore in the western Dharoor they'll have to sign a new agreement with Maakhir, and they won't even be able to go into Sool for years probably, unless maybe they sign a deal with Xabsade.

I believe both sides are guilty of escalating the situation, though Somaliland's rather aggressive strategy is what is inflaming tensions. It remains to be seen how things will play out.

UIC returned properties to people, regardless of their clan. That was one of their priorities. "The Government" has not done this, in fact rather the reverse.

Originally posted by rudy: xamar was 3 million! prior to uncle's wild party. It was once upon a time a city of 3 million, before the Ethiopian invasion it stood at about 2.4 million. This is only counting the million people in IDP camps, not the people who had somewhere else to go, so the number of people who have left Mogadishu is probably twice that. I'd say there's probably only about 400,000 people left in Mogadishu.