yo! a poll.. and i never voted. i couldnt vote for the sland govt. i am sure ethiopia has plan for them 2. sad thing about all somali dalkoo dan, there is no one single govt that is worthy of anything. guess u can say somali ppl are in low cycle of wise leaders. keep hope alive.

did he get a head-butt from yeey! lool web page i guess he lost it in the stampede when the rockets landed in the hall...lol

naa! i pass...waste of time & money. she should be paying the guy.

i gotta simple solution for this! move them to laascaanood... i called my Grandma over there last week and she was telling about 5 houses are vacant... since all the ogs there moved to Mog these days for a pie in the sky. take them ppl there..let my grandma make some money!!

yo toao did u check the fruit cake lady..! check this video about mn bank robbers!! its funny. web page who blker: http://grouper.com/c/ScreenBites/Fantasy_Island_Da_Plane_Da_Plane_/1609795#id=1946329&ml=fc%3D1%26fp%3D-2%26fx%3D%26o%3D9

Battered Somalia is trying to reconcile its warring factions. But mortar attacks, boycotts and an expiring peacekeepers’ mandate leave little room for optimism. July 17, 2007 - For a peace conference, it was a particularly inauspicious beginning. Somali president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed was mid-speech when the explosions began. Shells blasted around Sunday's congress venue in Mogadishu's Shibis district and in a nearby residential neighborhood, wounding five people. Ahmed tried to tough it out. "I want to tell those sending the mortar shells to fire an atomic bomb at us as well," he intoned ironically to a smaller-than-expected audience of peace conference delegates, many of whom had arrived in Mogadishu that same day. "We are not going to stop the reconciliation congress." But Yusuf didn't get a chance to finish. A conference organizer told delegates they would have to wait until Thursday to resume talks—and then quickly urged Yusuf to exit the stage. Somali clan leaders who braved three security cordons and a raft of death threats to attend the peace congress, were not reassured. Wearing turbans and fanning themselves in the intense heat, some of the delegates milled around inside the security cordon, unsure whether to stay or go. "We are shocked," Ugas Abdi Idis, a tribal clan elder from ********* district told NEWSWEEK. "It is not safe here, the bad guys have threatened to kill us and they have found ways to bomb [us]. The government must make it safe, otherwise we'll go back [home]." Making anything safe in Somalia these days is a tall order. Indeed, for nearly 17 years now one government after another has succeeded only in worsening an already bad situation. The last bloody upsurge came in December, when Ethiopian forces, covertly supported and financed largely by the United States, invaded Somalia and routed the fundamentalist Islamic Courts Union from the capital. Since then, fighting between radical Islamists and the Ethiopian-backed Transitional Federal Government (TFG) has killed several thousand Somali civilians and forced hundreds of thousands more to flee the capital in search of safety. In the last month, some 120,000 Somalis have returned from squalid refugee camps and cold floodplains, where some were desperate enough to rent space under trees. But the situation remains tenuous this week as the transitional government struggles to put together the first-ever peace conference designed to bring all the fighting factions to the same table. The conference is a last-ditch effort to jumpstart the political process. With less than two years to go before the transitional government mandate runs out in January 2009, the stakes are high. "This is the only game in town at this point," says Mario Raffaele, the Italian Special Envoy to Somalia, who returned to Kenya from a fact-finding mission to Mogadishu over the weekend. "If this conference doesn't produce anything, if it collapses, then I don't know what happens." The Islamists seem to be doing everything they can to make sure the conference fails. For weeks they have been warning Somalis to stay away from the meeting, which they have derided as an effort by the TFG to "rubberstamp" the American-backed Ethiopian occupation of Somalia. The government has tried to bill it as an inclusive gathering of tribal elders, sheiks and opposition figures, and has left registration open to latecomers and skeptics who may decide they want to join at a later date. The conference is scheduled to last between 30 and 45 days, and one reason for the Sunday postponement was the non-appearance of top opposition leaders. A hardline youth group called the Shebab, responsible for much of the targeted violence against the government and peacekeeping forces in Mogadishu since January, wants to make sure it stays that away. Last week, members began distributing fliers warning residents not to go to the conference. "Anyone who attends the conspiracy meeting is sentenced to death," the fliers stated. "We will shoot him or her in the head." One of the Shebab insurgents involved in the fighting, speaking to a NEWSWEEK reporter shortly after the mortar attack over the weekend, said, "We didn't intend to kill the delegates, it was just a warning." Later on, however, the fighter warned that anyone who chose to "disobey" the warning volleys would face a more serious confrontation if they continued to participate in the days to come. "You are selling your religion for a pittance," the fliers warned. "We will kill you before you get to benefit from it." Outside the conference, a crippled man named Omar Salad lamented the bloodshed that has tainted his country. Salad, a grizzled elder himself, lost two legs during 16 years of civil war that turned Somalia into one of Africa's most anarchic corners. Now he wants the elders to force a change. "I know the pain of war—what I want is to see the test of peace," he said. "I don't want to lose another part of my body." The violence, however, continued unabated. Last week a mortar round killed a deputy commissioner of a district neighboring Mogadishu; insurgents killed two government soldiers by tossing a hand grenade at them, and an Ethiopian soldier was killed in Suqa Holaha, north of the capital. Lately, the government has been hitting back hard, executing two men accused of killing two TFG intelligence agents and arresting scores more in massive sweeps across the capital. Government agents blindfolded the men and shot them in front of a crowd of at least 30 people. Much is riding on the success of the conference. Under U.N. guidelines, Somalia must establish some sort of power-sharing government before the TFG mandate expires. That leaves less than 18 months to draft a new constitution and a central system of government—a first for Somalia, which is comprised of numerous warring ethnic and tribal constituencies. In addition, the warring factions need to agree on a power-sharing arrangement that includes all the major clans and subclans, including the powerful Hawiya group, whose members are scattered throughout the government as well as the opposition. And then there's the question of what role Islam can and should play in a new federal Somalia. In the best of all worlds, those questions would be resolved before January 2009, when the U.N. guidelines decree that a free and fair election should take place. "If it works, great," says Tariq Chaudry, a U.N. political officer involved in the talks. "If it doesn't work, you have to find other ways of doing it. We are putting a lot at stake in this." The conference also comes just as the 1,500 Ugandan peacekeepers who have been in Mogadishu since March are set to return home. The African Union peacekeeping mandate runs out on July 19, but so far none of the other African nations who were expected to send some 8,000 troops have done so, nor has the Ugandan mandate been extended. To make matters worse, the Ugandan troops in Mogadishu haven't been paid their May or June salaries. The Ugandan contingent lost four soldiers in May when a roadside bomb struck one of their patrols. Since then, the troops have scaled back their operations. "Mogadishu is a burning place," Paddy Ankunda, the spokesman for the AU troops said last week. "If other peacekeepers come, Ethiopia can pull back to its borders, but right now we can't dominate the security situation." Meanwhile, uncertainty continues to plague Mogadishu. Just as conference delegates were recovering from the shock of the mortar attack, Shebab insurgents declared that they would be targeting the vehicles and hotels the delegates were using as well. As the news spread, six more people were killed in violence across the capital. Not surprisingly, ordinary citizens have little hope that the conference will bring significant change. "These talks just mean a new era of civil war," Abdi Mohammed, 40, said wryly as he watched from outside the conference venue. "These clans have their grudges and they will bring up old resentments instead of going forward." Mohammed believed it would take "a miracle" for the government to get them to put aside their differences. After the latest stalled reconciliation effort, most Somalis would probably agree. source: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/19810527/site/newsweek/

Somali Peace Rally (Mogadishu) PRESS RELEASE 16 July 2007 Posted to the web 16 July 2007 Mogadishu While expressing concern about the recent increases in the violence and reiterating calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities in Somalia, The SPR welcomes the inauguration of National Reconciliation Congress. Somali Peace Rally (SPR) calls on The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and all those progressive political and social forces to open a real dialogue in order to set in motion a dynamic for peace process giving back hope to the Somali people. In seventeen years-long civil war, the lack of clear vision for Somali nationhood has caused massive socio-economic dislocation, meaningless human rights abuses and other injustices and the erosion of the traditional norms’ capacity for internal security maintenance. The factors that could be attributed to the current complex situation are among others: systemic problems of political access, social injustice and repression, tragic events of relative deprivation, zero-sum thinking and tribalism igniting open conflicts characterized by extreme levels of moral exclusion, and weakening of traditional normative consensus. Relevant Links East Africa Conflict, Peace and Security Peacekeeping and Conflict Resolution Somalia Therefore, Somali political actors including religious leaders should demonstrate a positive, pragmatic and conciliatory approach in discussing present challenges as well as matters relating to long-term solutions. They should put the pasts of violence and estrangement behind them. In the short and medium terms, the peace process must concentrate in keeping the communication channels open, and giving all clans a sense of security while appealing to a deep seeded sense of Somali nationhood. The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) should promote transparent and accountable governance. Creating a national, apolitical army out of the various armed groups and competent police able to handle urban disorder peacefully and provide genuine security is central to achieving stability. Lasting peace requires genuine political will to tackle impunity by vetting police and army officers and to establish trustful institutions. The way forward is to set out a vision for true reconciliation, redress in its broadest sense healing, to establish accountable governance and effective conciliatory institutions, and to improve political access mechanism. The government must allow the opposition and institutions - parliament, and press - to do their jobs in accountable manner. Peace-building can be powerful deterrent to current division and conflict.

looks like u got a laptop! go into safe made and re-install your drivers 4 your video again or click on programs, Accessories, system tools, select System restore and restore your system to previous date when it was working. to go to safe mode, hold the left shit or press F8 intermittently while system is restarting. let us know how it goes. Good luck.

some ppl need to run for Addis while that door is open...! reality check.

wat! homie is sleeping on the job! lool.. wat did u expect...! not much. nin tuur leh, sidi rabo u jiifsadha noo! lool. here lil something 4 homie! waarya yeey miyad hurudaa xabashidi la garaacya sara kaco tuus waarya yeey miyad hurudaa jaayniiski petroolika gatee sara kaco tuus waarya yeey miyad hurudaa somalida daafa somalida daafa sara kaco tuus waarya yeey miyad hurudaa (your turn ppl..fill it in)

i dont think hes gonna last in la..! i heard his interview this morning on my way to work...posh sounds or manly than him..! he does not have the umff! to get 1 million a day. we will see.

check this out! web page then click on the Fruitcake Lady!! shes halarious

chiefow soomaalidia waxay ku mahamahdah... habar fidha lagidin la fudud.. i thinks u ozzing of clans rabish...what i said about laascaanodville is true in my book..and i am entitled to my opinion...so your gas bada kula dac. did u ever think, i could be from there?? other than, dee happy life.

Originally posted by The Duke: ^^^Are you talking about yourself considering the comments you made about SOOL? So u think u is the only from sool!! i got some bad news for u homie! yup... there are ppl for sool who dont kiss azz...lol. my question about sool was not dragtory nor clanist...its was an viable q's. sool ppl are the most divided community in somalida oo dan today. unfortuntely some 1 who has no clue just wanned to miss with me. thats fine, just dont enter my ocean... or u will see. laakin adeer duke, lemme tell u this, its not really good to run around and claim that you support some one because of clan affiliation... thats childish... its not something oo nin weeyn ku faano...ma ii fahantay.. so change your color. duqa dhageeso waa taaney! http://mudugnet.com/Audioxo1/Wadani/wadani.htm soomaali baan ahay

Somalis and Experts on Somali Affairs have recently witnessed a history without a known parallel. Much efforts and ink have been spent on analysing and discussing many noteworthy history events such as the transformation of the notorious Mogadishu-based warlords into so-called “Alliance for Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism; Washington’s bungled policy of supporting them and the dramatic rise and fall of the Union of Islamic Courts. We witnessed the diplomatic u-turn of the UN Security Council, which opened the gates to flood the country with deadly arms. And finally, we saw the dawning of the occupation of Somalia by the country’s historical enemy, Ethiopia, and their troops roaming round the streets of Mogadishu. Even before Ethiopia invaded Somalia, there was no consensus within Somalis to give the TFG a chance to govern, due to Addis Ababa’s hand in the election or selection of the Transitional Federal Government in 2004 in Nairobi. That mistrust has widened when the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) called for the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia. The TFG is, therefore, seen as a puppet regime which is morally bankrupted and unable to act freely in the interest of the Somali people. And the call to end Ethiopian’s occupation of Somalia and the removal of the TFG is gaining momentum. Since Somalia’s affairs are infinitely complicated, it is an arduous undertaking to develop a route map that can lead Somalia back to normality. In this paper, I am making a set of prescriptions that I consider it to be a suitable answer to the chronic situation that Somalia finds itself today. Firstly, I will outline what needs to be done if the TFG is made to realise that it has failed as a government. Secondly, I will argue what the natural response will be if the TFG is allowed to hang on power and continues to serve essentially at the convenience of the political and economic interests of its backers, which seems to be the case at the moment. I am fully aware that what I have in mind could be difficult for some to accept. It might taste as a bitter pill to swallow, but my suggestion is based on the reality on the ground. No one can deny that what we see today is on a course leading nowhere (a cull de sac) or a vicious circle that has no end and while in the meantime both the country and people are suffering. Amenable response This response is possible when the TFG and the international community accept that the TFG does not have what it takes to lead Somalia and call for an all-inclusive and genuine reconciliation. The following suggestions should not necessarily be implemented in a sequential manner; in fact, some of them should occur simultaneously. However, if the international community chooses to see Somalia through green-tinted spectacles or the TFG uses coercive measures to silence its opponent, the amenable response is a non-starter. The International community A UN-backed government, an internationally-recognised government, a Western-backed government, an Ethiopian-backed government are some of the names that are used to describe the TFG. Unfortunately, none of these names makes the TFG a generally accepted one. Throughout Somalia’s troubled history solution imposed by outsiders has zero chance to succeed. In other words, the international community can make a government for Somalia but it cannot force the people to accept it. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer recently said, “One of the key tasks in front of us is the security of that government and those people particularly as we see an increase in violence or mortar attacks in Mogadishu.” For the last three years, the international community has been trying unsuccessfully to legitimize the TFG. Therefore, it is time that the international community changes its attitude of ‘we know what is good for Somalis’ to ‘Somalis know what is good for them’. The TFG is part of the problem and not part of the solution. Hence, keeping the TFG on a life supporting machine will only prolong Somalia’s agony and hardly makes it a popular government. A Somali Mediation Council Once the international community recognises that the TFG cannot function, I wish to propose the establishment of a Council of genuine Somalis who have the interest of the Nation at heart and who profoundly understand the root-cause of the problem. A Council which enjoys the trust of all the sections of the Somali society and with the people’s mandate to bring peace and can find viable solution to break the impasse. A Council with the ownership of its commission, and not guided by foreigners, who can play the role of honest brokers. The Council will lead the country for the remaining two years mandate of the present government This Council’s priority should be the building of bridge between the different groups in Somalia so that they could, at least, normalise the situation and call for truce in order to work out for the implementation of the provisions of the Provisional Charter. I know it is difficult to convince certain quarters; however, we need a new approach to solve an old problem. Cessation of Hostilities Once the Council is formed, the influential leaders of the Islamic Courts and other actors need to exert maximum effort to contribute to building peace and stability in the country by ceasing hostilities, not only in the capital, but also in other parts of the country. This is hard to achieve due to multiple conflicting interests and the lack of political will among the groups. Nevertheless, one must try. This will enable the Council to operate freely in a friendly environment so that it can take up the task of finding a lasting solution to the country’s problem. We have to understand that the enmity created within the society during the past decade and a half of civil war, and current political crisis being so strong, the people have lost the sense of trust and the fear of revenge is always present in the minds of the Somali people. Deployment of peacekeepers Sheikh Sharif Ahmed recently told the Aljazeera Television: “The problem cannot be resolved by international forces because what has happened is an invasion and following up on that with international forces will further complicate the crisis”. The widely shared belief is that Somalia’s problems should be solved by Somalis alone. Unfortunately, with whatever pretext, Somalia is today under Ethiopia’s occupation, which for any normal Somali would be hard to accept it. And as long as the presence of Ethiopian forces in Somali soil persists, the achievement of peaceful environment conducive to better understanding between the different groups in Somalia will remain illusive. To end the presence of Ethiopian troops International peacekeepers should be deployed but it is important to ensure that Ethiopia troops do not constitute part of the international forces. An effective nationalistic group Ethiopia started to undermine Abdiqasim’s government through Somalia Reconciliation and Reconstruction Council (SRRC), which was built up around a number of warlords and other faction leaders. The subsequent failure of the TNG led to two years of plodding negotiations in Kenya. In 2004, the SRRC emerged the winner when Abdullahi Yusuf became the president of Transitional Federal Government and its members dominate the TFIs. The Islamic Courts were the only effective opposition that challenged the hegemony of the SRRC. Ethiopian occupation is unacceptable to most Somalis however disunity and poor coordination among them had created an environment that Ethiopia could exploit. SRRC is an Ethiopian backed group and it is unlikely to divorce Ethiopian sympathizers from Somalia’s politics; therefore, to counter this, it is important to create an effective nationalistic group that truly embodies Somalia’s values and identity. Somalis deserve to have a government full of honest intellectuals and not a government full of Ethiopian-handpicked ministers. Recalcitrant response If the government fails to listen to the many voices calling for a genuine reconciliation and chooses to serve its backers, in broad outline if not every particular, a recalcitrant response will become inevitable. Dr. Michael A. Weinstein also expressed the same concern in his article ‘Somalia’s Political Future Appears to be its Pre-Courts Past’. In it he said: “With the T.F.G. haltingly struggling for power and authority, and determined to avoid genuine power sharing; the clans and sub-clans, and their warlords asserting themselves; and an incipient Islamist insurgency forming that will league with disaffected sub-clans and warlords, reversion to political fragmentation is underway in Somalia.” Under this difficult circumstance, creating an effective, credible national movement that can arrest Ethiopia’s occupation of Somalia and offer a government that has the welfare of its people closer to heart will be a top priority. If this movement is to succeed, it must not only liberate Somalia but it must also address the dynamics behind Somalia’s ills. In conclusion, the international community should allow Somalis bring about peace in their own country, in the way they deem it necessary and their decision must be respected without prejudice. The TFG should realise that the only way out from the present political dilemma is through a national reconciliation free from foreign interference and that it is good to leave the stage before the stage caves in. for the Somalis, it may seem to reach acceptable solutions is as difficult as it has been since the last decade and a half, ending Ethiopia’s occupation must be the first step towards the long road to recovery while keeping in mind that a nation cannot be built on the basis of collective amnesia.

qof qaabiil waleey, xiir malahaa!!

Somalia: Illegal Occupation and Tricky Ploy Ethiopia has quietly interfered in Somalia for years and directly or indirectly controlled different parts of this country. However, on 24th December 2006, Ethiopian troops unwittingly applied a sharp jolt of electricity to Somali nationalism, which had been in deep coma for many years, and revived it. A sense of disbelief and shock enveloped Somalis when they saw Ethiopian troops roaming round the streets of Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia. Somalis expressed and continue to express their deeply resentful indignation towards Ethiopia by holding worldwide demonstrations and disapproving the Ethiopian-backed Somali government. Mogadishu is now the contesting place for those who want to arrest Ethiopia’s illegal occupation and those who want to put Mogadishu, the symbol of the Republic of Somalia, at the mercy of Ethiopia. Regrettably, the revived Somali nationalism is now under threat because different groups are suggesting or want to present the current conflict as a conflict between ******, a Somali clan, and Ethiopian troops. Ethiopia favours the ****** Vs Ethiopia approach because it wants the world to think that other clans are comfortable with its presence in Somalia. On the Somali side, some want to use clan name to avoid being labelled Jihadists or terrorists. Others see using clan banner as the best way to deal with the occupation. Whatever the motive, Ethiopia’s occupation of Somalia is a national issue and using clan strategy to liberate Somalia is a tricky ploy. This approach will derail the liberation agenda and make it esoteric if not a family business. Or worse, it may rekindle another brutal Somali clan war by setting clans against each other. Clan has no currency. In 1991, clan-based rebel groups managed to overthrow Siad Barre’s government but they failed to make a functioning government. As a result, Somalia is the longest running instance of state collapse in the history of Africa. In fact, it is the clan war that claimed many lives, forced many people to flee from their homes, debilitated the country, and brought mortification to the Somali people. It is the prolonged clan conflicts that enabled Ethiopia to conquer Somalia. Ethiopia troops use heavy machine guns to shell Mogadishu residents indiscriminately. And it gives no pleasure to any Somali, with a sense of nationalism in his blood, to see Ethiopian attack helicopters and rocket launchers targeting thickly populated areas of the city. Non-Somalis are testifying that Mogadishu has plunged into the abyss of despair since the Ethiopians have taken over the control of the capital. Senator Norm Coleman noted the sufferings of Mogadishu residents in a letter to Jendayi Frazer, U.S. Assistant Secretary. He wrote: “there continues to be a severe humanitarian crisis in Somalia. It is estimated that the recent violence in Mogadishu affected over 100, 000 civilians, forcing them to leave their homes and endure significant suffering. This large population of internally displaced persons, who often sleep outside under trees with no food, water, or sanitary facilities, is in need of urgent assistance. Consequently, diseases such as diarrhoea are exacting a very high toll on the displaced children.” The International Committee of the Red Cross recently said: “The population of Mogadishu is caught up in the worst fighting in more than 15 years.” The Ethiopian government and others have been accused of war crimes. A security adviser to the European Commission recently told the Commission: “I need to advise you that there are strong grounds to believe that the Ethiopian government and the transitional federal government of Somalia and the Amisom force commander...have through commission or omission violated the Rome statute of the international criminal court.” Although the above evidence is not exhaustive it clearly shows that Ethiopian troops are punishing Mogadishu residents collectively. Therefore, is it reasonable to present Mogadishu residents as one clan or group? Since the current crisis began at the end of last year, the Somali Diaspora communities have continuously demonstrated against Ethiopia’s illegal invasion and occupation of Somalia and have held a number of conferences discussing the ways and the means of liberating their motherland. The conferences, held in Stockholm in February and in Columbus, Ohio, in March 2007, are relevant examples. The participants of the demonstrations in various countries and those who attended the conferences are Somalis from different backgrounds. These people feel depressed and miserable as their country and people are under occupation. Therefore, isn’t it important to recognise and appreciate the sacrifice and contribution of these people? At the meeting of the International Contact Group in Cairo, Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi Frazer said: “spoilers should refrain from making the situation in Somalia unstable.” It is important to ask: “Who are the spoilers”? If the name of one clan is used as the only group which opposes Ethiopia’s occupation of Somalia that gives the impression as if other clans are happy to live under Ethiopia’s occupation, which is not the case. There are a lot of Somalis regardless of their clan affiliation who show true patriotism and nationalism and oppose or disapprove Ethiopia’s presence in Somalia. Those who are resisting the occupation are not purely from one clan, but Somalis faithful to the freedom of their motherland. To call a name of a clan in the struggle for the liberation is nothing but the infamous policy of divide and rule applied by the occupation forces. Pursuing the clan tactic to liberate Somalia perfectly suits Ethiopia’s approach of clan manipulation. Buri Hamza, a Somali writer, explained this point nimbly. He said: “The policy of manipulation of clan cleavages and differences in Somalia has provided the Ethiopian regimes with the conditions that are propitious to the dismemberment of the Somali homogenous national identity. The Ethiopian governments have used the “clan card” skilfully to perpetuate the Somali mayhem and impede the reconstitution of the Somali state. It bodes well for any regime in Ethiopia to resort to “clan card” in its destabilization policy of Somalia.” Ethiopia is occupying a country not a clan. One clan cannot encompass all Somalis who are against this illegal occupation nor can it single-handedly liberate the country, therefore it is important to oppose Ethiopia’s occupation of Somalia under a credible national movement. If this movement is to succeed, it must not only aim to end Ethiopia’s occupation of Somalia but it must also address the dynamics behind Somalia’s ills. Ethiopia’s occupation has awakened Somalia’s nationalism and this nationalism must not be allowed to pass out again. Submitted by: Mohamed Mukhtar, London, UK

i belive the biggest lie, is a so-called tfg which primairly consists of WARLORDS, bringin xabaashi army to subjugate their own ppl. The treatment of tfg/amxaaro boyz is something that history will tell unitil somali history ends. The murders, the rape, the corrupton, the clan clansing, the properity confiscations by force are all put a daily pratice that takes place in mog these days. they doing the same shyte that they were doing when they were warlords...but with more force and burtality. Since these ppl who to somali, i dont see any one good thing they done for this country... ZERO...! CAN ANY ONE EDUCATE ME OF ANY POSTIVE THING THESE MORAN DID SO FAR...! I AM ALL EARS

the motar shellings start during the speech. he didnt even finish the speech. as usually, some one came and whispered into his ear..."its raining again", then the whole thing was folded. sorry homie, better luck next time. i feel you pain brotha, all that clan dreams up in smoke. lol

dude! this is off...it aint happening no more. check the latest new homie.

whatchya talking about layzie gal?? who told u to come into the lil boyz room!! this is room for ciyaal momma dee. hoooyo, wanasoo iigeey ayee naga qabo gabartaan!

Some one should have these morans! xaqdaro shir nobody is gonna stand for it...! yo, this talks should in neurtal city...! why is tfg scared of that!! can anybody tell me...! Somalia interim president Abdulahi Yusuf said today he had finished three years in the office with political violence and will stay in power for the next two years with boldness and unyielding rule as the national peace conference was adjourned to Thursday after today’s mortar attack around the venue of the talks. At the opening ceremony of the postponed peace conference in north of the Somalia capital Mogadishu, President Yusuf said he would never surrender to what he called ‘the Islamist elements’ whose aim is to destabilize the situation. “Stop the fear, you will die when your destiny ends” said president Yusuf when Ali Mahdi Mohamed, the chairman of the reconciliation conference whispered to him to finalize the speech as mortar shells slammed in an area not far from the conference venue. The mortar attack, which was coincided with the opening of the peace talks, wounded three civilians in Abdulaziz district, north of the capital. The reconciliation committee did not yet give any reason about the deferral of the talks but sources close to the conference venue say that the meeting was adjourned because of the violence in the capital. President Yusuf admitted that there is a chaotic situation in the country particularly in Mogadishu. “In fact there is uneasy situation and the government is doing all it can with the help of the society”. He said. “The delegates of Somali clans should not feel frightened but be relaxed and encouraged to maintain their meeting... this is a minor thing, the security forces will end up the matter,” said president Yusuf who wanted to calm down the spirit of the envoys who grew concerns after they received the news of mortar attack. Meanwhile, the executive council of the ousted Islamic Courts Union Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed who is now in Asmara, Eritrea has condemned the national reconciliation conference as fruitless and senseless. He accused the international community of putting trap for Somali people when they supported what he called ‘the deceitful meeting’ in Mogadishu.

By: Alisha Ryu Two Somali men were put to death by a firing squad Thursday, just days after they were arrested and found guilty in a military court. VOA Correspondent Alisha Ryu has details from our East Africa Bureau in Nairobi. A Horn of Africa researcher for the London-based human rights group, Amnesty International, says his organization has not been able to obtain full details of the case. But the researcher, Martin Hill, says based on what is known, he believes the men did not receive a fair trial before they were sentenced to death. "It is very regrettable that one of the first well-known incidents of trial has resulted in swift executions without legal safeguards," said Hill. "If there had been a proper court constituted, with defense lawyers who had been given time to consult their clients and present a defense, if there had been proper proceedings, if they had the right of appeal, to petition for clemency at the end, these are the safeguards, which any judicial system should incorporate and clearly, that is quite impossible in such a short period of time." According to Mogadishu-based Shabelle Radio, government troops carried out the executions Thursday morning, after the two men were arrested and found guilty in the deaths of two government soldiers who belonged to a powerful clan called the *****. Government officials did not allow any journalist to speak to the accused or witness the executions. But Shabelle Radio says that an official from the Somali National Security Agency told its reporter that one of the condemned men was a government soldier who joined a group of insurgents in attacking a Somali military base in north Mogadishu. VOA has learned that the government soldier and the other accused man belonged to a sub-clan of the ******, Mogadishu's most dominant clan and whose members make up the vast majority of the people waging a bloody anti-government insurgency in the capital. Suspicion and anger is growing among the ****** that the government's top leader, ***** President Abdullahi Yusuf, may have played a role in the execution of the ****** men in an act of clan revenge. The ***** is the ******'s chief rival for power in the capital. The ****** allege that the soldiers who executed the men are loyal to the president, and they were simply seeking revenge for the deaths of two of their own by ****** insurgents. The Reuters News Agency quotes government sources as saying the two executed men were Islamist insurgents who murdered a government official on Monday. With hopes of ending more than a decade of clan warfare, the international community forced feuding Somali factional leaders to form an interim government in 2004. In return for international support and financial help, interim leaders promised to end clan politics and pave the way for democratic elections to be held in 2009. But a prominent Kenyan human rights activist, Harun Ndubi, says Somalia's transitional federal government, which took power in Mogadishu six months ago after ousting a group of radical Islamists, has done little to prove it can fulfill that promise. "They are a government of warlords," said Ndubi. "But if they expect to be accepted by the rest of the civilized community, then they must defrock themselves of the warlord cloaks they are wearing and start behaving like a government of civility, a government that respects human rights." Seven other men the government says were involved in the attack on the Somali military base have been sentenced to 15 years in prison.

Fallout from war on terror hits Ethiopia By Paul Salopek JIJIGA, Ethiopia -- The gray-faced young man lying in bed number 15 of the run-down local hospital wasn't much of a talker. In truth, few people are these days in Jijiga, a desert town whose tense streets are patrolled by swarms of Ethiopian police. But Nur Omar Ali, 25, whose neck was patched with dingy bandages, had a particularly good reason for being silent. His throat had been cut. He'd been attacked and left for dead nine days earlier at his remote village. When he was asked to identify his assailants, the camel herder's eyes shined with hate. "Christians," rasped Nur, clamping a hand to his stitched-up neck. "Ethiopian soldiers." Then, scowling, he rolled over and turned his back on his hospital visitors. After all, one was a reporter from the United States, a nation closely allied with the Ethiopian government that is conducting a fierce anti-insurgency campaign in the ****** Desert -- a civil war in Ethiopia's impoverished Muslim east that appears to be worsening thanks, at least in part, to the global confrontation between the U.S. and Islamic radicalism. Human-rights groups and media reports accuse Ethiopia -- a key partner in Washington's battle against terrorism in the volatile Horn of Africa -- of burning villages, pushing nomads off their lands and choking off food supplies in a harsh new campaign of collective punishment against a restive ethnic Somali population in the ******, a vast wilderness of rocks and thorns bordering chaotic Somalia. Ethiopia angrily denies the charges, which it blames on propaganda spread by the rebel ****** National Liberation Front. "We don't see any basic violations of human rights," said Bereket Simon, an adviser to Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. "Abusing the people doesn't make sense. You abuse people and they look to the subversives. It's counterproductive." Yet in Jijiga, the only town in the embattled region still open to journalists, residents told of the secret arrests of prominent ethnic Somali businessmen with purported links to the rebels -- hotel owners, construction contractors and traders in qat, the intoxicating plant chewed by millions in the region. One man in that raw frontier outpost described walking eight days through the bush to escape a war-ruined zone called Fik, where he claimed he saw torched and depopulated villages. And a displaced camel herder told how his village close to the Somalia border had been emptied by the Ethiopian army and its residents trucked to garrison towns such as Shilabo, a counterinsurgency tactic once used by the U.S. in Vietnam, and meant to deprive the rebels of their civilian support base. "They loaded people into trucks and just abandoned them there," said Farah, 60, who like most people in Jijiga refused to give his full name for fear of police reprisal. "They treated us like animals." 'People are actually starving' Mostly, though, the whispered talk was about hunger. The Ethiopian army has locked down immense swaths of the ******, blocking all roads and smuggling trails to commercial traffic, and thus triggering desperate food shortages in a desert already prone to famines. A teacher from the central ****** town of Kebredehar said most shops in that area had closed for lack of stocks. The prices of remaining foodstuffs such as rice, he said, had rocketed 400 percent -- far out of reach of ordinary ******is. "We're forbidden to talk about it, but there is a big problem," said a worker with the Ethiopian Red Cross. "It's not just hunger anymore. People are actually starving." Humanitarian groups met Friday with the Ethiopian military to appeal for reopening the roads, several aid workers in Jijiga said. The army agreed -- hinting that the current crackdown on the troubled region may be winding down, possibly due to the start of the rainy season. Nobody, however, expects the lull in fighting to last. Indeed, most people expect the killing to accelerate. ****** has been bloodstained by more than a century of Ethiopian conquest, revolts against European colonial rule, Cold War proxy battles and abortive independence movements. The current cycle of violence began early this year, soon after Ethiopia decided to invade neighboring Somalia to topple an emerging Islamist regime -- with the blessings of the U.S. As in Afghanistan and Iraq, that blow against a perceived terrorist threat yielded unexpected fallout. In the case of Christian-dominated Ethiopia, it helped reignite the quiescent rebel movement in the Muslim hinterland of the ******, experts say. Emboldened by ******i sympathy for their co-religionists across the Somalia border, and taking advantage of the Ethiopian army's preoccupation with taming Mogadishu, the ONLF rebels began successfully attacking towns. The insurgents have long accused the "colonial" Ethiopian military of mass rapes and summary executions in the isolated villages of the ******. But the rebels have come under some scrutiny too. Recent grenade attacks blamed on ONLF sympathizers killed a handful of civilians in Jijiga. And a devastating rebel assault on a Chinese-run gas and oil exploration project in the ****** in April left 74 dead, many of them unarmed workers. 'I played dead for two hours' "They came and ordered us out of our tents, then lined us up and shot us," said Eskedar Demissw, 27, a driver at the oil camp and the only survivor from his team of 12 laborers. "It took five minutes. I was shot three times in the back. I played dead for two hours." The ONLF claims that the oil workers were gunned down by confused Ethiopian army guards. "What the Ethiopian regime is doing in the ****** is a catastrophe," said Qamaan Hersi, a rebel spokesman. "As far as the U.S. is concerned, what better way is there to create [islamic] extremism than to oppress people the way the Ethiopians are?" In fact, Ethiopia's crackdown in the ****** has put the U.S. in an awkward position. Washington is still resisting Ethiopia's request to list the ONLF as a terrorist group. And last week, the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa convened a large meeting of humanitarian organizations to discuss ways of getting aid into the war zone. American civil affairs soldiers once built schools and drilled water wells around Jijiga. In the ******, all those hearts-and-minds programs are on hold. "I'm not sure the Americans would be very welcome anymore," said Kassahun Gebregioris, an independent human-rights worker in Jijiga. "The ******i clans associate them too much with the Ethiopians. And they don't forget." Source: Chicago Tribune

Opponents of Somalia's Transitional Government to Hold Conference By Alisha Ryu Opponents of Somalia's Western-backed transitional government have announced they will hold a conference in Eritrea in September to form a coalition whose main objective is to end Ethiopia's occupation of Somalia. VOA correspondent Alisha Ryu in our East Africa Bureau in Nairobi reports the conference is also aimed at challenging the interim government's contention that it enjoys no support of the majority of the Somali people. A prominent Somali politician, Jama Ali Jama, tells VOA that the organizers of the September 1 conference in Asmara hope to draw as many people as possible from every corner of the globe. Jama says the conference is being largely funded by donations from Somalis living overseas and by business owners from across Somalia who are eager to support any effort to bring lasting peace and security to the troubled country. "The conference is intended to unite all Somali communities, individuals, who are against the occupation of their country and are ready to liberate their country. Anyone who is willing to support that mission is welcome from inside the country and abroad," he said. Jama Ali Jama was elected president of Somalia's semi-autonomous region of Puntland in 2001 and was overthrown six months later by the current Somali interim President Abdullahi Yusuf. Jama is now one of nearly three dozen Somali parliamentarians, who make up one of the core Somali groups opposed to the government and its close political and military alliance with Somalia's traditional rival, Ethiopia. In late December, Ethiopia led the massive military offensive that ended the six-month rule of Somalia's Islamic Courts Union and installed the interim government in Mogadishu. In recent months, ousted Islamists and former parliament members have issued joint statements against Ethiopia and the interim government from their opposition base in the Eritrean capital, Asmara. Eritrea is widely accused by the West of fighting a proxy war against its arch enemy, Ethiopia, by funding and facilitating activities to destabilize Somalia's interim government. But Jama vigorously defends Eritrea's role, saying the government there is providing only political assistance to Somali opposition groups. The announcement of the Asmara conference comes just three days ahead of the expected start of national reconciliation talks in Mogadishu hosted by the interim government. Analysts say the timing of the opposition announcement is significant because the reconciliation meeting, aimed at ending Somalia's 16-year-old civil war, has been criticized by many Somalis as being nothing more than a get-together of clan-based supporters anxious to secure lucrative positions in government. Western analysts say if the conference in Eritrea draws more people than the reconciliation talks in Mogadishu, that could embarrass the government, which has insisted that anti-government insurgents are small in number and lack popular support. Source: VOA