Like i said in a previous post, all those politico's that ever chewed the fat with siyaad, have got some major cases of amnesisa, that unfortunatley keeps them from learning and applying the new dispensation is all somalia, namely justice and democratic rights such as free-speech e.t.c

wardee, ayoub inapti, Obviously you are against the mst modern and efficient constitution that yusuf is using? Abdullahi yusuf is showing the whole of somalia how he plans to govern, with righteousness to his left and liberty to his right,we all must be proud of puntlands constitution that allows high ranking memebers of parliament to be arrested and interned . It is flexible and dynamic. Let us sit back and watch better informed people explain his motivations.

brother Horn i wish that i felt your enthusiasm for the on-going confrence in nairobi. But i already see the ingrained pitfalls, that i believe has been hardwired into the agreement so as to give the warlords an "out" when ever they wish to use it. For instance tell me who are the so called " recognized eldes" that will chose MP's in concert with the warlords. Also i ask what level of open mindedness and capability we might expect from men choosen by the likes of sudi yalahow or morgan? All that we can expect is an incapable lot of qabilists, dedicated to the fustration of any attepts to bring their god fathers to book. That is if it even goes as far as that. "in every beggining their in lies the seeds of the endevours destruction' If indeed that is the case expect another final final final confrence somewhere else in a few months time.

The Faculty of Medicine, Benadir University

Well amidst all the usall clan politiking, and the usual spectacle of confrences being setup...and confrences..well failing, there has emerged a very intreasting new phenomenon. The lobby group. Based usually in the west, claiming to represent the people of somalia or somaliland as the case may be, they have developed in sophistication persuasivness and media savy. These are two examples. Somaliland policy and reconstruction institute Pan-somali council for peace and democracy (ISRAACA) What do you think about them, and their effects on somali society? Good Bad or just another player in a very crowded arena.

WAWA We Are women Activists a network of 23 women NGOs committed to promoting peace and reconciliation and women's human rights in the Puntland region. WAWA held its first peace march in Galkayo on 27 December 2001, bringing together over 120 women from each of the five cities in Puntland to call upon political leaders to stop violence in the region. Plans are underway to hold similar peace marches in other cities. UNIFEM is working to strengthen women's role in peace-building throughout the five cities of the Puntland region - Badhane, Bosaso, Garowe, Galkayo, and Lasanod. For more information, contact Hodan Addou, Peace Project Coordinator, UNIFEM Nairobi at hodan.addou@unifem.unon.org ACORD Somalia We believe that people are the primary actors in their own survival and development. We work for social justice and equality, especially for the poor and marginalised. To achieve this, we work in partnership with communities and in alliance with other organisations. More... COGWO Coalition for Grassroots Women Organizations (COGWO) is an umbrella of women organizations, working for the social, political and economic empowerment of Somali women. This will be realized through three goals: Peace, women rights and capacity building of COGWO members. More... GECPD - Galkayo Education Center for Peace and Development GECPD is a women’s NGO dedicated and committed to women’s empowerment through education • Mission statement - PDF file • Brochure - PDF file • Flyer - PDF file SAACID SAACID is a Somali women's Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) based in Mogadishu.SAACID (saa-eed) envisions Somalia as a country in which people can reach their full potential; where there is equitable access to food, shelter, health care and education. A country committed to peace, democracy, human rights and justice for all. WAWA We Are women Activists a network of 23 women NGOs committed to promoting peace and reconciliation and women's human rights in the Puntland region. WAWA held its first peace march in Galkayo on 27 December 2001, bringing together over 120 women from each of the five cities in Puntland to call upon political leaders to stop violence in the region. Plans are underway to hold similar peace marches in other cities. UNIFEM is working to strengthen women's role in peace-building throughout the five cities of the Puntland region - Badhane, Bosaso, Garowe, Galkayo, and Lasanod. For more information, contact Hodan Addou, Peace Project Coordinator, UNIFEM Nairobi at hodan.addou@unifem.unon.org OTHER PARTNERS OTP - Ocean Training and Promotion Horn of Africa Relief and Development Organisation Candle Light HAVOYOCO NEGAAD CENTRE FOR CONCERNED SOMALIS SOCDA WOCA

SACB

Hooyo la’aanta By M.M Afrah.Our women are now trying hard to break the glass ceiling in politics. They are once again in the center of attention, a jumpstart to play a bigger role in a rebirth Somalia in the field of state affairs and leadership. After being sidelined by their male counterparts for a very long time, despite the fact they had played a vital role in the struggle for independence and had suffered enormously in the civil/clan wars, they’re now in a strong position to share decision-making power in politics and parliamentary affairs life. It is time for affirmative action and means to ensure that more women are elected, designated or appointed at all levels of political and parliamentary life and involve more equitably in the decision-making process. The real question, therefore, is whether each of us is prepared to accept to rebuild a state in which no man is ashamed of our mothers, sisters and wives to be part of a resuscitated Somalia. Are we prepared to build a society in which all men can treat our woman-folk complete equality and in a spirit of free co-operation? The recent outburst by women delegates at the circus of the decade they call peace and reconciliation conference in Kenya, in which they blamed men for causing all the conflicts, mayhem and misery in Somalia, should not be taken lightly. Apparently they can take it no more. Why do women feel they shouldn’t “stand up to” or assert their independent thoughts, feelings and emotions to rich, famous or powerful warlord? Now they rightly feel to expose men who routinely use and abuse women in many parts of the world, including Somalia. It is a strong wake up call by those women at Mbagathi to other women to stand up to men, to refuse to do things they don’t feel comfortable doing, to keep their dignity and integrity—and doesn’t mince words about what is likely to happen if they don’t. Those women participants at the talks have taken the first brave step to publicly accuse men of oppression, sexual harassment, the shocking Pharaonic genital mutilation, forcing young girls to marry rich old men, murder and conspiracy of silence. Many of these young girls endured verbal abuse, rage, and even being thrown of their homes by their fathers simply because they refused to put up with the outdated Arranged Marriage, and eventually ended up in the streets with militia free lancers in their daily looting and killing spree. They lose their health from years of chewing the drug khat, chain smoking, insomnia, malnutrition, war-weariness and without a roof over their heads. I was outraged when I read “Hostage to the Gun” by a Somali woman who narrowly escaped death by seconds during the clan warfare in Mogadishu. The book recounts a number of horrifying stories of men debasing women, hurting them physically, emotionally and destroying their already fragile sense of self--all under the shadow of the gun. But the revelation of this book represents only the tip of the iceberg of violence against women and children not only in Somalia, but in war-torn African countries, such as Sierra Leone, Liberia and the Congo. Of course I am aware some of my male readers maybe upset by this expose, others may be ashamed of themselves mistreating our women that, up until now, they have been hell-bent on hiding. Had we protected our women, perhaps some of the things that happened to them wouldn’t have happened, instead of seeing them only as bodies, objects for their pleasure—not as thinking, feeling human beings with hearts, minds and souls. It is no wonder women became Presidents, Prime Ministers and Diplomats in a number of countries and have done and are doing noble tasks in state affairs, far more superior than their male counterparts who held similar offices. In the meantime thank you for reading this article with an open mind and an open heart.

Starlin Abdi Arush Peace activist and aid worker who fought Somalian tribalism to bring a measure of hope to her country James Astill Monday November 4, 2002 The Guardian Whether negotiating with warlords, setting up hospitals or chairing her Somalian homeland's Olympic committee, Starlin Abdi Arush, who has been murdered in Nairobi aged 45, often seemed a lone voice of good humour and good sense. Some diplomats spoke of her as the first president of a new, democratic Somalia, but she eschewed such ideas of power. She died on her way to observe the latest peace talks between Somalia's warlords . It seems that Starlin was the victim of a robbery; an ironic end for a woman who lived through the nihilistic battle of Mogadishu in 1991, and for whom confrontations with gunmen were a daily ordeal. Starlin maintained that tribalism had no place, in the workings of a nation state and saw plans to save Somalia founder around the rejection of this principle. In 1993, Starlin tried to negotiate an end to the stand-off between the warlord Mohamed Farah Aideed and the American peacekeepers who saw him as the cause of all evil. The Americans launched a disastrous attack on Aideed, and thus became just another faction in a tribal war. In 1999, Starlin turned down a high-level job in a new, United Nations-sponsored government. She predicted that the government - elected on tribal quotas - would fail. She told clan elders who demanded their share of jobs in her projects: "I understand your cousin needs a job. But when you have a heart attack, do you want him to treat you?" Starlin advocated the creation of local governments, to take over aid projects such as those she ran for Cosv, an Italian charity. The projects' beneficiaries could be expected to support these administrations; and in this way the state could be rebuilt. Starlin's childhood in Merca, a small Indian Ocean port 60 miles south of Mogadishu, prepared her for a role in Somalia's male-dominated society. Her mother - the estranged first wife of one of Somalia's first vets, and a patron of a Sufi order - expected as much of her four daughters as her three sons. She taught Starlin a fierce love of Somali's unique Islamic culture; and an equally fierce intolerance of its misinterpretation by male chauvinists. As an unmarried woman, Starlin wore neither headscarf nor veil. After graduating from a Catholic convent high school, Starlin lived in Italy for 13 years. She dabbled with medical school, then forged a successful career in Turin's municipal government. Italy's nepotistic institutions were familiar; but its democratic freedoms impressed her. In 1991 Somalia erupted into war, and when Starlin's younger brother and brother-in-law were killed as fighting reached Mogadishu, she returned to support her sister, Halima. Weeks later, the battle of Mogadishu began. Their home was mortared daily and ransacked twice. Throughout the fighting, Starlin and Halima organised food deliveries. This led to her involvement with the UN's emergency relief effort when famine came. With Starlin an increasingly troublesome critic, Mohamed Aideed cited these international ties as a reason to have the Arush sisters hauled before a tribal court. He accused them of scheming with foreign agents. Standing proudly, Starlin with her head bare, the two women asked: "If we wanted to kill Aideed, why would we need foreign help? Why would we not take a knife and do it ourselves?" The elders were won over instantly. Shortly after, Starlin returned to Merca to negotiate the release of some Italian aid workers taken hostage by a fundamentalist militia. Here she endured a slight which was to lead her to transform the town's dire fortunes. Having assured the militia that she would not help the hostages to escape, one militiaman pointed his gun at her and asked: "But why should we believe you?" Starlin was stunned. Only an outsider - and a thug at that - could have dared insult her in the town where her family had lived for generations. Instantly, she vowed to try putting Merca to right. It was no easy task. Its hospital had 300 employees, many of them idle militiamen, and few medical supplies. She dealt calmly with confrontation. When a thug pressed his gun to her throat, she responded: "I am Starlin Abdi Arush of the Habir Eji clan. Put down your gun or you will be dead by tomorrow." Starlin accepted such incidents as inevitable. Far more damaging was when her European donors listened to rumours, put about by rivals, that she was a warlady carving out a fiefdom. Strolling around Merca with Starlin was humbling, if time-consuming - everybody flocked to pay their respects. And Starlin, gravely nodding, gently teasing or cheerfully chatting, always repaid the compliment. Then came her aid projects: the hospital, clinics for mothers and babies, schools for 3,000 children, the demobilisation camp for militiamen. For foreign correspondents, these were practically the only contemporary good-news stories in Somalia. Starlin had hoped to hand over her aid projects and help set up a local administration in Merca. There seems little doubt that the people would have supported her. More than 1000 of them lined the streets to receive her body home. She is survived by her family and her fiancé, Roland Marchal, a French academic, who said: "She never much considered her own future. She only thought of her country." · Starlin Abdi Arush, peace activist and aid worker, born March 3 1957; died October 24 2002

Arraweelo A Role Model For Somali Women By Ladan Affi This essay was presented by Ladan Affi during the Somali Peace Conference in October 1995, held in Paris, France and was published in a book called "POUR UNE CULTURE DE LA PAIX EN SOMALIE" edited by Mohamed Mohamed Abdi. Here's the article in its full form. Once upon a time, there was a famous queen named Arraweelo, who ruled most of what is now Somalia. When she was younger, Arraweelo had witnessed many wars and conflicts between Somalis. She had also seen how the council of elders had, on many occasions, made some unwise decisions. She felt that these were due to the fact that some of the men on the council were not intelligent and capable enough to be in a position of leadership. Her recommendation was that these men should be replaced by women who were intelligent and competent to make decisions, that would be of benefit to the community. However, Arraweelo's husband disagreed with her and felt that that kind of work belonged to men and that women were better left to do what they did best housework and childcare. The steps that Arraweelo took to get power are very well known to most Somalis and especially to Somali men. She organized the women into striking from doing household chores, so that the men were kept busy with the cooking and looking after the children. While they were preoccupied with that, Arraweelo took over the leadership, declaring herself queen. From then on, there was peace and prosperity in the land Christine Choi in her article "Finely Etched Chattel: The invention of Somali Women", states that "much of the research on gender and in particular, women in Somalia, with notable exceptions, suffer from serious flaws."[1] She continues in the same article that "Orientalism coupled with a patriarchal view of African women has yielded the systematized anthropological studies of I.M. Lewis and other colonial anthropologists, which has created the image of the Somali women as chattel, commodity and a creature with little power". This image is in complete contradiction with the reality of Somali women and their position in society. The theme of this conference is peace culture and its promotion in Somalia. Somali women as natural peacemakers must be an integral part of this process. However, women who have shown interest in participating in the political decision making process, such as Arraweelo, have traditional ly been ostracized and treated as though they were abnormal and unwomanlike. Somali women have always been the backbone of Somali society and women in nomadic Somalia do almost all the work ensuing the survival of the Somali family in a harsh environment. "Somali women play a significant role in Somali society; the division of labor is clearly defined and heavily weighted towards women. Traditionally, the nomadic woman milks the animals, processes the milk, feeds the family, and cares for and watches the livestock. She also collects firewood, cooks, feeds the children, cleans the house and washes the clothes and the utensils" [2] In addition to that, women have the responsibility of "building and dismantling the nomadic aqal (home)" as they move from place to place in search of grass and water for their livestock. Meanwhile, the men have the very formidable job of "where to move, arrange additional transport from other families"[3] and looking after the camels. To keep the peace between clans in times of conflict, Somali women served as sacrificial lambs when they were married off to the clan, their father, brothers and uncles had been fighting against in the past. During the struggle for independence, many Somali women took part. Many contributed financially by selling their jewelry, others took part in the demonstrations. Many hid the freedom fighters against the colonial powers at a great personal cost , some were jailed and beaten, all for the sake of achieving freedom for the Somali people. One well known woman was Timiro Ukash who was jailed while pregnant by the Italian colonial powers. She gave birth to a baby girl while in jail. When independence was finally achieved and British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland joined together to form the Somali Democratic Republic on July 1st, 1960, Somali women were nowhere to be seen. There were no women representatives in the Cabinet or in Parliament. Their services were no longer required in achieving independence. The benefit of independence was minimal to Somali women as it was mostly the men who were educated and who benefited in terms of employment, education and prestige. However, with the movement into large cities, many Somali women lost their defined position in society, resulting in many women being left to fend for themselves, their children and other extended family members In urban centers like Mogadishu, approximately "50% of small scale businesses are run by women". Others were civil servants and were involved in jobs as "teachers, nurses and clerks"[4] who were given very few opportunities to advance in a society were patriarchy and clan lineage are the order of the day. In October 21, 1969, Siyad Barre came to power through a coupd'etat . The Somali language was developed into written form and a phenomenal literacy campaign was successfully launched. This was an opportunity for many Somali girls to get access to education. As many entered the universities, the future looked hopeful for Somali women. However, the reality has proven otherwise. "Although 8 years of schooling is compulsory, it is estimated that 96% of Somali women cannot read and girls receive about one third of the schooling of boys and that female literacy is 39 percent of male literacy.[5] Barre government's attempt to try to better the situation of Somali women failed partly due to opposition from some men who based their arguments on religion. Their position however contradicted the Quran's message of equality between women and men. According to Country Report 1992, women have been subject of discrimination in work and family matters. I rural areas, women are "treated as beasts of burden" [6]doing much of the work but receiving little recognition. Although Somali women have had the right to vote in Islam for over 1400 years, In Somalia since 1958 in the south and since 1961 in the north, yet they are not permitted to take part in the tribal or assembly of elder where the real clan decision making process takes place. The outbreak of civil war in 1991 affected the whole country, but it has had the greatest impact on Somali women and children: "The tragedy of the current destruction and violence in our country has been leveled disproportionately against the Somali women. It is not surprising that this is so, given that women have, for a long time, occupied a marginalized and powerless position in our society."[7] The situation of women in areas of armed conflict, as well as the role of women in Somali society, are issues that have drawn the attention of human rights groups and Somali analysts. The present position of Somali women continues to be unacceptable. According to Dr. Safia Shire, a former diplomat with the Somali Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "when the slow disintegration of (Somali) society and institution as well as the destruction and violence started, the rights of Somali women began eroding and they became a voiceless group".[8] Many of the victims during the past four years of war were specifically targeted because of their weakness and vulnerability due to their lack of military strength and clan or sub clan affiliation. While many men were away, fighting for the honor and prestige of their clan, the women were left to take care of the family. Close to one million refugees, mostly women and children, fled to neighboring countries such as Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti. "Women who flee become refugees at the mercy of incomprehensible bureaucracies and hostile governments".[9] On the way, they were abused, tortured, raped and killed because of their clan affiliation or that of their husband and children. Amnesty Information and other sources described "that the number of rapes in Somalia was massive in scale...and commonplace in the villages".[10] When Africa Watch interviewed women in the refugee camps, nearly one half said they had also been attacked in Somalia Unfortunately, many were ostracized as if the abuse they had received was something they had brought on themselves. They were used as pawns in the game of clan politics. Many women remained in their cities trying to make the best of the situation. They were instrumental in trying to save many people through the opening of soup kitchens, operating schools for children, running the hospital and were generally involved in the delivery of social services Thirty five years after independence, the position of Somali women is worse than it was before. Even though they suffered much in the aftermath of the civil war, Somali women have been marginalized and excluded from taking part in the reconciliation efforts, both by the Somalis as well as the International community. When the U.N. announced that each region would have three individual based on their clan affiliation, it left me with a mixture of emotions. I was happy that Somali women were finally being acknowledged and at the same time realizing the futility of implementing this plan as the clan establishment is a purely male oriented realm. True to form, none of the clans agreed to have women represent them. Country reports 1993, noted that "with social breakdown caused by the civil war, clan loyalties have grown even stronger". This does not bode well for Somali women or their participation in Somali society.[11] The growing Islamic movements in Somalia, whose main focus seems to the domination and subjugation of women in the area of political and social participation will also be a barrier for women. These men's obsession with women and especially women's dress code points to disturbing trends that is destined to erode any gain Somali women have made in the past 35 years. Unfortunately, many Somali women believe that Islam is the domain of men without investigating what Islam has to say about the political and social involvement of some men. Some men feel threatened when women do claim their Islamic rights such as equality between men and women, the right to education and the right to participate in community affairs. Their reaction is to put women down so that the authority of men will not be questioned. This suppression is not confined to women in Somali, but seems to afflict, from my observations, women in the Diaspora as well. Those who use Islam as a means of gaining political power are using similar means of oppression through fear as those who use the clan as a means of legitimizing their power. Some women also work within the clan framework choosing to overlook the fact that the clan is a male dominated system that contributes to their oppression. They do not seem to realize that it will not benefit them as women. Somali women need to support and work with each other whether from the rural or urban areas whether from the north or from the south. They need to learn about their Islamic heritage and study the Quran for themselves. "Equality proposes a principled approach to society. It concerns structural adjustment as well as domestic production" [12] Many people might feel that the equal participation of Somali women is an impossible and an unrealistic task. Somali men who are active in the reconciliation efforts in Somalia should realize that without the participation of half of society, very little has been or can be achieved. Somali men must actively participate in opposing those whose ego is comforted by the subservience of Somali women. They must be the ones to insist that Somali women be equally involved in the decision making process in Somalia Somali women must question and challenge a culture that contributes to their domination. It is vital for women to educate themselves and t take a more visible and active role in society." Dr Orbinski, a physician with Medecins sans Frontieres, has witnessed anti war demonstration by women and believes that women the "fabric of (Somali) society" and according to other reports, aid experts believe that "women are the most powerful force rebuilding Somalia.[13] Anna Abdallah Msekwa, Minister of State in the office of the Tanzanian Prime Minister and a veteran of women's organizations as well as the initiator of Creators of Peace believes that people have to "start initiating peace in the world from where you are, in your heart, home, workplace and community"[14] Somali women have demanded to be included in the peace negotiations but they have been excluded. They are "not allowed to speak in meetings and have been noticeably absent from any international or internal for for peace negotiations"[15] For a lasting peace to be achieved in Somalia, women must be involved. Violence, threats of violence and abuse of women should no longer be tolerated. In Islam, education is a right as well as a responsibility upon every Muslim, whether male or female. Lack of access to education has serious consequences in terms of the participation of Somali women and must be remedied immediately. Attention and support must be given to women's groups by Somali society and the International communities. "Substantive equality is about taking into account the naming consequences of women's social exclusion. It is about stopping and correcting the exclusion mechanisms."[16] Therefore, in order for Somali women to achieve equality, women must be provided with the support and training necessary for social and economic empowerment; for example, by funding women's organizations and providing the necessary structure to facilitate women's economic success and political activism. Through innovative ideas and practical implementation, women can provide ways of overcoming the distrust and hostilities between the various clans. Somali women need a platform on which they can come together, regardless of clan affiliations, to discuss common concerns and needs In order to achieve this, "we must encourage the establishment of the mechanisms that will serve to advance women in all official capacities related to International diplomacy."[17] Somali women must be provided with the opportunity to participate in forums, such as this conference where the future of the Somali people is being discussed. The frustrations and anger felt by Arraweelo at having to be ruled by an inept and useless council is one that many Somali women, including myself, can relate to. I firmly believe that if Somali women have been involved in the reconciliation efforts from the beginning, the hostilities would not have reached the levels they had nor would it have lasted as long as it has. I believe that now is the time to remedy the situation. The efforts being made on behalf of Somalia should be one that focuses on our similarities rather than on our differences. Somalis everywhere should be reminded of our need and support for each other. In the Qur'an, in the translation made by Yusuf Ali, there is a commentary in the Chapter of Women (Sura al Nisa) that says "What can be a holier cement to society than the....women's right secured; ...and all life lived in faith, charity and kindness sincere to all our fellow creatures."[18]. The essence of this is that of women are treated well, the whole society benefits. [19] History seems "to indicate that Arraweelo did actually live and rule most, if not all of Somali territory"[20]. The story of Arraweelo is one that has been told for generations and is still told to children, both girls and boys today. Although it is primarily used as an example of why women's rule should be vigorously opposed, it provided me with a concrete role model of a Somali woman. It illustrates and highlights the positive characteristics of having women in leadership positions. Although Arraweelo is portrayed as a violent woman who enjoyed castrating men (I believe that the castration was political rather than physical), the reality is that she took over the control of Somalia at a time when it desperately needed order, peace and prosperity. My paper is dedicated to all the Somali women who continue to struggle against injustice and violence and have had the courage and strength to world towards building Somalia that is equitable and peaceful for all Bibliography [1]"Christine Choi, "Finely Etched Chattel:the intervention of a Somali Woman", The Invention of Somalia, ed. Ali Jimale Ahmed, Red Sea Press, Lawrenceville, NJ, 1995, pp. 157 189 [2]Rhoda Ibrahim, "The changing lives of Somali women", "Changing perceptions: writings on Gender and Development", ed. Tina Wallace with Candida March, Oxfam publications, Oxford, 1991, pp 132 136. [3]Rhoda Ibrahim, 1991, op.cit. [4]Rhoda Ibrahim, 1991, op.cit [5]Centre d'Etudes Arabes pour le Developement (CEAD), "Somalia: Women's Human Rights", "Women in the Horn of Africa: Background papers", Alternatives, Montreal, "Quebec, 1995, pp. 144 168. [6]Dahabo Farah, "Role of Women in Somali Society", Montreal, Canada, 1994. [7]Centre d'Etudes Arabes pour le Development (CEAD), 1995, op.cit. [8]Centre d'Etudes Arabes pour le Developpement (CEAD), 1995, op.cit. [9]Diana Wong, "War and Women", "Canadian Women Studies: Women's rights are Human Rights", 15, 2&3, Spring/Summer 1995, pp. 25 29. [10]Centre d'Etudes Arabs pour le Development (CEAD), 1995, op.cit. [11]Centre d'Etudes Arabes pour le Developpement (CEAD), 1995, op.cit. [12]Lucie Lamarche, "An historical review of Social and Economic Rights: A case for real rights", "Canadian Women Studies: Women's Rights are Human rights", 15, 2&3, Spring/Summer 1995, pp. 12 18. [13]Centre d'Etudes Arabes pour le Developpement (CEAD), 1995, op.cit. [14]Anna Abdallah Msekwa, "Creators of Peace Inaugural Conference", Caux, Switzerland, 1991. [15]Hibaaq Osman, "Somali women rally for peace", "Match News", July 1995, p.2. [16]Lucie Lamarche, 1995, op.cit. [17]Hibaaq Osman, 1995, op.cit. [18]The Holy Qur'an, Sura al Nisa, translation by Yusuf Ali [19]Jamal Badawi, "Gender Equity in Islam: Basic Principles", American Trust Publications, Plainfield, Indiana, 1995. [20]Christine Choi, 1995, op.cit. © 1993 Ladan Affi All Rights Reserved.

Like i said in the heading, if you have any articles concerning women historical figures, bussiness figures, politics, or whatever, add it on the thread and if we do a good job of it perhaps admin will put it up as a welcome to every lady who registers.

I ask the somalilanders not to get offended as these are pertinent questions facing all somalis Abstract The author visits the recent Somaliland events and points out the failures of the current government. He gives few examples and portrays the evidences with pictures. The heart of the discussion are few key members of this government who lost the main picture by getting very busy with trying to discredit high profile members of Somaliland public. The author encourages the public to keep and strengthen the law and order, and not to look back to the events of 1990s which are being encouraged by. Indication is also given to the opposition parties that they should stand for constructive opposition rather than destructive. The article finally gives recommendations of how to restore public confidence if this leadership is to finish its five year term. Overview The recent Somaliland election had left scar and deep rooted suspicions among Somalilanders. There is no doubt in my mind that the current problems have at least to do with them up to some extent. Feeling is that the country had been held for ransom and entire security had been compromised. What astonishes me is the philosophy of some people who, because of their insecurity and lack of positive track record in their background, are busy with baseless arguments, negative attitudes, and hypocritical judgments. Is this cynical attempt to divert attention of the public from the failures and secrecy of this administration? The minister recently went to Djibouti on supposedly an official visit; can he say what the aims and objectives of this visit were? Let everyone be informed that civil-war is over for good and the dark days will never came back to Somaliland. We wan to move forward and have every right to share peace and prosperity among our world citizens today. The current government is unfit to govern and it does not have mandate anyway. Number of its ministers failed to find ratification through the parliament. To everyone’s amazement, these ministers are still in office. Others are busy with cheap insults on high profile members of the public. Some lost any sense of direction in the midst of chaos administration. Some will get furious if the words “CV, Background or crime” are mentioned. Some got there because they hate others. All that cost dear to the nationhood of Somaliland and the very survival of the public. Unless complete political restructure including effective reshuffle, scrutiny and reformation of judicial bodies and house of elders (Guurti) take place immediately, and some of the notorious figures are pushed aside to take the back seats, public confidence to politics will continue to decline, those who do not understand how we came about to this stage will continue to disappoint us. And Somaliland dreams will be in jeopardy. Introduction. Somaliland will be 13 years old within months. Without any doubt, it passed through lots of hurdles and difficulties. Although, in principle, I have always been passionate about the self-determination of Somaliland and its wonderful people to stand as a separate entity and claim whatever they deserve including full recognition, I never stop wondering whether Somaliland leaders really practice what they preach. Recent events in Somaliland play into the hands of those who oppose Somaliland and they encourage internal political dogfight. Lat me share few thoughts of mine with an evidences that will stare in the face of the current incompetent and insecure Somaliland administration. It is certainly easier to be in any position than to fulfil what that very position is all about. In other words, it is simple to be a minister in any authority not least the one led by Mr Riyaale. What is challenging however is to recognise and fully implement your key responsibilities. There is no moral power in the camp of the current Somaliland government. You can not rule when the distinct moral authority is missing and the combination of guilty feelings, suspicions and lack of visions are dangling overhead. They are all over the place and everyone is saying whatever they want whenever they want to. The fear is that law and order collapses any time. There are more fully armed pick-up trucks to simply secure their security than serving the safety of the general public in Hargeysa and other towns. Are we not copying the style of that dictator who ruled Somalia for over two decades? Who are they afraid of? Why can’t we repair Hargeysa roads for funds that go untraced or indeed traced unjustifiably? I can continue questions to multiply, but who do I expect answers from? They are very busy on looking back their shoulders. They feel they have to first discredit those who are respected more, who can identify their weaknesses and challenge them. As a result, their tasks and responsibilities are forgotten and the public is bewildered. The following is supposed to be Sheikh Bashir secondary school science Lab. Burao is the second capital city of Somaliland and its education or public services, in general deserves better than this. The capital is also not doing any much better any way. Health, education, security and public roads, wherever you look, you would be disappointed. The clean, big villas and mansions you see today in the towns of Somaliland are owned privately. These buildings and nice cars will not do a thing for the orphan children in the streets of Hargeisa, Burao or Borama. They need basic education and welfare. With the current Somaliland income, if spent honestly and wisely. That is affordable. Security situation worsening by the day. The recent killing of foreigners who came to help us in the areas we are in need most, like health and education is just a tip of an iceberg. Why don’t you share the following pictures with me? I am sure they will ring a bell if you are follower of the recent Somaliland events. This woman has been assassinated while serving and actively helping children in Borama, Somaliland. She was respected figure in the area she was assassinated simply because of her continued humanitarian work. It is still not clear to the reason behind this brutal killing and nobody is charged for it as yet. Mr Eyeington was also shot in his home in Sheikh Somaliland. Until his killing, he served as the head of Sheikh secondary school. Again nobody is charged for this killing. Mr Jaamac was senior officer of one of the government institutions and he was Also only recently shot in front of his house in Hargeisa in a bright daylight. Nobody is detained for this crime and still not clear if the reason for this killing is known or indeed if anyone will ever be charged. It is worth mentioning that relatives of Mr. JAMA refused to for lack of speedy progress on the investigation of the case. Is it coincidence that all these prominent figures come to politically sensitive and tragic end of their lives in such a short period after the elections with the unpopular result? Of course, they died on their days and nobody could delay or extend their lives, but we are talking about the sense of insecurity and chaos situation we suddenly plunged into. Innocent women and children are thrown out because they don’t belong to Somaliland and that will improve Somaliland security. That’s not the right way to do it. We are being hysterical. We are breaking both international and Somali codes of practices here. Others were detained because they belong to ONLF. They are Somali people and if we do not want them in Somaliland, and there is no crime they committed inside our country, then they should be free to go wherever they want to. If their basic human rights are violated, then that is not in my name! Let’s respect the values of our grandfathers. Our grandfathers respected their guests. Values and heritage should not be thrown away for small and invisible interests. We can always improve our relationship with Ethiopia with bilateral respect and common interest. Our relationship with Ethiopia must be based in mutual contacts that serve both nations for the positive. We are not born yesterday. The recent Somaliland election had left scar and deep rooted suspicions among Somalilanders. There is no doubt in my mind that the current problems have at least to do with them up to some extent. The reader is also invited to read the report by the African rights about the result of this referendum. You can always check the discussions of those who used to be in the camp of this administration but left them after their intelligence and moralities were insulted. The feeling is that the country had been held for ransom and entire security had been compromised. The public deserves better as they had done more than their fair share. They lost a huge amount of their wealth and lives to come this far. In other words, they struggled with the former regime, brought it down and freed their country with their hands without any external support. The current administration is not up for the challenges. What we are witnessing today in the ground is the process of trying to remove history from the land, so that no traces of what happened are to be found. Some of the recent events of Somaliland are really testing our patience. Examples are the treatment of the most respected people in the hands of those who would get nowhere until they discredit others. Raqiya Oomaar does not need publicity to inform others who she is and where she came from or what she does. Her CV which is readily available not least from international organizations says all. Or we all know who she is anyway. She is well known human rights campaigner who loves her country. It has been reported that the minister who called her a dropouts acknowledged and apologized to her. But the government did not take any action against him. You would not be surprised then, if the public assume that this is the official line of this administration. Or you can rightly ask yourself if they have an official line of leadership at all. Is this genuine apology anyway? Genuine apology must be followed by correction of oneself, because one recognizes his/her mistake then they should never be in a similar situation again. Let’s wait and see. Another plunder is the recent attack by the minister of finance to the well respected figure. He claimed Abdikadir Koosaar and Adan shiine were assassinated by Siilaanyo and he said this without any proof. We recognize he is a citizen of Somaliland and he is entitled to his opinions. What he is not entitled to, as a Somaliland minister, is to say whatever he wants whenever he wants. He is ought to be corrected that he is making serious allegations against the leader of Somaliland opposition party, who almost become our president in the last election. To the minds of a lot of the majority of the public, he is a man of principles and integrity. in the past and present, one of the key engineers of Somaliland. Everybody’s record is there and we are not born yesterday. It has been reported that other members of this government were appalled with these accusations and they said that is his personal opinion. Again, if there is no public apology to this, then that is the voice of this administration. Somaliland minister for finance! Where was he when these things happened? And what evidences has he got to substantiate his allegations? Hang on; does he understand or care that he has to substantiate his allegations? May be the answer lies where the minister was and what he did at the time. There are others who had same mission for hatred, but were not as lucky as him for they did not get this ministerial position and as a result went back to where they came from empty-handed. It looks like they will be traveling from UK and be pushing to take wasted opportunity this time. The minister recently went to Djibouti on supposedly an official visit; can he say what the purpose of the visit was? Can he at least say the agenda for the visit? Would the reader consider this question answer that was interchanged by the president of Djibouti and IRIN? IRIN: What about your relations with Somaliland which is your immediate neighbor? President Geele of Djibouti: It (Somaliland) is going the same way as the south – there are now fundamentalists who want to destabilize the situation. Unless the south is stable, Somaliland cannot be stable, contrary to what they think… And of course we support a united Somalia. We cannot allow ourselves to advocate secession. Would the reader now ask; is this view shared by this Somaliland administration? If they don’t, one would expect their response. It is ironic that we await solutions from those who opposed the interests of this nation one or two decades ago. Please don’t jump to a conclusion that I mean president Riyaale. What astonishes me however is the philosophy of some people who, because of their insecurity and lack of positive track record in their background, are busy with baseless arguments, negative attitudes, and hypocritical judgments. Sometimes it is very disturbing indeed. Of course, for the short term. Those who come to Somaliland politics lately and hope they can repeat events of early 1990s for their own benefit are making grave mistakes by not only wasting their time but indeed risking their names ending up in dark chapters of history. Let everyone be informed that civil-war is over for good and the dark days will never came back to Somaliland. We wan to move forward and have every right to share peace and prosperity among our world citizens today. All Somaliland must unite under one honest and capable leadership. And that leadership, with regard to the evidence in front of our eyes and to my personal assessment is not the current system. The current government is unfit to govern and it does not have mandate anyway. A number of its ministers failed to find ratifications through the parliament. To everyone’s amazement, they are still in office. Others are busy with cheap insults of high profile members of the public. Some lost any sense of direction in the midst of chaos administration. Some will get furious if the words “CV, Background or suspicion for a crime” are mentioned. Some got there because they hate others. All that cost dear to the nationhood of Somaliland and the very survival of the public. This is not to say there is no one single decent man or woman within the current Somaliland administration. Conclusions and Recommendations. The honeymoon period for this government is over. As far as the internal security problems are concerned, urgent actions are needed to remedy the situation. The answer may not be more armed people in the streets of major towns or indeed the presidential place, but rather identifying the sources of situations that stimulate lack of confidence and as a result lack of respect for the whole system. We need transparency and accountability in the public sector. We need to further investigate and at least know about the alleged of crimes of the past and the present. Politicians who can not be an example for the public should not be appointed for high profile posts. Representation is also crucial so Somaliland parliamentary elections must be held without any delay. Opposition parties must realize they stand for constructive opposition but not pointing out every weakness of the government to a political goal score. This should not be a game of cat and mouse. If there is to be any chance for this government to finish its five year term, then this leadership must rethink and reverse its recent performances and presentations. They must act quicker to respond and face to its responsibilities. President Riyaale must speak to the public more for the direction of his leadership or if he can not face the public and present himself, he should at least inform his ministers not to step the mark. I would be the first to support and acknowledge any positive contribution to this nation. Unless complete political restructure including effective scrutiny, reformation of judicial bodies and house of elders (Guurti) take place immediately and some of the notorious figures take the back seats, public confidence to politics will continue to decline. Those who do not understand how we came about to this stage will continue to disappoint us. And Somaliland dreams will be in jeopardy, and it won’t be long when we ask ourselves: Who is in charge of Somaliland?

No, lucky i am the type of guy who spits when he talks, yaacni I am charisma-free. But my best freind for 15 years, has evolved and its making me rethink my position.

the war mongers who end their posts with DU'CAS asking ALLAH for peace. Loooool, ayoub that was terrible, but i see you noticed. Horn brother we might hope against hope, but on reflection and taking into consideration some posts, maybe the stage the politics section has attained, is the highest level of evolution that any forum, on or about somali issues can ever attain?

Apparently Mohamed Qanyare believes that there is a 75% chance of success, apparently so do the other warlords......apparently this is the precursor seen 13 previous times to another crashing and bashing of the hopes of somalis everywhere. Let me reserve the right to be at least optimisticaly cynical.

Well if dis SOMALI WEYN doesnt happen an none of dese peace talkz go down well... Do u reckon Puntland should follow da same steps as der fellow bruvaz in Waqooyi Galbed n fight for independancy First off welcome, malitia gyal. , yea sure why not, I think that is an absolutely delicious idea absolutley capital, then perhaps benadiir can fight for it as well, and waamo and riverine and were ever people deem it fit, each gaining support and hope from the previous groups un shackling of the chains that bind them to the ogre called somaliweyn.

:rolleyes:

Do you think most men know what women really want? I think most men might THINK they know, but I think almost every man makes one, huge, critical mistake when it comes to women... The mistake is that they don't recognize that in each woman their are actually TWO women... the natural woman and the culturally programmed woman. The culturally programmed woman is the one with all the rules and all the roles... all the restrictions, constrictions... all the shouldn'ts, shoulds, don'ts, can'ts, mustn'ts...etc. But the natural woman....that's the woman right there at the core... where you keep your most exciting memories... where you ponder fantasies... daydreams... amazing possibilities... the things you'd do if no one were watching and no one... even your best friends... would ever, ever know about... Most men just do things that trigger the culturally programmed woman... But when a man... a rare man... can touch a woman in that special place in all those special ways you LONG to be touched... in ways you maybe even can't admit to yourself... then WOW... an almost complete transformation takes place... and you start blossoming way beyond what you ever even thought possible. So I think the smart SOMALI man is the man who has the realization that that place is there... waiting and longing... even inspite the fact that women often have to lock all of that away... and yet they are still there.. What do you think, and i am already blushing with the effort so no flaming

Dal saboola dadkiisuna aqoontu ku yar tahay maxey nidaam federaala ku wadaagin. Waxey iigu muuqataa qabyaaladii oo qaab federaala loo dalacsiiyey. Waxaan u arkaa qaab dalkii Soomaaliyeed lagu qeybinayo si uusan u yeelan nidaam Soomaalida ay hal awood oo keliya tala ku goostaan. Waxaa ii muuqata soo minguurinta xeerarkii Ethiopia iyo damaceeda dulaalnimo oo ay ku xeer wareejineyso dalweynaha Soomaaliyeed. Waxaan iga qarsooneyn soo ifbixida dalal yar yar oo ay hogaaminayaan dadkii u liitey degaanadaas. Dalka Soomaaliyeed diinta qeybisay waa qabyaalada. Waana iyada mida maanta looga maarmi waayey in dalka loo qeybiyo dowlado qabiil. Wixii Soomaalinimo lagu waayey uma maleynayo in lagu helayo nidaam qabiiil si kasta oo loo qurxiyo iyo magac kasta oo loo bixiyo. Dad isku dhaqana oo isku afa muxuu ku soo kordhinayaa qaabka federaalku. Dad aan shaqo isku lahayn sida dalka Amerika oo ka soo kala jeeda wadamada qaarada Yurub oo dhan waa gar iney dalal yar isku qeybiyaan, awoodooda dhaqaala oo xoogan awgeedna ay u suurto geliso iney isku celiso midnimadooda. Dalkii Soomaaliyeed oo laga hor wareejiyey xayndaabkii isku celinayey oo ay cadowgeeda si wadajira isaga celineysey, maxaa isku celi doona shan iyo toban dalyare oo mid walba qumaneheedu qoorta u suran yahay. Ma dalkiiba aad u weyn oo u baahday ismaamul dowladeedyo badan mise dadkiiba hodon noqday oo doonaya khaliijyo madaxbanaan oo u gaara. Dalka Soomaalida weligiis wuxuu ku noolaa macaawinada dalalka shisheeyaha laga helo. Ma daxda dalkuna xoolaha dadweynaha saboolkaa dibeda deeq ahaan loogu soo dhiibo ayey rasamaal maguurtaa ka abuurtaan haddii ay noqon lahayd Guryo, shirkado ganacsi, beero ama lacag adag oo dibeda lagu maalgashado. Ujeedada federaalka waxaan u qaatay hal af oo weyn waa nagu yar yahay ee aan hirgashano nidaamka noo ogol 15 af waaweyn inaan wax ku doonano. Gobolka Waqooyi iyo kan Bari maxey tahay dhaqaalaha ay gooni isugu taagi karaan iyo cadowga ay gooni isaga celin karaan hadddii aysan shisheeye u rukuceyn. Hilibka ay cunaan waxaa laga keena gobolada dhexe iyo kuwa galbeed. Sidoo kale khudaarta iyo mirahana waxey uga yimadaan gobolada koofureed ama galbeedka. Siyaasadoodu miyeysan u muuqan qabiilkeyga ciddii aan ahayn xaq kuma leh degaanka. Hadda ka hor labada gobol waxey goboladooda ka cirdeysteen dad Soomaaliyeed oo degaanka guur geyey ama ganacsi geeyey ama ka shaqeysanyey, iyaga oo ku tilmaamaya dad qalaad oon degaanka u dhalan. Haddii ujeedada ay tahay danta qabiilkeyga, oo sideedaba maxey la wadaagi dadka intiisa kale. Danta qabiilkeygu waa ii gooni taadana aan kula wadaago meel ay ka soconeyso anigu ma garan karo. Waxaan cadeyn waxa Soomaali aysan horay u wadaagin ee hadda la wadaagayo. Dalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa qarnigan ka salguurey taladii odayaasha dhaqanka oo aan aqoon durugsan u lahyn dhaqamada cusub oo ay soo kordhiyeen nidaamka dowladnimada. Inkasto ay weli ku dhegen yihiin kursigii ay dhaxaltooyada ugu heleen dhaqanka miyiga haddana kama maqna in hanaanka la casriyeeyo si ay mudnaanta markasta u yeeshaan. Waana taas mida keentay nidaamka cusub ee federaalka iyo odayaal caado qaatayaala in la yiraahdo siyaasiyiintii dalka ha soo xulaan. Odeygaas aan aqoonta lahayn waa maxay qaabka uu ku xulayo dadka ka aqoonta badan. Cidda leh wax ha lagu doorto qaabkaas waa dad meheradoodu tahay iney Soomaalida ku xukumaan qaab laaluusha iyo qeyameyn dhaqaale. Dadkii isku abaabuley jabhadaha hubeysan oo ay uga dhegen tahay fikrada ku xirantay maskaxdooda oo ah adigu tali haddii la waayana degaankaaga gooso ayaa xoog wax ku muquuninteedu waxey keentay in loo arko dalaaliin uu shisheeye wato oo iyaga danahooda ka wakiila. Wakiil kasta oo dan shisheeye ilaalinayana wuxuu hor kacayaa koox uu isagu liiskiisa sameystay, waana taas mida loo leeyahay dagaal-ogayaashu ha soo xulaan mudanyaasha baarlamaanka. Wadamada danaha gaarkaa ka leh Soomaaliya cid walba mudanaha ay dooneyso ayey garab taagan tahay waana qasab iney soo geliso Baarlamaanka xeelad kasta oo ay u martaba, taas ayeyna ku saleysan tahay siyaasada beesha caalamka. Ciddii aaminsan iney Soomaalidu dooraneyso wakiilada iyaga metelaya fikradooda dib ha ugu noqdaan. Cadowga Ethiopia oo xeerka federaalka isagu soo minguuriyey ujeedada uu ka leeyahay waa mid uu ku qeybinayo awooda Soomaaliyeed si aan loo helin cudud xoogan oo israacsan. Haddii ay iskhilafaan danta guud ee Soomaalida iyo tan Ethiopia, waxaan shaki lahyn dadkii ay ka soo buuxsatey baarlamaanka ama kuwa ay la dhistay gooni u goosadka iney u hiilinayaan danaha Ethiopia. Sidaas waxaa ku muuqata in dalka Soomaaliyeed uusan iska celin karin cadow ay ku daaban yihiin hogaamiyeyaashiisa kooxaha. Waxaa kaloo dalka akhirka milkiyadiisa wareejinaya xeerarka cadowga uu soo minguuriyey si uu ula saanqaado nidaamka isaga uu horay u degsadey oo qiil loogu heli karo isku darsan gadaal dambe ka dhasha. 3 milyan oo Soomliya iyo 30 milyan oo Ethiopia isku darkoodu waa iney dalka yeelato cida u badan. Dad kaa aqoon badan oo kaa siyaasad badan oo kaa fara badan in dhaxalkaagu xagooda marin waa cadeyn aan u baahneyn in laga shakiyo. Waxaa isticmaarkii kadib dalka loo dhiibey dad aqoontoodu kooban tahay oo ay ku siman tahay waxbarashada dugsiga hoose/dhexe. Waxaana isdhexyaacay xeerkii gumeysiga dejiyey iyo xeerkii dhaqanka qabyaalada. Markii dalku jirsedey 40 sanno oo dad badan oo Soomaaliya ay la wadaageen aduunweynaha intiisa kale aqoonta guud iyo mida gaarkaa in maanta loo noqdo odey koofi cad iyo wadaad cimaamad cad iyo gacan ku dhiigle hogaamiya dembilayaal dagaal waxey muujineysaa inaan ku socono wado gadaal iyo horeyba ka xiran. Hanaanka dalka Soomaaliyeed uu ku dhaqmi karo wuxuu ku xiran yahay inta dadkiisu aqoontiisu la egtahay, taasna in laga horboodo ma ahan. Waxa madaxbanaanideenii aan ugu hor mari weyney dadka kalese ay ugu hormareen waa dhaqanka Soomaalida oo soo hormarinaya qofba intuu qof kale ka liito, meesha dunida kale la soo hormariyo cidda aqoonteeda leh. Maxaa maanta kulmiyey dhismo dowlad iyo nidaamka federaalka? Umaleyn mayo nidaamka federaalka in laga leeyahay ujeedo wanaagsan, w axaana ka cabsi qabaa in nidaamkaas uu yahay qaab xeerarka Soomaalida loogu diyaarinayo oo keliya sidii mustaqbalka dalka Ethiopia qiil loogu siin lahaa in dalka Soomaaliyeed loogu daro. Haddii ay Soomaalidu u baahan tahay nidaamka federaalka waxaa haboon inaan lagu deg degin kan maanta la doonayo inta laga gaarayo siyaasiyiin si toosa loo soo doortay ama inta afti dadweyne laga qaadayo. Teeda kale ma cadda waxa maanta loogu deg degayo baarlamaan aan dadku soo dooran. Dalku wuxuu maanta u baahan yahay waa guddi ku meel gaara oo suga nabadgelyada dalka, dabadeedna qaban qaabiya doorasho baarlamaan iyo mid madaxweyne. Waxaa cad nidaamkasta oo aan ku imaan doorasho inuusan keeneyn kalsoonida dadka, sidaas ayeysan ku habooneyn in lagu degdego dhismo dowladeed oo leh golaheeda xeerdejinta. Haddii Soomaalidu ay ku heshiiyaan guddi, beesha caalamkuna ay ku gacansiiso dhaqaalaha ku baxaya ciidan Soomaaliyeed oo dadka hubka ka dhiga waxay taas suurogelineysaa in la galo doorasho bilo w ah, halkaasna ay ka soo baxaan dowlad ka wakiila shacabkeeda. Wixii huba oo dadka laga aruuriyana wuxuu dib ugu noqonayaa ciidanka Soomaaliyeed oo hubka horay u lahaa. In magaca Soomaalida lagu keeno ciidamo shisheeye oo dalka bada duli ka daran kan kooxaha, haddana lagu siiyo macaawinadii loogu tala galay dadka Soomaalida, iyada oo aysan cid Soomaaliya ka faaideysaneyn waa talo uu wato cid shisheeye u adeegeysa. Waxaa intaas ka daran hubka dadka laga qaado wuxuu gacanta u gelayaa ciidanka shisheeye oo ama burburinaya ama dalkooda dib ugu qaadanaya. Dr. Saciid Ciise saciidciise258@aol.com

Waxaa jirta in Shirar badan ee ka turjumaya nabadada soomaaliyeed lagu qabtay dalka dibadiisa, iyadooy qaban qaabiyeen wadamo badan ee Soomaaliya Daneeya, kuwaas oo ay ka mid yihiin Masar, Ethiopiya, Djabout, Libaya, Kenya, iwm. Dhamaan Shirar Nabadeedkaas wax natiija ah laguma gaariin, sababta oo ah (i) Hogaamiye ku sheegayada Soomaalida ah oon nabad u bisleyn, dadkooda dhibaateysan iyo dalka burburayana aan dan ka laheyn iyagoo amaan mooda dalxiiska iyo Hotelada shisheeye ee ay jiifan; (ii) wadamada Shirarka lagu qabanayey oo dano kala gaar ah ka lahaa Soomaaliya. Danahaas gaarka ah ayaa dad badan oo siyaasadda indha indheeya ku tilmaameen iney ka mid yihiin: a) mid lagu bisleeysanayo dhulkii Somaliya hore looga qaatay waqtigii ay Afrika qeybisay Yurub ee Shirkii Barlin, Sanadkii 1884, oo la isleeyahay haddii Somaliya midoowdo, amey soo haweysataa dhulkaas ka maqan, taas waxaa marqaati u ah khudbadii uu Madaxweynihii hore ee Kenya Mr Daniel Arab Moi uu ka jeedijey Washington DC, iyo Middii Amb. Kiplikat uu isna uu jeediyey Sweden August-September 2003. b) mid Diineed, waxaa jirta Qubaro iyo Suufiyaal badan oo Reer Galbeed ah oo uu ka mid ahaa Suufiga Samuel Huntington, ayaa cabsi ka muujiyey in isku dhac ka imanayo Xadaaraddaha jira (clash of civilisations) sida Xadaaradda Reer Galbeedka iyo Diinta Islaamka; bal aqri buugiisa:- eeg boggan: http://www.willcrumbley.com/archives/000076.html http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/search-handle-url/index author=Huntington,%20Samuel%20P./102-2709663-3283342. Haddaba Soomaalida oo lagu tilmaamo Qoomiyadda keliya ee dadkeedu yahay boqolkiiba boqol 100% Muslim, ayaa deriskoodu ku eedeeyaan iney u dhuun daloolaan wadaaddada mayalka adag, iyadoo weliba laga cabsi qabo in Dab diineed ka holci doono Geeska Afrika. Sidaas darted ayaa marka hore laga door bidi karaa in dalku sii burbursanaado inta laga heli doono dad badan oo Soomaali ah qaas ahaan dhalinyarada, oo diimo kala duwan qaato siiba masiixiga -; bal ila fiiri site-kan: You need Acrobat Reader to open the file. http://www.greatcom.org/laws/downloads/someng4s.pdf http://www.d.umn.edu/lib/bible/bibliog/fsgm.pdf Arrintu si kastaba ha ahaatee, waxaa dad badan oo isugu jira aqoonyahan, siyaasiin, culumaa’udiin iyo wax garadba, saadaaliyeen inaan natiijo cadaalad ku dhisan iyo dowlad Soomaaliyeedba aysan ka soo baxi doonin Shir Soomaaliyeed oo wadanka dibadiisa lagu qabto maadaama faragelin shisheeye iyo kala qeybin badan soo kala dhex gasho hogaamiyaasha siyaasadda isku hayo. Haddaba baaqeyga Siyaasadeed ee Sanadkan Cusub 2004, wuxuu yahay iney haboon tahay: 1. in Soomaalidu isku tashato, iskuna filaato, iskuna kalsoonaato, lacagaha banaanka laga soo ururiyo ee dabka qabiilka lagu holciyana ay nabad ku raadiyaan, ayna ku cibra qaataan dhibka soo jireenka ah ee sii badanaya iyo waaya aragnimada laga kororsaday shir lagu qabto dal shisheeye oo aan wax kale soo kordhin hogaamiye kooxeed cusub mooyee; 2. in Shir Nabeedka Soomaaliya lagu qabto wadanka gudihiisa, laguna xaliyo dhibka la kala tirsanayo si Walaalnimo, Soomaalinimo iyo Islaanimo ah, dabeedna lagu dhiso Dowlad Soomaaliyeed oo loo wada dhan yahay, cadaaladna iyo sinaan xukun qeybsina ku dhisan; 3. in Dowladda la dhisi doono aan qabiil lagu soo xulin, ee aqoonta qofka iyo shaqsi fiicnaantiisa lagu soo doorto, si nidaam Dowladeed oo macquul ah oo caalamka waafaqsan loo helo; 4. in la abuuro Quwad Seddexaad oo aqoonyahan u badan, khaas ahaan dadka qurbuhu duleeystay oo fahmay macaanka wadankooda si ay u kala dhexgalaan Hogaamiye yaasha laba safeedka ah, looguna yeero iney Shir nabadeedka wax ka qaban qaabiyaan, loona ogolaado iney door fiican ka qaataan dhismaha Dowladda cusub ee Dalkooda. Shir nabadeed Soomaaliyeed ee Dalka Gudihiisa lagu qabto waxaa hore u sheegay muhimadiisa, Madaxweynaha DKMG, Golaha Samata Bixinta, iyo Maxamad Dhere iyo Wafdigiisa oo dhowaan shirkii ay Jowhar ku qabteen shaaca ka qaaday iney haboon tahay in shirka Soomalida lagu dhameystiro Wadanka Gudihiisa- fiiri: http://qaranimo.com/news-dec-27-03.html. Runtii waa arrin ninkii wax garad ahi u riyaaqi karo, gancan siin iyo dhiiri gelina mudan. Haddab Faa’ida ku jirta Shir Nabadeed Soomaliya lagu qabta waxaa ka mid ah: a) Lacagaha Qalaad ee inta badan ay bixiyaan wadamada hore u maray, midowga Yurub, Qaramada midoobay, wadamo Carabeed, ee magaca Soomaliya banaanka loogu burbursanayo, oo wadanka Soomaaliya ku soo noqon lahaa; b) Kharashyada shirka ku baxaya oo Maatada Soomaaliyeed ka faa’iideysan lahaayeen, laga soo bilaabo islaanta canooleyda ah, midda yaanyooleyda, kan maqaayada leh, baabuureyda ilaa kuwa hotelada la seexanayo iska leh, oo kharashkaas hadda shisheeyuhu ka faa’iideysanyaan soo geli lahaa gacantooda; c) Kharashyadaas lagu bixinaya Shirka Nabadda Soomaaliyeed ee lagu raadinayo Dowlad loo dhan yahay, oo haddii Soomaailiya Gudaheeda lagu isticmaalo, uu sicir bararka wadanka ka jira hoos u dhici lahaa, Qiimaha Shillinka Soomaaligana soo celin lahaa; d) Dhaqaalaha wadanka Soomaalida oo burburayey ilaa 14kii sanno ee dagaalada sokeeye, oo kor u soo kaci lahaa; e) Faragelin Shisheeye oo laga maarmi lahaa, ama aysan suurta gal u noqon laheyn wadamada caadeystay iney ka fa’iideystaan kala qeybsanaanta Hogaamiye Kooxeedyada Soomaaliyeed, oo aan fursad u heli laheyn arrintaas wadanka gudihiisa, maadaama ay ka baqayaan in shacabka dhibaateysani ee Dowlad u ooman ku kacaan; f) Hoogaamiye kooxeedyada Soomaaliyeed oo isku haleynaya taageero wadamo shisheeye, oo kuwaas la’aantood isku tashan lahaa, runtana gaari lahaa, kadib markii ay ogaadaan ineysan madax qasab ah laga dhigi Karin haddeysan dadkoodu rabin; g) Masaakiin badan ayaa duulduulka kharshyadaas ku noolaan laheyd, naftuna ku soo noqon laheyd; h) Soomaali badan oo shaqo la’aan ah, qaasatan dhalinyarada oo wadanka gudihiisa ku dayacan ayaa ka faa’iideysan lahaa howlahaa shirkaas; i) Dad badan oo ka mid ah Danyarta bulshada (grassroots), haweenkuba ha badnaadeene oo dhibka Dowlad la’antu taabatay, nabad li’idana dhibsaday, sida dilka, dhaca, kufsiga, iwm, oo aan cidinna yac ka oraneynin, ayaa si niyad ah uga qeyb qaadan lahaa shirka wadanka gudihiisa ah, Hogaamiyeyaashasna ku dhiiri gelin lahaa in Nabad Waarta la gaaro; j) Dad is cafiyey oo calool xumadda iska saaray iyo Dowlad Somaliyeed oo nadiif ah ayaa halkaas ka soo bixi laheyd; k) Dadkayaga Qurbaha ku wareeray, ilmahoodiina ku dayacmeen wadan shisheeye oo aysan wax ka qaban Karin maadama aysan awood ku la heyn, oo soo noqon lahaa haddii Dowlad loo dhan yahay la dhisi lahaa, doonayana iney ka qeyb qaataan dhismaha wadankeena hooyo iyo hormarkiisa. Gebagabadii Baaqan, waxaan Soomaalida nabadda jecel ugu baaqayaa Sanadkan Cusub iney isku tashadaan, una ola oleeyaan sidii wadanka Gudihiisa Shirka Soomaliyeed ee Nabadda loogu qaban lahaa, looguna dhameystiri lahaa wixii qilaaf ah ee jira; Soomaaliyey Caana Daataba waa la daba qabtaa, ee haddii Shirka Kenya Burburo yaan dagaal cusub ummaddaan dhibtootay lagu soo celin, ee adinku is xilqaama oo dad jira isu arka; waana in la tixgeliyaa Socdaalkii Geedi Nabadeedka ee uu isku xilsaaray Abwaanka Caanka ah ee Soomaaliyeed Mudane Hadraawi, waa arrin soo dhoweyn, tixgelin iyo ku dayasho mudan. Waxaan Ilaahey Ummadda Soomaaliyeed uga baryeynaa inuu Sanadkan Cusub uga dhigo mid Nabad iyo Dowlad Soomaaliyeed Xambaarsan, Hogaamiye Kooxeedyada Soomaaliyeedna Allaha soo hanuuniyo, xaqana Allaha tusso. Dadkuna Bash Bash, Barwaaqo, Caafimaad iyo Cibaada Suubanna ay ku gaaraan sanadka sanadkiisa kale (Amin). Sanada Wanaagsan Dahabo Dowlo MA Diplomacy Dahaboisse1@hotmail.com

Somali Concern Group oo Casho sharaf u sameeyay Abwaanka Halyeyga ah Hadraawe

STATEMENT TO THE COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION, AUGUST 2002 Brief Review of Somali Outcaste Groups Summary of research by Professor Asha A. Samad, City University of New York (CUNY) and Executive Director, SAFRAD – Somali Association Introduction Caste stratification is a daily component of Somali society. In the smallest nomad village, in towns, in cities, in refugee camps, as well as in the overseas Somali communities, these stratifications are alive and well. Geneological lines of descent are taught to children from an early age. The family clan history is told and retold throughout life, including its relations with other clans. Traditionally caste was directly related to occupation, residence, political and civilian opportunities, and status throughout life. This stratification is less important when the nation-state and its institutions function well, and much more important when it is weak, collapsing or non-existent, as in the past few decades. However, caste is important to most Somalis even in communities abroad. To be a Midgan-Madibhan, or an outcaste person, in Somali society is to suffer life-long indignities, to be deemed impure, unlucky, sinful, polluting, and thus meriting the disdain, avoidance, and abuse of others. Even small children shout insults at both child and adult Midgans. Many Midgans have been denied food, medical treatment, and protection just because of their outcaste status by many other Somalis. The only other groups in Somali treated similarly are the Jareer and Bantu descendants of slaves brought from East Africa over a century ago. Midgans have been beaten brutally, wounded, raped, kidnapped, and forced into slave and unpaid labor just because of their outcaste status. They have no weapons, allies or lands that they control and can escape to. Most Midgan are attached to “noble” dominant clans as their clients, serfs, or virtual slaves. Should they complain or seek to organize, they face severe reprisals from those “noble” clans dominating them. This is another ongoing case of global caste in the 21st century. Background Caste has been an integral part of Somali society for centuries. It persisted throughout the twentieth century and continues today in the 21st century. This society is divided into patrilineal segmented and ranked clan groups. Those groups are based upon relation to a male progenitor and traditional occupations. As in all caste societies, the elite clans are classified as noble and “pure,” while those at the other end of the ranking are considered outcaste and impure, or “polluted.” Generally speaking, most of the noble clans’ occupations have been herding and trade, while the outcaste clans have engaged in small farming, usually on the land of the other clans, as well as in service or scavenger occupations. The outcaste clans do not descend from the Arabic-origin ancestors of the noble clans. Some scholars report that the outcaste groups may have descended from the conquered indigenous groups occupying the region prior to its conquest by the Somali tribes. Most Somali elders indicate that the polluted status of these despised groups is due to their ancestors breaking of food taboos without cause or an immediate ritual cleansing. If the latter is the case, this would be another instance of blaming the outcaste victims and their ancestors for their debased, pariah status. The outcaste groups have been relegated to dirty, polluted areas and occupations, and they are traditionally forbidden to socialize (as equals) with others in Somali society. Anyone from a noble caste breaking this taboo, much less marrying an outcaste person, faces the danger of being outcaste from his or her own family and clan. Somali society is based on clan relations, reciprocity, and alliances, especially in times of conflict, when there is a lack of a strong, central government. Indeed, and particularly at such times, the main forms of governance and protection come from one’s clan. Children, the elderly, the ill, the weak, and the wounded can count only on their clans for food, care and social support. Thus, even liberal-minded Somalis must carefully weigh these considerations. In Somalia, the outcaste groups are collectively referred to as “Midgan” or “Madihiban,” the former term being much more disrespectful and insulting than the latter one. However, there are actually many more Somali outcaste groups. Each is connected as clients, former slaves, or servants to a noble clan group. They include the Kuulbeer, Hildid, Khayr, Hubane, Aden, Aarsade, Howie, Afarta Ganbar, Gaakaab, Madaraale, Magtal, Omar, Hussein and others scattered all over the Somali regions, including Ethiopia, Kenya and the broader Somali diaspora. The Midgan constitute the largest Somali outcaste family, and its subclans include the Madhiban, Maxamed Gargaarte, Muuse-Darye, Tumaal, Yibir, Howle, Mahaad-Bare, and, according to SIMA, hidden others. Each outcaste clan has its own dialect. When the noble tribes’ patrons and rulers engage in conflict, their outcaste Midgans clients are forced to fight for them. However they are neither protected nor defended, nor given any share of the resources. Even the most heroic and accomplished Midgan outcaste fighter cannot dream of socializing as an equal or marrying into the noble clan that he is attached to. When convenient, the Midgan outcaste clients are counted numerically as part of the noble clan they come under. When the Midgan outcaste oppressed groups try to organize, (as all the noble clans do), they are threatened, abused, and physically attacked. Due to the power and arms of the noble clans, most Midgan outcaste Somali people have been forced to keep silent. Any attempt to protest inequality or gain redress meets brutal reprisals. The Midgan outcaste groups control no land of their own, they are also not usually allowed to live in villages, to drink or get water from the “pure” wells or to use the plates, cups or utensils of the noble clans people. Their status can be compared to the Dalits, or “untouchables,” of South Asia. Yet, they do not even have the constitutional guarantees (reserved places) Indian Dalits have, at least in theory. Only under the last government of Somali General President Mohamed Siad Barre did Midgans have some rights in their own country. When he was deposed, they suffered reprisals from his noble clan rivals who accused them of supporting him. Particular Jeopardy Faced by Midgan-Madhiban Small Outcaste Clan Members The Midgan-Madhiban is the largest of several Somali minority outcaste clans. Thus they are collectively designated as “Midgan- Madhiban.” Somali society is divided into patrilineal kinship-based clans and sub clans . All Somalis can trace their ancestry to a clan or sub clan. The three main large clans (****** , ****** and Isaak), traditionally control large areas of lands, many resources and exercise great political power. Certain smaller clans have respectable status but fewer resources and less political leverage due to their smaller populations. Often those small, respected clans must affiliate with and relate to nearby clans as clients and for protection in case of conflicts. In 1991, ****** forces, many of whom were loyal to General Mohamed Farah Aideed, ousted Barre in a coup, which led to the wide-scale civil war. At first the war was characterized as fighting between clans, but soon, sub clans within the same clan began to fight one another. After the ****** toppled Barre, they attacked his government, which was mostly ****** . They also retaliated against Barre supporters, or anyone they believed to be a Barre supporter. That included the Midgan-Madhiban, all of whom they believed to be supporters of Barre, and, also because of longstanding hatred for that despised group. Some ****** clan-family militia also attacked many minority and outcaste clans. None of the powerful clans came to the protection of the Midgan-Madhiban. Consequently, large numbers of them perished. The Midgan-Madhiban were routinely raped, expelled from their homes, kidnapped and killed. Large numbers of Midgan-Madhiban simply disappeared. There is evidence of mass graves, suggesting that they were killed extra judicially. The Midgan-Madhiban were not the only group persecuted in retaliation against Barre, but they stand out for the powerlessness and inability to fight back or gain any compensation for their losses. A person belonging to the Midgan-Madhiban clan cannot flee to safety in other areas of the country. He/She would be in serious physical danger if found in any part of Somalia in which his family is not a client of the local powerful clan family. Geographically, the country has become extremely segregated by clans and sub clan. The Midgan-Madhiban do not control any territory and are therefore vulnerable in any area of Somalia. In addition they have no recourse against violence because they are politically, socially and militarily powerless. The last government of Somalia that of General Mohamed Siad Barre, had appointed several Midgan-Madhiban clan members to visible defense positions. Thus when General Barre’s government fell in 1991, the ****** clan brought about General Barre’s defeat and targeted all Midgan-Madhiban clan members for retaliation. This lead to even greater and more murderous attacks on the Midgan-Madhiban families. Their homes were attacked and looted, girls and women raped, men tortured and often killed. Many have had to flee and live in hiding to survive this brutality. Very few other Somalis or clans will protect the Midgan-Madhiban either for fear of being targeted and attacked themselves or because they too feel that the Midgan-Madhiban merit no protection (as an outcaste or polluted group). As no clan is permitted to marry the Midgan-Madhiban, they have no kinship ties with other groups to offer them shelter or protection. Caste in the Somali Diaspora Somalia was divided into French, British, and Italian colonies at the end of the nineteenth century. After World War II, the former Italian Somalia was divided. Thus, adjacent areas of neighboring Ethiopia and Kenya were actually part of Somalia until several decades ago when parts of the former Italian Somalia were given to the then British government of Kenya and the Imperial Ethiopian government of Haile Selossie. The majority of the population of those regions is ethnic Somali. Large Somali populations are also found in areas of Northern Tanzania and Yemen. Half or more of the population of the adjacent Djibouti – the former French Somaliland – is ethnic Somali. In all of these areas of Somali population, as in Somalia, Puntland, and Somaliland, Midgan-Madhiban and other outcaste groups are the lowest rank of the society’s stratification. For over eleven years Somalia has experienced a breakdown in its central government, as well as suffered from droughts, floods, and war. Moreover, in the south sporadic conflict continues, despite several peace conferences and the appointment of the Provincial National Government (PNG) in the fall of 2000. Thousands of survivors of this horrific situation have fled to the surrounding nations. The Midgan-Madhiban and other outcaste persons face on going discrimination, abuse and attack in the refugee camps and communities in those adjacent areas where many Somalis still languish. After over a decade, they either await peace in Somalia or acceptance as refugees in developed countries. Thousands of more fortunate refugees, of all of clans, have been sponsored as refugees by countries as diverse as Canada, the USA, England, Netherlands, Australia, and Scandinavia. In desperation, many others have managed to enter those receiving, developed nations illegally to appeal for political asylum. Thus there is a sizable Somali diaspora in several developing world areas today. Clan and caste continue therein. Ironically, many “noble” clan Somalis seeking refugee or political asylum have falsely claimed outcaste Midgan-Madhiban status. They do this as the receiving developed nations understand the special jeopardy faced by outcaste Midgans, and, therefore usually grant them political asylum. Quite often, when such a false application is granted, the applicant then takes pain to over emphasize, within the Somali community, his or her actual noble status. Somali International Minority Association (SIMA), and other researchers are often called upon to check genealogies, associates and records to assure the validity of such claims. Meanwhile, the Midgan-Madhiban in the diaspora still face caste discrimination within the Somali community. Fortunately, they also have new opportunities in their new countries. Summation Midgan-Madhiban, Yibir, Tumal and other outcaste groups are still facing restrictions, prejudice, discrimination, harassment, abuse and attacks. Not only is this treatment a continuation of their historical exploitation, but it is also because they are assumed by some of the large, aggressive, heavily armed, “noble” clans to have been supporters of their rival and hated ruler, the late Somali President Barre. Midgan-Madhiban have never had any secure rights or protection in Somali society. Even in overseas Somali society they still face hatred, harassment, and abuse. Similar caste situations exist throughout the Horn of Africa. Brief Source List Adam, H.M. Mending Rips in the Sky: Lawrenceville, NJ (RSP), 1997. Abdu llahi, M.D. Minorities of Somalia: Victims Forgotten Amid War and Chaos. Bana, M.B. The Minority Groups of Somalia: A Sociolinguistic History, MI (BP) 20002. Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board, “Victims and Vulnerable Groups in Southern Somalia, Ottawa, May 1995, May 1999, and May 2001. Eno, Oma A, “The Untold Apartheid Imposed on the Bantu/Jareer People in Somalia”, Adam, Op Cit. Goldsmith, K.L.G. “A Preliminary Investigation of the Blood Group of the “Sab” Bondsman of N. Somaliland”, Man I, VIII. Helender, B. “Clanship, Kinship and community Among the ********* ”, Adam, Op Cit. Kirk, J.W.C. A Grammar of the Somali Language and Dialects, Cambridge, 1905. Lewis, I.M. A Pastoral Democracy, (Oxford) 1982. Lewis, I.M. Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society, Lawrenceville, NJ, (RSP) 1994. Lewis, I.M. Peoples of the Horn of Africa, Lawrenceville, NJ, (RSP) 1998. Nur, M.A. Clan, Class and Caste in Somalia, MN, (SWP), 2000. Omar, A.M. “Aspects of the Somali Tribal System,” Adam, Op Cit. Samad, AA. “Minority and Outcaste Groups in Somalia.” Samad, A.A. “Somalia Asylum Claims Based Upon Minority and Outcaste Status in N. America and Europe. Azhar, A. Background and Current Status of Somali Outcaste Groups, MN, (SIMA), 2001

Being Midgan in Somali is not happy existence; it is to born in crime, being Midgan in Somalia it means trying to smile when you want to cry, it means to hold on physical life in the midst of psychological death for more and much It means the pain of watching your children growing up in the environment that calls “ Midgan” tells them that they are inferior because they were born from Midgan families. What do you think the future of those innocent children? As mater of fact, Until that twelfth century up to today, The Somalis imposed tribal segregation the Boontite people (the Midgans of today) The tribal institution of isolation became conformity law or (Xeer Somaali) in the whole region of Somalia. This law is written in the heart of every Somalis. Some times called the "Somali customary Law " that did agree all the Somali tribes and yet continues today in Somalia, the meaning of this law is only to entangle and hold the poor Midgan and weak Jareer into segregated life while the ****** and ****** or rich and powerful will easily break through them this customary law, especially, this law is applied to the half million of Midgans/Boon who are scattered in every region in Somalia and Bantus who are living between two rivers are considered the property of their masters and are subjected entirely to their master’s will. They are denied access to education, access to the land, and don’t enjoy the freedom to marry or associate freely with other Somalis and freedom to stand with their feet in order to defend their tribal dignity and represent themselves. They don’t know how to get their freedom, because ignorance of their rights, fear of persecutions and torture. They need freedom and equality. Who cares? However, Somalia’s population, which is estimated at eight million people, is one hundred percent 100% Muslim, but that does not stop the practice of abusing, segregation, prejudice, and bad customs, which against midgans, Bantu and other minorities, These minorities are believers of Islam, their religion, which is Islam does not accept any racism, tribalism, segregation, and prejudice at all but it advocates human equality and brotherhood. Unfortunately, those who represent the religious groups do not talk about this segregation against part of their brothers, It seems that these religious scholars have made conformity with out saying anything, the injustice means to accept to continue injustice or segregation passively is to say to the oppressor that his actions are morally right and plausible, while religious groups are silent the Ignorant have assumed that their evil action are permitted as religion. Why Somali Scholars did not condemn these discriminations? George Orwell said; “ All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others”. (Introduction of sociology, Eshleman, J. Rose and Cashion, Barbara. 1985) In Somalia, Social class is based on only two main terms; Gun, which ascribed by low class and Gob, which is ascribed by high class. Also among one Somali tribe can be classified into Laandheer and langaab; this means amount of honor and prestige a person receives from others in the community is depend on the number of his or her family tree heredity. Gob is acquired by being born into high respected family, not living in a high status neighborhood, attending high prestige college, or having high level degree, or having very high rank position in the government or even having high level position in the religious groups. One wonder, in Somalia, Gob is acquired by being born only from these tribes ****** , ****** , ***** , *** , and some others who considered themselves respected families. The word Sab is measured as a term of Gun, which is a static social ascribed grade of low castes. Such as Midgan tribes. Can midgans be accepted as a Gob and how long it will take to be accepted this grade? In Somali social differentiation and stratification, Gob and Gun is examples of ascribed social status. For better or worse, one has almost no control over this kind of status. To be born as a Gob in our Somali society guarantees one a high social position for physical wealth and psychological prestige; to be born poor and Gun status as Midgan/Boon ensures that one will face obstacles and restrictions as well as psychological pre-eminence with suffering prestige But It looks some way that achieved statuses are open for Midgans and other minorities, only when it comes power exploitation to oppress other tribes, yet the meanings of these statuses do not change slowly. Gob and Gun are no longer direct legal in Somalia but it is social conformity or traditional values are still effective in every region in Somalia. What year Somalis will end is norms or taboos? Traditional Somali society is famous for its oppressive character; and yet the world must know that some of its members were much less equal than the rest. These people, comparatively are not few in numbers in Somalia, but they are considered as in few numbers among in the Somalian society, because they are employed as landless manual workers they do not have fixed land, they are scattered people of no fixed home .for this reason, they are invisible. When some people have a land, they can have political voice but can Midgans be visible in this century by taking demographics static? Why are they being called others in every conference that Somalis held in the Kenya or else where? What is the meaning others? Do midgans accept to be called others? so if the Midgans accept the word others, which means that they are not Somali. The word others is opposite of the word Somali. Who are the Somalis? Most Somali people are ignorant of what they have done to the Midgan tribes in the history, in social status, in marriage, in the economics, in the education, in the family identity, and in the political spheres in Somalia. If Somali major tribes were told an episode of Midgan history and tragedy that Midgans have faced last nine hundred years and still current, Is Somali major tribes really sorry and stop today for their crimes and prejudice taboo against the innocent Midgan tribes? Does Somali major tribes have human heart and power to repent as Europeans have done fore slavery and holocaust? Do you think the answer to the problems of Midgan tribes are in the hand of the Somali major tribes because institutions hold the power and Midgans are powerless and defend less? This book is called MIDGAAN TRIBES PEOPLE WITH OUT BROTHERS Ahmed M. Keynan Ali-Azhar We are looking for publisher and funding for this book you can help us. This Book was not corrected linguistically, grammatically, historically, and academically .You can Order from www.midgaan.com Price: $ 120.00

The Burden of Acting Good Somali Perhaps we should not overlook the newly created names of former Somali regions. I.e. Somaliland, Puntland, Jubba Land, ******ia Land (the Ethiopian occupied Somali Province) etc. After almost a decade and half of disorientation, it is disappointing that the Somali thinking has not yet substantiated a moral sense that is fundamentally important to re-building of a country or a nation. Instead, the thinking has mutated from being quasi Somali to self-centered clan egotism. The manifestations are evident in everywhere from north to south. It has become a burden to stay good Somali as the term descended beneath this spiteful clan egotism. Watch carefully what most Somalis chat about in and around restaurants and coffee shops. They adore bragging about the position of their clans or regions as if it is the only issue that matters to the people. Although self-reliance in respective regions is a good one, the sense of belongings to a much bigger and wider country become trivialized. In its extreme forms, clan egotism blinds its adorers to the extent that figment of their imagination becomes a touchable reality. If you believe in addiction, then clan egotism has become an addictive substance in Somali thinking. Issues that pertain to the common good cause of all Somalis choke the discussion and put one in the unwanted minority. It might also invite social penalties from peers in your own clan for not aligning with the egotistic thinking of the clan. You become the downer in the group and therefore you will be barraged with derogatory words such as “***** , waxmatare, dhiiglaawe, etc”. Where is common sense? Where is sanity? This implies that our morality has declined to its lowest point. It has become a burden to speak about altruistic actions that cannot be said to engage the self-interest of the clan. The erosion in social trust is attributable to the recent bloody history which inherited a decline of confidence in nationhood. What is the alternative? Is the “Clanland” syndrome a solution? Most of us don’t think so. Most of us were under the impression that language, religion, complexion, and sameness were the uniting bonds that made Somalis unique in black Africa. The word “Somali” includes everyone who assents to the beliefs and values of Somalis regardless of their clan or region. There is no clan that is superior to one of any of the other clans. Likewise, there is no clan that is deficient or inferior. We are all Somalis who adhere to the same values and destiny. We must promote intolerance of clan egotism, false superiority, and emptiness. We not only have suffered tragic humiliation, but also carried it for much longer than necessary. We must tackle the temptations of divisiveness by ensuring respect and justice in the community. Individuals who exploit the glamour of clan egotism to achieve their self –interest should be rejected. Acting as a good Somali should not be a burden.