I am working for rural development internationally particularly for African countries. I have visited Africa four times and moved in several countries and I am trying to understand African people with a keen interest. I am very much distressed to see dangerous disparity in all the African countries i.e. only a handful of people having captured most of the wealth of the country and millions of masses remaining hand to mouth. I have also observed that most of the races of Africa have inner spirit and good capabilities to come up in line with so called civilised and developed countries. So I am very much optimistic that Africa is competent enough to come out as the strongest continent of the world in a very short period of 10 to 20 years and can provide alternative to the western life style which has no future as it is based on exploitation of the entire world. I am humbly describing myself as real friend and real well wisher of African people because I have burning desire to remove their merciless exploitation being done through various multinational and big companies. I want to humbly show real path of happiness for common masses. I am carrying in my heart certain BASIC CONVICTIONS which force me to suggest that if the path which I am recommending is followed by African people, it will bring economic revolution in Africa and also in the world in one or two decades through which Africa will come out as the strongest continent. But I have painfully observed that most of the elite class of every African country is under illusion that model of development and progress imposed on them by developed countries is correct and path of development and progress shown by developed countries is real path. So all the Governments of Africa follow the same pattern of development as Europe and U.S.A. followed. So every African country is trying to establish big industries, is trying to develop highways, cities, power stations, ports, airports and infrastructure required by giant industries. I VENTURE TO ASSERT THAT THIS IS NOT THE PATH OF HAPPINESS BUT THIS IS THE PATH OF EXPLOITATION AND PERMANENT SLAVERY OF AFRICAN PEOPLE If you want homogenious development and progress of entire society of millions of masses,you have to evolve your own economic strategy based on local self reliance atleast for primary needs of people i.e. for food, cloth and shelter. Very evidently this type of local self reliance can be achieved through cottage scale family size industries based on small and simple technology. When I came to know about big maize mills purchasing maize from hundreds of villages, I was really shocked. Tremendious amount of exploitation can be eliminated simply by establishing tiny tiny maize mills everywhere where ever necessary. Maize milling is the simplest technology. A very ordinary workshop can manufacture maize mills. But it is a painful wonder that throughout Africa, big big maize mills are working resulting in to heavy exploitation of common masses. Nature of technology is such that complicated machinery makes simple thing also complicated. Primary needs such as maize flour, wheat flour, rice, cooking oil, sugar, jaggery, tea coffee, soap, cloth, bricks, tiles and building materials etc. are all simple things and all these things must be manufactured at cottage scale level with very simple and cheap technology. THIS IS THE PATH OF HAPPINESS. BIG COMPLICATED MACHINERY HAS NO PLACE IN MANUFACTURING PRIMARY NEEDS OF PEOPLE. WHENEVER AND WHERE EVER YOU VIOLATE THIS PRINCIPLE, YOU GIVE RISE TO EXPLOITION, ANY COUNTRY OR SOCIETY WHICH IS BEING EXPLOITED FOR PRIMARY NEEDS OF PEOPLE, CAN NEVER COME UP AND IS DESTINED TO RUIN. Many people raise doubts that how all the primary needs can be fulfilled through cottage industries. How cloth and sugar can be produced at cottage scale. I know that number of such questions can be raised. I must admit that I have no ready made solution for every such question. But I do have strong faith and conviction that every such question can be transformed in to a pleasant solution if dedicated efforts are made to develop small and simple technology for every kind of primary needs. You must know that previously world best quality cloth was produced in millions of houses of India since centuries with very simple tools and equipments not costing even 100 dollars. It can be still produced in millions of houses if controls imposed on cottage industries for favouring giant centralised economy are abolished. A very fine quality of jaggery (hygenically better than sugar) is still produced at cottage scale practically at every sugarcane farm in spite of strict controls of our government to abolish this farm level industry for favouring giant sugar factories. Bricks and lime is still a cottage industry througout India. There are atleast 500 tiny flour mills in my city alone (population 9,00,000). Oil milling was also cottage industry throughout India since centuries. Our Government made foolish blunder to abolish it. So my most sincere advice to African elite class is that "You should immediately return from the dangerous path which leads to exploitation, ruin and perish. You should evolve your own path based on decentralised, small and simple machinery which will have no exploitative capacity. Only such machinery will be blessing to the mankind. Through such simple technology only, you will be able to create homogeniously happy society and such happy society will be right answer, right solution and right alternative to the western type wasteful and exploitative civilisation. THOSE WHO WORK FOR THIS CAUSE ARE REAL FRIENDS OF HUMANITY. One most common doubt is raised against such tiny industries is that whether such tiny units are economically viable and can compete to big units ? It is really strange that such question is asked from every part of the world. So it seems that entire world is under illusion that big heavy industries are more viable. This is absolutely wrong. In fact tiny units are always more viable than big centralised industries. One can imagine that tiny units enjoy four distinct advantages over big centralised units. i.e. (1) Transport is eliminated or minimized (2) Packaging is eliminated or people use their own tins, bins, jars etc. (3) Middlemen are eliminated. (4) Marketing is eliminated or minimized and hence all evils of marketing such as profiteering, hoarding, speculation, aldulteration, deception, shortage etc. are automatically eliminated. Tiny units for basic needs will work for local consumption with local raw materials. So all the four advantages will go to tiny units. So they are bound to be far strongly more viable than big centralised units. I have proved this contention beyond doubt by establishing 900 tiny cooking oil mills which are running most successfully, most profitably and most satisfactorily in India and 20 African countries. What is true for tiny oil mills can be proved true for other industries of basic needs also. So I sincerely appeal to all AFRICAN ELITES to come out from false illusions of development, to throw away present theory of development, to ponder over the alarming situation of present age and seriously adopt this pious work of rural development through tiny scale industries with strong faith that entire Africa can be got rid of entire exploitation and entire continent can be made happy without any big industry. I am absolutely confident that one who will determine to work in this direction, will definately meet with great success and he will earn the credit for making great revolutionary changes in Africa through small deeds. RAJKOT 1st, May 1999

Free speech is a meta-meme, a collection of ideas about the management of ideas. It sets up an official level of analysis quite distinct from the personal where speech is concerned. Just as people may be tall, short, thin, fat, rich, poor, good or bad, but are officially all "created equal" from the viewpoint of democracy, all ideas are similarly considered the same. The theory is that, even as judges or legislators, we are not God-like enough to decide which speech to ban. Our opinions, strong as they are, are too deeply planted in our guts, yet not scientific enough to be translated into laws. The proof is that we cannot all agree on what to ban anyway. In a "pluralistic world of small communicators" (Ithiel de Sola Pool's phrase) each of us has his own personal speech demon and would ban speech about inequality, socialism, Darwinism, creationism, or whatever. In fact, even when most of us agree that a particular thing, such as pornography, is bad, we still cannot agree what it is. The silliest word ever uttered by a Supreme Court justice was Potter Stewart's immortal acknowledgement that he could not define pornography, but "I know it when I see it." The genius of free speech is the resolution that, for our own benefit, we must let words fight words, instead of fighting them with laws. John Milton and John Stuart Mill both eloquently said that even bad ideas are good for us, because they help illuminate the good. And no-one has expressed this more cockily, or courageously, than Holmes did in his dissent in Gitlow v. U.S.: If in the long run, the beliefs expressed in proletarian dictatorship are destined to be accepted by the dominant forces of the community, the only meaning of free speech is that they should be given their chance and have their way. I call this cocky because, reading between the lines, one detects an arrogant confidence that bad speech can never triumph. At the same time, it is courageous because Holmes, picking out the speech most commonly considered evil and inimical to American democracy, acknowledges the full neutrality of the rulebook and says that if Communism can win fairly, then it deserves to win and must not be disturbed. The First Amendment is the Marquess of Queensbury rules applied to speech. A few years later, historian Charles Beard wrote that the technology of mass communications, carrying free speech to the four corners of the world, had irrevocably changed the moral topography of the world so that "mass ignorance" will be dissipated for all time: Censorships and tyranny may delay the process here and there, now and then, but the disintegration of mass ignorance will proceed apace. So it becomes inconceivable that a basis of mass ignorance can ever be laid again, such as existed for the slave-owning aristocracies of Rome or the clerico-feudal regime of the Middle Ages. Beard, apparently a very great optimist, was writing thirteen years after the Russian Revolution and only two years prior to the democratic election of Hitler in Germany. In every generation, there are powerful forces at work laying a "basis of mass ignorance." They are at work in the United States Congress today, as it writes a 19th century indecency law to govern speech on the Net, and palpable also in the shadows where the powerful Christian Coalition whispers in the Congress' ear. To believe in free speech, to write the rulebook as the Founders did or to play by it as has been delegated to us, you must also be an optimist, believing that on the battlefield of ideas, the good speech will always triumph. If you go out on the street and ask the people you encounter, however, you will find that no-one believes this. Free speech is not popular in this country. Most people who hate a particular form of speech--and almost everyone hates some speech-- slip very easily into a desire that the government intervene to crush what they hate. Even the conservatives who are insufferably forever quoting the adage that "That government is best which governs least," only mean that the government should not interfere in business, for they are also the first to wish the government to pass a flag-burning amendment or to censor the Net. To most people, free speech means the complete protection of the ideas which they themselves find sympathetic, with complete license to government to suppress those they do not. Artists have discovered the impressionistic craft of making a host of imperfections look like a beautiful entirety viewed from a distance. If we believe that the good speech always triumphs, it is only because we are looking at the canvas from afar. Because history is written by the victors, we do not always know of the speech that died, or have any basis to compare it to the speech that trampled on it. In many cases we may confound the fact of its death with the inferiority of its status. This, of course, is a philosophy of might making right, and reverses the valences: instead of something surviving because it is good, it is good because it survived. Of course, the picture looks a little different when you take a longer view, that truth transcends many lifetimes and the tree of liberty may be watered, as Jefferson said, by the blood of patriots. Those who died in 1918 or after calling for a democratic alternative to Communism may be vindicated today. Those who died for the idea of German democracy in 1933 and after were vindicated when the tyrant fell a mere 12 years later. It is in fact hard to kill an idea for ever. But the triumph of an idea is pyrrhic when it is rooted in the blood of millions. The rulebook envisions a bloodless contest. The death of even one person because of an idea represents a terrible human failure. In this country, which prides itself on being the most democratic on earth, a bloody price is still paid every day for the utterance of unaccepted ideas. John Milton cried out against Britons being forced to take their ideas down "the pipe of a licenser", but we do that every day here and believe that we are free. It is not only censorship we endure, but sleep. The spectrum of available ideas is far greater than those we suffer to be told. It is not a prison if you never try the door. Many a bullet is still fired in this country to stop an idea-- not just the bullets that hit the two Kennedys, Dr. King or the four young people at Kent State. Timothy McVeigh forgot he was killing people; his intention was to explode an idea. The police who beat Rodney King were beating the idea of a black man, but the blows landed on real flesh. Mumia Abu-Jamal is on death row because of the idea he represents. If he were there because he killed a policeman, ballistic tests and unperjured police testimony would prove it. These things are not necessary or even convenient when the aim is the judicial murder of an idea. On the eve of the twenty-first century, free speech in this country is in danger. Not only do the majority of the population not desire it, but our leaders, who have so much benefited from it themselves, don't seem to understand it. Newt Gingrich's To Renew America, which longs for the age of Jefferson and De Tocqueville, does so because those were times of commerce without unions or government regulations. I looked through the book in vain for an elogy of speech, even in the chapter on the Internet. The indecency legislation about to pass Congress will again prove that the bad speech wins, for now, that people will have to face prosecutors and persuade judges and possibly give up their freedom before we will again have liberty of speech on the Net. Anthropologist Lionel Tiger said in his book Optimism: The Biology of Hope, "Neither the consciousness of mortality nor a cold sense of human frailty depresses the belief in desirable futures." Evolutionary biologist Robert Trivers adds that humans "readily create entire belief systems with self-serving biases, and the more skillfully these self-serving components are hidden from both the self and others, the more difficult it will be to counter them." Free speech is a self-deception. We believe we have much more of it than we do. My high school was a microcosm of the nation: student elections were held to teach us democracy, but we learned the real lesson when candidates were disciplined for advancing unacceptable ideas. The dean of boys surely never stopped to think that he was punishing speech. In order to attack speech in this country, we first call it action, or degrade it some other way. The triumph of the good speech is a self-deception. Good ideas sometimes lose, and sometimes an inhumanly high price is paid for victory. Gandhi said, "We must be the change we wish to see in the world," and paid the price for it, but most others do not do so willingly. When Jefferson spoke of the tree of liberty being watered with the blood of patriots, he might not have spoken so complacently if he meant his own and not the blood of other patriots. Now that I've depressed you, I'll acknowledge that self deception in the defense of speech is not a vice when it keeps us going. "If Merlin had seen what you have seen," the Druid told Jurgen, "Merlin would have died, and Merlin would have died without regret, because Merlin receives facts reasonably." Trivers and Tiger both point out that self-deception is an evolutionarily successful strategy, in that it helps us survive in a dangerous and chaotic world where a more reasonable man might not. Given a choice of paths, I would rather live as if free speech existed, as if the good speech will always triumph. As humans, we are used to making leaps of faith, when we take a job, vote, marry, or pray to God. Believing in the triumph of ideas is a leap of faith. If we believe that good speech can be beaten down and killed, we have nothing left. The liberty of speech is the predecessor and guardian of all other liberties. If it is vulnerable, if the world is skewed against it as in the film noir where the villain's bullet hits at a thousand paces but he cannot be killed with a shot fired point blank, then we are hopeless. If we put aside faith for a moment and look with cold eyes, we will see systems where the rule book leads to suicide, as in the election of Hitler. But there is a practical component here too, as there always is in an evolutionarily successful strategy. A belief in the triumph of ideas succeeds because, even when it is a self-deception, it is better than the alternative. Repealing the rule book to avoid suicide is nothing but killing yourself now to avoid the chance of death later. When you pluck out free speech, all other freedoms are lost with it. To defend against the enemy, you become the enemy, and there is nothing left to defend. The danger occurs at the moment when the self-deception stops promoting the reality and becomes a substitute for it. Lost in a dream, we may not know we have crossed the line. "Soon enough," said Yeats, "the dream itself had all my thought and love, and not the thing it was an emblem of." But perhaps we are not there yet. Humans always dream of a thing first, then make the universe manifest it, through the force of their desire. Free speech, like morality, is a beautiful meme. We long for beauty. I am with Holmes and in favor of the beautiful rule-book, whether or not it is real. We can make it real. D.H.K aka Liqaye B.A Public policy and development economics Mass comunications requirment paper 2. What do you think, is it too lazy a formulation or should i hand it in?

Ladies and gents i saw this article in another website that i think is slightly applicable. The Good Girls Are Still Out There by mellow mel You don't want to upset your current relationship by asking her out? Call me crazy, but if your current relationship can't survive through you asking her out, you don't have a relationship, you have a friendship, and nothing more. Life is too short for us to wait for the right moment or a divine sign. Also guys, believe it or not, some ladies want you to ask them out, and get tired of waiting for your shyness to pass. I think that there's more to it than finding the right person, you have to be the right person too. Sometimes when you find the girl of your dreams, you don't turn out to be the man of her dreams. And, sometimes, a girl may not be the girl of your dreams, but you're the man of their dreams. I'm not saying you should settle for less. I'm just saying that if your going to set your standards super high and don't want to compromise at all, it's going to take you a lot longer to find that special girl. And you should realize that and not get frustrated by it because that's your choice. Personally, I think you should look for someone like yourself and don't judge someone harder than you would like to be judged. If you're a virgin, you have a right to look for a virgin. If you have a little experience, then don't be upset when you find out the girl you're with has had a little experience, and if you've been around the block, don't look down on a girl that's been around the block. See what I mean? The good girls are still out there, but if they're still that good, it's probably because they are very selective and careful, which means, they might even turn YOU down to maintain their standards.

Letters Tuesday, January 27, 2004 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Gen Powell got it absolutely right on Somalia As the Kenyan mediators on the Somali problem continues to ponder how best to assist our sister nation, it might help to reflect on what Gen Colin Powell has to say about Somalia in his autobiography, My American Journey. He says: "Former President George Bush's hope for a January 20 (1993) exit from Somalia became a faded memory. In April, I spent my 56th birthday in Mogadishu trying to move the operation off America's back and onto UN's, where it had been in the first place. "We had accomplished our mission by ending the civil disorder that had disrupted the production and distribution of food and led to mass starvation. It was now up to the UN force to maintain that order. But UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali reasoned that since the catastrophe had been provoked by feuding 14th-century style warlords, the solution was a dose of 20th-century style democracy. "From what I have witnessed of history, the will to build a nation originates from within its people, not from the outside. Somalia was not an African version of a Western state. Almost no institutions of law, no credible central government, and no authority existed there apart from clan leaders. "Nation building might have an inspirational ring, but it struck me as a way to get bogged down in Somalia, not get out. The Somali factions were ultimately going to solve their political differences their own way". In conclusion, let me say this. As much as I want Kenya to win a gold medal for restoring a state of normalcy and peace in Somalia, I cannot avoid wondering aloud, where is the glorified Africa? What is its input in all this? And above all, who is financing all these jaunts into Kenya by half-hearted Somali delegates? Why can't they, for example, go meet in Addis Ababa, which is the seat of the African Union? Don't we Kenyans have enough problems of our own? KUNGA NA RUTERE, Nairobi.

THE unfortunate truth about the so-called “breakthrough” agreement brokered in Nairobi between Somalia’s warring factions is that it will be no more enduring than any of its predecessors. Somalia is a country which has effectively dissolved. Reconstituting it as a viable and peaceful whole will require a great deal more than some grudging concessions by the country’s belligerent warlords. In colonial times, what is now Somalia was shared by the British and the Italians. The northern part of the country, once British-occupied, declared itself independent in 1991. While resisting the feeble military attacks from Mogadishu, Somaliland, as it calls itself, has managed to create effective self-government, backed by a referendum mandate in which the people chose independence. A lesser breakaway, which occurred in 1998, is that of neighboring Puntland in northeastern Somalia, which maintains a vigorous autonomy. Both places are relatively peaceful compared to the rest of the country. But clearly for the people of Somaliland at least, any agreement to rejoin Somalia will take much more than a few signatures on a piece of paper in Nairobi — a signing by the way, which has in any event been delayed and may yet not happen. The harsh truth is that Somalia’s leaders, past and present, have made just about every error in the political lexicon while being exploited by their neighbors. These human errors have been compounded by a chain of droughts and famines. Worse, now there is clear evidence that international terrorists are exploiting the anarchy to use Somalia for their own evil ends. Violence created this mess but violence is not going to solve it — whether it is from one warlord trying to destroy all the others or from the US Marines or anyone else, even if well-intentioned, storming ashore once again to try to restore order. A settlement will only come when the faction leaders and their supporters recognize that if Somalia is to become strong, prosperous and a reality, its broken parts must be voluntarily put back together. Yet, even though the outside world has seen successive leaderships in Mogadishu blow every chance at international aid and advice, it does not mean that help should cease. Support clearly needs to go where it will be most effective. That could mean that support goes to two breakaway areas where a semblance of peace and order reigns. Such support need not be a recognition of political independence but more a demonstration that where consensus and peace have been achieved, palpable aid benefits will arrive. Therefore, perhaps instead of trying to rebuild Somalia from the top down, the reverse would be better, producing a single state to which all parties eventually commit themselves, one by one.

Somalia's interim leader has said he is ready to move aside, following a peace deal signed by rival warlords. President Abdulkassim Salat Hassan told the BBC that the Somali people were fed up after 13 years of war and lack of development. The rival faction leaders have agreed on how to choose a parliament, which would in turn elect a president. Mr Salat said he would make way for whoever was chosen."I will hand over the power of the presidency," he said. He also told the BBC's Focus on Africa programme that it would take not more than 45 days to choose a new parliament, which would "immediately" elect the president. Donor pressure Since the fall of President Siad Barre, Somalia has had no central authority and been wracked by civil war with rival factions battling each other. Mr Salat only controls parts of the capital, Mogadishu. Q&A: Somali peace deal The talks in Kenya's capital, Nairobi, are the 14th attempt to secure a deal. Correspondents say the international community has been putting pressure on the Somali faction leaders to agree a peace deal and this now seems to have borne fruit after more than a year of discussions. The new parliament will be made up of 275 members, rather than 350 as previously agreed and traditional elders will be involved in selecting them, as well as warlords, reports say. The idea is that each of the four major clans will select 61 MPs and a coalition of small clans will select 31. The task of selecting who will become an MP is left to each group.

Ahem.... COL C/LLAHI YUUSUF: "marna aqbali mayo in dad ay Igad ka keentay Balcad iyo Xamar ay ka qeyb qaataan…. February 2, 2004 Markacadeey -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Waraka ka imaanayo magaalada Nayroobi ee dalka Kenya ayaa sheegay in Kooxihii Mbagathi Group gaar ahaan kuwa SRRC-da iyo maamul Goboleedka Puntland ay mar kale saluug ka muujiyeen qodoka 30-aad ee Axdiga KMG oo qoraal rasmi ah oo IGAD ka soo baxay lagu soo bandhigay cidda soo xuleysa Baarlamaanka oo sida qoraalku qorayo ah kooxihii lagu casuumay 9-kii bishii janaayo hotelka Safari Parki kuwaasoo gaaraya 39 xubnood. Kooxahani waxay diideen in Baarlamaanka ay soo xulaan wax ka badan 25-xubnood oo C/qaasim uu ku jiro, iyagoo xusan in aanay aqbaleynin dad kale oo lagu soo kordhiyo tirada saxiixayaasha oo sida ay iyaga u yaqaanaan ah 24-xubnood. C/laahi Yuusuf ayaa yiri "marna aqbali mayo in dad ay Igad ka keentay Balcad iyo Xamar ay ka qeyb qaataan soo xulida Baarlamaanka, anagana Igad naguma qasbi karto in wixii ay doonto ay ka bedesho shirka, waxaana na loo keenay liis ay ku qoran tahay 39-xubnood, taasna waa mid aan la aqbali Karin, waayo saxiixayaashu waa 24-xubnood oo C/qaasim lagu soo darayo". Col. C/laahi Yuusuf oo xiligaa la hadlayay ergada Mbaghati ku sugan ayaa tiri "Ma ogoshahiin in ergooyinku ay soo xulaan Jaamac Cali Jaamac iyo Cumar Jees?" markaas ayay si cod dheer ah xubnihii uu warkaa ku yiri ku yiraahdeen "maya" markaasuu yiri "dad noocaas ah ayaa naloo soo wadaa, waa in aan iska diidaan oo aan ka hortagnaa". Wararkii ugu danbeeyay ee Nairobi ayaa sheegaya in xiisadii ka dhalatay diid madaas ay soo yaraneyso kadib markii wada hadal ay yeesheen wasiirka Arrimaha dibadda ee Kenya, C/laahi Yuusuf iyo xubnaha Golaha SRRC, lamana oga waxa lagu qanciyay iyadoo ilaa iyo hadana lagu guuleysan la’yahay in laga ansixiyo ergooyinka shirla heshiiskii ay kooxuhu gaareen, taasoo marka horeba la is weydiinayo waxa keenay in heshiis ay kooxuhu gaareen uu noqdo mid laga ansixiyo cid kale oo aan Baarlamaanka ahayn sidoo kalena lama oga goorta lagu dhawaaqayo in wejiga 3-aad ee shirku furmayo. Maxamed Cali Maxamud (Madka) Xafiiska markacadeey ee Muqdisho xafiiskamuqdisho@hotmail.com XUBNO KA MID AH GOLAHA SRRC-da OO KA HOR YIMID HESHIISKII HOGAAMIYAYAASHA February 2, 2004 Markacadeey -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Xubna ka mida ah Golaha SRRC-da ee Itoobiya taageerto ayaa si weyn uga horjeestay heshiiska hogaamiyeyaasha Soomaalida ku gaareen Shirkii ay ku lahaayeen hoteelka Safari Park, iyagoo ku tilmaamay inuu ahaa qiyaamo la hoos geliyay. Arrinta ugu weyn ee ay diidan yihiin ayaa ah iyadoo heshiiska la saxiixay lagu daray in higaamiyayaasha siyaasada Golaha samata bixinta ay qeyb ka yihiin siyaasiyiinta soo xulaysa xubnaha Baarlamaanka, arrintaas oo muran weyn ka dhex dhelisay kooxaha SRRC-da ayaa wararku sheegayaan inay weli qaarkood ka biyo diidan yihiin. Ergada taageersan Golahaasi ayaan weli ansixin heshiiak oo la filayay inay taageero ku ayidaan maalintii Sabtidii, ergada oo diidan inay yimaadaan Hotelka Safari Park ayaa dhinaca kale ka hor jeestay qaabka heshiiska, waxaana dhacay doodo kulul oo dhex maray hogaamiyayaasha iyo ergooyinkooda. Wararkii ugu danbeeyay ayaa sheegaya in is mari waa xal loo waayay u dhexeeyay hogaamiyayaasha heshiiska saxiixay iyo ergadooda SRRC-da, inkastoo qaarkood la qanciyay ilaa iyo iminkana la isku ma waafaqin xilliga ergada Mbaghati ay ansixin doonaan heshiiska. Culeys weyn oo Igad iyo beesha caalamka saareen hogaamiyayaasha SRRC-da iyo hogaamiyayaasha kale 20-ka Mbaghati ayaa ku qasbay inay ogolaadaan qodobka 30-aad ee Golaha samata bixinta lagu aqoonsaday laguna daray qeybaha wax ka xulaya Xildhibaanada cusub. Maxamed Cali Maxamud (Madka) Xafiiska markacadeey ee Muqdisho xafiiskamuqdisho@hotmail.com So does any one else have any nagging hopes??

!!!! yo underdog when were you in St. Austins maybe we were class mates. I was in St. Austins too for a time.

^^^^like i said before, there will never be any peace in somalia, if the peace making is carried out by warlords, it is sad that somalis after so many one-formula peace confrences still dont get it! One of the reasons i supported ARTA was that for the first time it did not involve the likes of morgan aideed yeey or any other political pirate. But somalis wanted to enjoy the ocean with out the noise of the waves, and so the arta processes floundered through the lack of support of many. Although it is an oft repeated cliche in our situation it rings true. every people get the goverment or in our case lack there of that they deserve This singular apathy and lack of civic duty is what has allowed the warlords to ridicule somali hope and aspirations at every peace confrence, 13 times. Like i said expect another 2 year "final, final, final" confrence at any venue of your choosing. Just too many of these men having learnt nothing from the civil war, wanting to be the cappo di tutti capi, in somalia and every somali bears the blame for not lifting this illusion from their shoulders.

www.guide2women leaders

VOTE FOR ASHA A. ABDALLA, VOTE FOR THE FUTURE Asha A. Abdalla Mogadishu, Somalia 252-1-500-638/252-5-596-0335 Cell Phone 0722-583-267 (Kenya) June 9, 2003 To: All The Somali People Re: Submission of Presidential Candidacy Application. Enclosed is my resume. I am seeking the challenging responsibility of leading Somalia as the head of state. I have valuable experience serving the public, confidence in my leadership potential and through understanding of the needs of post armed conflict Somalia. The people of Somalia feel that war torn Somalia, under the burden of social, economic and political disintegration needs a capable, insurmountable leader. The social, economic and political woes afflicting the country needs a leader who is committed to the cause of picking up all the pieces and rebuilding Somalia. My twelve point agenda for Somali is to: 1. Stabilize and maintain the country’s judiciary system. 2.Secure Somali unity and support of all Somalis in rebuilding the country. 3 Disarm all armed groups within Somalia 4. Ensure to provide proper child-protection and disabled. 5. Promote and maintain proper healthcare and rehabilitation facilities. 6. Demobilize and reintegrate back into Somali society every affected man, woman, boy and girl. 7. Promote regional governance for recognition of unity in our diversity. 8. Revive the Somali economy 9. Promote universal education for all Somalis. 10. Promote women’s social, economic and political empowerment. 11. Create employment opportunities and instill self reliance skills in Somali nationals 12. Promote/preserve Somali culture sports and art. The people of Somalia believe in my ability to deliver them from each of Somalia’s malaises. I too believe I have the capacity to serve my people as called upon. I look forward to your acceptance of my application and my clearance thereof. Sincerely yours, Asha Ahmed Abdalla. Presidential Candidate, Federal Republic of Somalia Mogadishu, Somalia Phone:2521500638/ 25255960335 Bio Data Sex: Female Date of Birth: 1958 Marital Status: Married with three children Religion: Muslim Nationality: Somali/American Objective: To govern in democratic manner all men, women, and children of Somalia and to promote peace, peaceful co coexistence, unity, security prosperity and stability across borders. Education: 1982 -1988: LaGuardia College and City University of New York Degrees earned: Bachelor of Science (BS) Master of Arts 1980-1982: Midtown school of business Earned: Diploma in accounting and Business Management 1978-1979: Cambridge School Earned: Diploma in Bookkeeping Took a lot of seminars and courses on tax law, certified public accountant (CPA), real estate, insurance, child care, counseling, nutrition, social work, business management and others. Experience: Positions held in the Somali Government: 2002-2003 minister, Demobilization, Disarmament, Reintegration and Disable Care (DDRDC), Somalia and delegate, Somali National Peace and Reconciliation Conference. Feb. 2002-June. 2002 Minster of State DDRDC, Somalia Nov. 2002-Oct. 2001 Dep. Minster, Labor, Sports and Social Affairs Somalia. Aug. 2000-Aug 2000 member of parliament, Somali National Assembly Jun. 2000-Aug. 2000 active delegate in the Arta Peace process for Somalia June 1996- 2000 President, Somali-American Association & Relief Agencies. 1997 – 2000 Supervisor, Housing authority, Columbus, Ohio·1992-1996 President, US/Somali Relief and Rescue 1990-1992 Manager, Import-export enterprise June 1987- 1990 Accounting Executive, Deloitte Haskin and Sells, World Trade Center One Mar. 1984 – 1986 internship accounting clerk, Coward Shoes Company NY.Interests Charity, Humanitarian activities, sports reading, computers, counseling Personal: I have successfully undertaken social work with specific focus on achievements resettlement of refugees I have employed my services in counseling and mentoring young Somali women and men. I have successfully undertaken refugee resettlement and adjustment programs I have advocated on protection of refugee rights and other support services I have provided formal and informal mentoring on self-sufficiency for women refugees. gurxan ali gurxan2002@yahoo.com

what the somaliland times has to say about farah addoFarah Addo’s Misrepresentation And Abuse Of Aid During his reign of terror, Somalia’s late dictator, Mohamed Siyad Barre, had grown so fond of Farah Waheliye Addo that he picked him to become the chairman of the country’s National Olympic Committee and its ambassador-at-large for world sports. The Somali sports community was, of course, forced to rubber stamp both designations with their approval as any voice of objection would have, under those circumstances, incurred being arrested, tortured or even killed. But long after his former protector was disgracefully chased out of power and Somalia disintegrated into large battlegrounds for warring militia groups, Mr. Addo, believe it or not, has had no problem to convince world sports officials that he is still indispensable. To cover his vulnerability resulting from the sudden departure of Barre in early 1991, Addo was quick enough to find a new godfather in the person of Essa Hayatou, President of the Confederation of African Football. The Cameroonian Hayatou not only turned a blind eye to the legally questionable status of Addo, but had reportedly used his influence as CAF’s boss that this issue is not pursued by sports authorities elsewhere. And it did seem that the two men needed each other’s skills so much that Hayatou had had to choose Addo as his vice in the CAF. This relationship has provided the right cover for Addo to go on a campaign for soliciting aid, both cash and in kind, from every possible donor that he could reach, ostensibly for the development of sports in a country where ordinary people felt insecure unless they were armed. As a result, millions of dollars in aid given for improving Somalia’s sports, allegedly ended up in Addo’s personal bank accounts. Sadly enough, a significant portion of the aid money was reportedly even used for financing the war activities of Addo’s own tribal militiamen in Mogadishu. It is a pity that international sport bodies such as CAF and FIFA would have allowed this fraud to happen. We however believe that this aid abuse operation merits to be fully and immediately investigated. The International Olympic Committee, CAF and FIFA, which are suspected of complicity with Addo in this affair, must take the lead in the initiation of a call for an independent investigation of this large-scale abuse of aid intended for Somalia’s sports. All donors who had contributed resources through Mr. Addo are also needed to come forward with an expressed call for an investigation. Sportsmen and women in neighboring Somalia will have to decide for themselves as to whether to pursue this case or not. But since Addo has been claiming that he also represented the Republic of Somaliland, the sports authorities here must make sure that their grievances, complaints and demand for seeing this man held accountable for his alleged wrongdoings, must be conveyed to concerned regional and international confederations and committees. Addo must be stopped. Farah Addo Finances A Mogadishu-Based Faction Mogadishu (SL Times): Mr. Farah Wehiliye Addo, the current Vice-President of the Confederation of African Football, is the main financial backer of the armed militia men led by Mr. Omer Finish in Mogadishu, Somalia, the Somaliland Times has learned. Mr. Addo is from the same sub-tribe of Omer Finish who has been logged for the last one year in a fierce fighting against another faction leader, Sudi Yalahow, for the control of the southwestern Madin section of Mogadishu. Omer Finish is the former chief of staff of Sudi Yalahow. Both men as well as Addo belong to the Abgal sub-clan of the ****** clan. Mr. Finish had, on the instigation of Mr. Addo, revolted against Yallahow early last year and instead allied himself with the so-called transitional national government of Somalia, better known as the Arta faction. Sudi Yallahow and most of other faction leaders in Somalia are opposed to the Arta faction. Farah Addo supports this group on the understanding that it doesn’t interfere with his capacity to retain his controversial title as Chairman of the Somali National Olympic Committee. The TNG had in fact accredited Addo’s re-election for this position in a bogus congress of the National Olympic Committee purportedly held in Mogadishu last year. Long before his fall in Jan 1991, Somalia’s former dictator Siyad Barre had given Addo the title of “Exemplary Sportsman of Scientific Socialism.” From an ordinary football referee in the seventies, Addo or Sendiko, as he is widely known by Somalis, rose up swiftly through the sports hierarchy of his country to become Chairman of the Olympic Committee. Because of Barre’s protection and support, Addo actually exercised complete control over all the country’s sports activities be it internally or externally. After Siyad Barre’s fall in Jan. 1991, Somalia became a battleground for rival clan militia groups vying for power and the state that used to be called the Somali Democratic Republic disintegrated into oblivion. As a result, Somalia’s diplomatic missions abroad and its envoys to regional, continental and international bodies saw their representation credentials invalidated by host governments or organizations. In the arena of world sports however, Somali officials were somehow able to get a kind of a business-as-usual treatment from their former international counterparts. During the last 10 years, Addo has reportedly embezzled millions of dollars in aid money that has been donated for the development of sports in a country where people found it unsafe to pray in Mosques let alone practice sports. Addo is known to have been claiming during his fund-raising campaigns abroad that he also represents Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in early 1991 after 10-year long war of independence against Barre’s regime. Despite being the only place where peace has been fully restored and people practice sports activities, Somaliland has however been denied to receive even a small portion of the one million US dollar granted by the FIFA in the year 2000 for improving sports infrastructures and coaching for the former Somalia.

What future awaits Somalia? WILL FARAH ADDOW BE THE NEW PRESIDENT? By Enrico Giustiniani Abdullahi Farah Addow will be the first president of the new course in Somalia. After over ten years of bloody and tormented conflicts Somalia is getting ready to return to international legality. The long peace process, which had already led to the constitution of a first temporary government in 2000, is drawing to an end in Nairobi, where for months the representatives of all the Somali ethnic groups and the representatives of the neighbouring countries of the Horn of Africa have been meeting in a permanent convention under the aegis of Igad and Italy. In July the new constituent assembly will take over in Mogadiscio: after a difficult compromise the constituent assembly will be made up of 450 members chosen from clan leaders and intellectuals. Their main task will be that of drawing up the new constitution. In August Addow’s presidency will be made official and he will then nominate the head of government and prepare the country for new and democratic future elections. Abdullahi Farah Addow is well-known for being anti-fundamentalist, moderate and pro-West and he has been able to mediate between Arab and Western needs. He is the ideal president to set Somalia off towards a democracy. The future of this country depends first of all on the Somali people, but in order to do this terrorists must be eliminated. It is almost certain that an international military force, made up of various African nations, together with the logistic contribution of the US and the Arab states, will be ready for action in July. It will act as international police with such duties as: getting hold of the many firearms present in the country and guaranteeing the legality of the new democratic institutions which in actual fact did not allow the existence of a constitutional state in Somalia. A task which will last until the newly founded Somali institutions will be able to guarantee their own security by themselves. The new executive alone will never be able to eliminate the alleged Al Qaeda bases in the country nor crush the rebel clans with the very meagre resources available. Aid will have to be for Somalia’s rebirth and reconstruction and not for the elimination of terrorism. A situation which has now become intolerable in the Horn of Africa and which has repercussions mainly on its already badly-hit economy. Kenya most of all has suffered the consequences, indeed it closed Somalia’s air space due to the danger coming from the terrorist groups which until today have found easy shelter in the Somali “non-state”. Abdullahi Addow is an ex general who was trained in the 60’s in the Italian Academy of the Financial Police Force. He held several positions in the Government during the Siad Barre presidency: Governor of the Central Bank of Somalia, Minister of Finance and the last Somali ambassador in the USA. His election can but only strengthen the ties between USA, Italy and Somalia and bring democracy into this tormented country. Addow has thanked in particular Italy and few entrepreneurs and friends of our country who have supported his delicate mission as mediator since 2001, when any sort of compromise still seemed difficult, counting on him to relaunch Italian economic enterprise in the new course for Somalia. A ‘thank you’ also for the work done by the Italian ONU inspectors Massimo Pizza and Antonio D’Andrea who, with their monitoring and intelligence work, have managed to keep a high level of international attention focused on Somalia. Apart from re-establishing a Constitutional State and conducting reconstruction aid, Addow’s objective is to overcome the misunderstandings and discords with the other neighbours of the Horn of Africa, hoping to create one commercial space without barriers between Ethiopia, Eritrea, Gibuti, Somalia, Kenya and Uganda. Not only Mediterranean Africa but also The Horn of Africa represents, once it has been pacified, a potential useful market also for Italy, the country that already represents the European union for Somalia and which will be the next president for the European semester and is becoming the “natural” international guarantor to protect the delicate democratic course of the Somali people.

Prof. Aweys M. Wasuge Anigoo ka damqanaayo dhibaatooyinka maanta na haysta gaar ahaan dowlad la’aanta, ayan go’aansaday in aan isu soo sharxo madaxweynanimada si aan arintaa wax uga qabto. Aragtidayda siyaasadeed ee xagga arrimaha gudaha ku wajahan waa sida tan: Dhisada dowlad loo dhan yahay. Soo celinta ammaanka iyo kala danbeynta. Sameynta guddi qarameedyada ku xusan dastuurka ku meelgaar ah. Soo celinta kaabayasha dhaqaalaha iyo adeegga bulshada. Dib u dejinta qaxootiga. Dib u habeynta sharuucda wadanaka. Dhisada xarumo lagu caawiyo dadka tabaaleysan. Xanaanada deegaanka. Markay sii kororto isu soo dhawanshaha waddamada, mudnaanta siyaasadda dibedda waa sii ballaarataa gaar ahaan dhamaanshihii dagaalka qaboobaa ka dib. Siyaasada dibadda waxay taabataa wax walbo oo aan sameyno laga bilaabo shaqooyinkeena ilaa waxa aan cuno. Arrimaha aan culayska saarayo xaga arimaha dibada waxa ka mid ah: Horumarinta nabadda caalamka gaar ahaan midda geeska Afrika. La dagaallanka danebiyada caalamiga. La shaqeeynta ururrada caalamiga. Horumarinta xaquuqda dadka. Horumarinta dhaqaalaha aduunka. Soo jiidashada maalgelin shisheeye. U helida suuq waxyaabaha aan dhoofino. Prof Aweys Mohamed Wasuge Dagaalkii sokeeye ee dalkeenna ka dhacay waxay sababeen dil badan, qaxooti, burbur ku yimaado hay’adihii dowladda iyo adeegga bulshada, kaabayaashii ilaha dhaqaalaha iyo degaanka. Dagaalkaas waxa kale oo uu keenay sharaf dhac ku timaado Soomalida gaar ahaan beesha caalamka. Waxyaabaha uu keenay waxa ka mid ah: Dadka Soomaliyeed ee waddanka gudihiisa qaxootiga ku ahaa 2001 waa 300,000. kuwa wadamada deriska ku ah qaxootiga waa 250,000. kuwa qaxootiga ku ah wadamada kale waxay ka badan yihiin 1 malyan oo qof. Deynta waddankeena lagu lee yahay waa $2.6 billion. Celcelis ahaan qofka Soomaliga ah waxa uu nooladaa 47 sano taana waxa keenay colaadda iyo cudurrada. 200,000 ee qof waxa ku soo aaday in ka yar 1 dhaqtar. Dadka waaweyn ee wax aqriya waxa lagu qiyaasaa 17.1% halka dadka Kenyatiga ay ka yihiin 81.5%. The civil war in our country has resulted numerous losses of human lives, mass migration, the destruction of political institutions, social and economic infrastructure. Furthermore, it has led Somalis to indignities especially in the eyes of the international community. To name some of the misfortunate that the civil brought are: In 2001, internally displaced people were estimated to be 300,000. Somali refugees in neighbuoring countries were believed to be 250,000. The Somali Diaspora was thought to be over 1 million. Somali’s debt was $2.6 billion. Life expectancy was calculated to be 47 years. Adult literacy was 17.1% vis-à-vis the adult literacy of Kenya was 81.5%. Having seen the suffering that we are in especially the absence of a government, I decided to run for the forthcoming presidential election of Somali in order to address the statelessness that we become so notorious since 1991. On the domestic political front, my are of focus will encompass but not confined to: Establishing all-inclusive government. Reintroducing law and order Naming the National Committees mentioned in the Transitional Charter. Bringing back the economic and social infrastructure. Resettling the refugees. Modernizing of our laws. Setting up centres for the disadvantaged people. Protecting the environment. As the interdependence among the countries increases, the momentousness of a sound foreign policy grows especially after the cold war. It governs everything from the jobs we do to the food we eat. On the foreign political front, my area of focus will cover but not limited to: Promoting international security particularly East Africa. Fighting against international crime. Collaborating international organisations. Fostering human rights. Boosting global economy. Attracting foreign investment. Finding market for our exports. Waa kuma Prof. Aweys Maxamed waasuge? Prof. Waasuge waxa uu ku dhashay magalada Beled-Weyne 1949. waxa uu waxbarashadiisa ilaa dugsi sare uu ku soo kala qaatay magalooyinka B-Weyne, Janaale iyo Muqdisho. Shaqadiisa qaran, 1972, waxa uu bare ka noqday dugsiga hoose ee Hodan, Muqdisho. 1973 waxa uu ku biray shaqaalaha Wasaarada Warfaafinta iyo Hanuuninta Dadweynaha, waxanu soo diyarin jiray bogga Soomalida Maanta ee warageyka Xididgta October. 1975 waxa uu waxbarasho u tegay dalka Jarmalka Bari, waxan uu halkaas kusoo bartay maamulka masrixiyada. 1982 -1984 waxa uu soo diyarin jiray bogga Masraxa iyo Fidinta Fanka. 1984 waxa uu noqday madaxa qoraalka ee Masraxa Qaranka. Isla sanadkaas waxa uu ka mid noqday ardaydii gashay Jaamacada Umada, gaar ahaan qaybta luqadaha, taqasuskiisana waxa uu ku soo qaatay dalka Talyaaniga. Markii uu ku soo laabtay dalka, waxaa u macalin ka noqday Jaamacada Umada, Kaltuurada Talyaaniga iyo Kaltuurada Jarmalka. Dhamadkii 1990 waxa uu waxbarasho dheerad ah u aaday mar kale dalka Talyaaniga. Bahida Waasuge u qabo waxbarashada weli isma badelin waxa uu hadda arday ka yahay Birbeck University ee magalada London. Waasuge waa gudoomiyaha Soomali Volunteers Legue, waxa uu xubin firfircoon ka yahay Soomali Revival Platform oo xaruntooda ay tahay magalada London. Ujeedooyinka Siyaasadeed: Dhismaha dowlad loo dhan yahay. Soo celinta amaanka iyo kala danbeynta. Dib u heshiisiin qaran. Soo celinta kaabayasha dhaqaale. U diyarinta dalka doorasho xisbiyo badan. To: Prof. Aweys M. Wasughe The Somali Citizen Website is pleased to support and publish your candidacy letter for Somalia president. Keep up the good work and Good luck

Mr. Ali Hassan Abdi Amalo Mr. Ali Hassan Abdi Amalo Contact Number : 0722913064 E-mail : Alternativeleadership@yahoo.com To : All Somali People Cc: All IGAD Technical Committee Members Cc: United States of America Cc: United Nations Cc: All IPF Member Countries Cc: All Somali Participants in the Conference Cc: All Members of the Media and Press Date: June 06, 2003 In The Name Of Allah The Merciful and Beneficient In The Name of God I swear that I will discharge faithfully all my duties as the Interim President, All my strength will be focused in the interest of the people, country and that I will abide by the Charter, and Laws of the land of the Somali Republic. My name is ALI HASSAN ABDI AMALO, and I am running for the Interim Presidency of Somalia Republic to restore the hope of dying country. I stand before you today to ask for your support. You might be asking why someone who had spent the past 20+ years in the United States and had the opportunities to pursue a comfortable life would want to run for the position of Presidency in Somalia? Brothers and Sisters the answer is very simple, there has been a more than 14 reconciliation conference without any tangible results, and In fact the number of innocent civilians killed has been on the rise after each reconciliation conference. I have seen too many of my people suffering, too many were killed and too many have lost hope that one day they will live in a decent life. Apart from the moral obligation I owe to my people to help them live in a decent and peaceful life, Apart from the moral obligation as a citizen of this motherland to run for an office. The major reason I am running for the office of President is I can not be a spectator to the destruction of my people and my motherland. If you have witnessed what happened in Somali the last 13 years, civil strive, terrorism, failed un humanitarian missions and unrecognized governments, then you will agree with me that Somalia needs a fresh start. As a Chairman/Political Leader of Alternative Leadership Association, with my team we have set forth plan that will lead Somalia out of the current hopeless situation. We hope to achieve the creation of a Federal, Broad-Based, Provisional, Transitional or Interim Government. A government under my administration will not follow an Ambiguous course of Agenda, which is based on Corruption, Nepotism and Tribalism. Also my administration will modernize and up-grade the existing system of government, the challenges of Demobilization and child soldiers, difficulties faced by tens of thousands internally displaced persons (IDP). Judicial System, Law Enforcement and Prison conditions in Somalia by emphasizing the rule of Law and Due process, it will incorporate respect for Human life, Human Rights (No Lasting Peace without Human Rights). The Rights of Women, Children, the Freedom of Press, Minorities and other vulnerable groups, Also unconditional respect for private and public properties by educating the Somali youth and society at large. Peace will be achieved by consensus and mutual respect ideas of Democracy and Freedom. We will also promote Social Rights, Free Market Reform and Liberalization of the Economy. Promote poverty reduction and to reform the Health Care, Health Education and Community participation that will increase accessibility to adequate diagnosis regardless of Financial, Social or Gender status and such reduce the high mortality rate due to TB and Malaria in Somalia as well as reducing of drug resistant disease due to incorrect treatment. Re-conciliation and disarmament of all armed civil group in the country to settle all disputes by dialogue instead of the gun. This vicious cycle, escalation of violence and deterioration in security must stop. To achieve the above mentioned process will need great amount of resources, hard work and input. Brothers and Sisters I will share with you in the coming future my agenda called Rebuilding Our Nation. I will ask you to read it thoroughly. It will cover all aspects of Government Administrative Policy. Please note my Government will not seek handouts from other Countries. However, we will seek the assistance of International Financial Institution such as World Bank, IMF, Islamic Bank and the United Nations, as they have moral obligation to offer us assistance (we will not ask them loan), once we establish our Financial Institutions and stand on our feet then we will present our Fiscal plan accordingly. Finally, we will work against terrorists and other insurgent elements and Extremist Organizations. Promote partnership with the Country’s various regions, Establishment of Harmonious relations with neighbouring Countries. Free circulation of people and goods and functioning of the main infrastructure in the Country such as the Port and Airport in the Capital Mogadishu. I honestly believe if my plans are implemented, we will be able to have our Decency and Nationhood back. One of the greatest President William Jefferson Clinton 42nd President of United States says in his Inaugural Address, "This is our time. Let us embrace it." I believe this is Somalia’s moment; we will build a foundation of prosperity and possibility. I am committed to continue working with all Somalia. The greatest responsibility of any Government is to ensure the Security of its Citizens. On behalf of all Somali Communities in the world I would like to thank International Communities, IGAD, specially front line states, AU, EU, UN, United States and Arab League for their positive vision of a better future for every Somalian by helping them to stand on their feet again. I will conclude my letter by quoting of Imam Ali "There is No greater Wealth than Wisdom; No greater poverty than Ignorance, No greater Heritage than Culture and No greater Friend and Helpmate than Consultation." May God Bless Somalia and this Eventful Task on Our Agenda. Yours truly, Ali Hassan Abdi Amalo (Alideq) Chairman and Political Leader Alternative Leadership Association To: Mr. Ali Hassan Abdi Amalo The Somali Citizen Website is pleased to support and publish your candidacy letter for Somalia president. Keep up the good work From: Administrator The Somali Citizen (www.somalicitizen.com) The following article was first published (fall 2002, page 28) Vol.9 No.3 by the SANKOFA NEWS, Windsor, ON. Canada. ALTERNATIVE LEADERSHIP PROPOSED FOR SOMALIA Ali Hassan Abdi Amalo, president of the Alternative Association (ALA), a Washington, D.C. based group of Somali-born intellectuals is proposing a brand new leadership style for his belaguered country. The proposed new leadership "Will modernize and upragrade Somalia's system of government through the rule of law and due process, respect for the human life, human rights and the rights of women." The ALA will also will work with all forms of exixting civil societies to form abroad based government of National Unity. In a news release signed on August 8 this year and signed by Mr.Amalo, The Alternative Leadership Association said the deteriorating and hopeless situation in Somalia compelled number of Somalia born intellectuals in Washington, DC metropolitan Area to found the association to "radically change the current leadership of Somalia by a fair and democratic election process." The release said the association will ensure unconditional respect for private and public properties by educating the Somali youth and society at large. It aims to promote the ideas of democracy and freedom, a free market reform and liberalization of the economy. Promote to reform the health care and poverty reduction. The ALA will also promote sound environmental policies that will restore and re-plant the de-forested areas and protect the existing wild life. Furthermore, ALA re-concilliation and disarmament of all armed civil groups in the country, to settle all disputes by dialogue instead of the gun.

Health: 'The time has come to disarm. Lay down your weapons' The Guardian - In the school hall in Berbera, a sweltering Somaliland port on the Gulf of Aden, the audience is jam-packed and sweating. Women swathed from head to foot in bright colours chatter noisily and wipe their faces with the ends of their scarves as they wait for the ceremony to begin. On the wall posters declare: "The time has come to disarm! Put down your weapons!" The mayor takes his place on the platform and the hubbub subsides. His speech opens the occasion. "I want to make it clear that we, in the regional authority, are with you in this war." The war the mayor is referring to is not the type all too familiar in this part of the world, but the war on female genital mutilation. The "weapons" to be laid down are not the guns that are so prolific in this society, but the scissors, knives, razor blades, needles and surgical thread used by those who, until now, have cut and stitched girls' genitalia as their profession. Military images carry over seamlessly. A few years ago, for a man to stand on a platform anywhere in Somaliland and talk about this subject would have been unthinkable. This is a land where the discussion of sexual issues - especially female ones - remains shrouded in taboo. Slowly, they are emerging from the shadows. Here, at the age of seven or eight, 95% of girls still endure a traditional surgical operation to excise their external sexual organs and almost completely close their vaginal aperture. The practice, mistakenly thought to be sanctioned in the Koran, is an extreme form of protection against male sexual predators in the desert, where the nomadic herding life is pursued. Today, women activists and many health workers know it is harmful and redundant - and not ordained in Islam. The mayor sits next to colleagues from city hall, doctors and sheikhs, and is not the only man in the hall. But for him to have come and spoken out on the subject is important. He soon slips away, and there follows a theatrical display of speeches, witness statements, loud applause, laughter, songs, and mopping of brows. Sado, the local head of maternal and child health services, is the first to greet the six circumcisers of Berbera in whose honour the event is being held. Each carries a bag containing her instruments; each has volunteered to disarm. Among the speakers are the members of the anti-mutilation team from Borama, a town to the north. They were the pioneers of this campaign. Zahara Abdillahi, a midwife, explains why she is involved. "I have witnessed the difficult experiences of mutilated women throughout my career - with menstrual blood, with urination, with giving birth. We all know what we have gone through." The cutting, healing and scarring involved in mutilation narrows the birth canal and makes it inelastic. Labour often lasts for days and stillbirths are common. "All those experiences have touched my life," says Zahara. "In 1985, I went to Yemen to work. I attended a woman at her first birth, and I took all my tools. Then I saw that a woman who had not been mutilated had no problem - she gave birth perfectly. I had never seen such a thing before. That is when I became active in this work." When Zahara returned to Somaliland, she went to Borama. There she met an Italian woman, Annalena Tonelli. Annalena, the best-known foreign health worker in Somaliland, who last year received the UN's Nansen Refugee award, dedicated herself to all the health issues and diseases that others did not like to touch. She ran a 250-bed TB hospital in Borama with a good record of curing TB, and used it as the hub of many other health-related outreach programmes. Zahara joined Annalena's hospital staff. It was Annalena who proposed to Zahara that they institutionalise anti-mutilation work. Annalena brought together Zahara, a local sheikh, Haji Mohammed Sayeed, and a social worker. In 2001, an office was opened in Borama with a board outside: "This is the office against mutilation." Within months, the team had managed to persuade 24 circumcisers to lay down their tools. Almost all Somali women of the older generation believe that without being circumcised, no girl can find a husband. She will be seen as unclean, and on her wedding night the bridegroom will reject her: indeed, rejections are far from unknown. Sheikh Mohammed Sayeed has frequently been taunted by women out in the villages: "What are you doing, taking money from gals (foreigners) to come here and talk about our girls' vaginas? Have you nothing better to do?" Annalena knew that traditionalists like to dismiss the campaign to end mutilation as the pernicious work of outsiders. So, having set up teams in Borama, Gebile and Berbera and found them financial support, Annalena remained resolutely in the background. But almost all the speakers at Berbera refer to her as a vital facilitator of what they are doing. Sheikh Mohammed Sayeed has taken the lead on the religious side. In 2000, Unicef brought many mosque leaders together in Hargeisa to discuss whether the practice was sanctioned by Islam. "They divided into two groups, the traditionalists, and those like myself who say that female circumcision is killing people." He knows this is true: his own wife brought six pregnancies to term, but all the babies were stillborn because the birth canal was too tight. "We say: 'Are you better than God that you tamper with His work? Allah opened the mouth. Would you cut and stitch that too?'" After the meeting, Unicef paid for some sheikhs to visit Cairo and take instruction from learned Islamic scholars. "They were told that in Egypt and Sudan, it is not approved or normally done." The three teams Annalena set up have anti-mutilation videos and a generator; they hold meetings, go to schools and people's houses. Sheikh Mohammed preaches against the practice on the radio and at Friday prayers. Mobilising circumcisers to give up is a key activity. "When we started, we made statistics of who was doing the cutting in Borama," he says. "We interviewed them and told them that what they were doing was against Islam. They were shocked. They said: 'If this is not in Islam, we are ready to give up. But our problem is that this is our living. How shall we survive?' "We selected the cleverest and the most popular ones, and we gave each $200 for a new business. One opened a cafeteria, another traded in second-hand clothes, another in vegetables from Ethiopia. We helped each do whatever she wanted." Annalena also paid for the school fees of their children so that their offspring would not lose out. "Then we said: 'Now you must put your hand on the Koran and swear not to circumcise or you will no longer be a Muslim.'" In the first ceremony in Borama, 24 circumcisers gave up their tools in public. Today Sheikh Mohammed is also on the platform. "We talk about mutilation openly. We persuade people that the innocent girl is their responsibility - we ask them why they are harming her. The whole world, not only us, is against this practice." He defends Annalena's role: "Annalena is now a Boraman. We call her deeqa - gift. She has done so much: her TB centre, deaf school, a blind school soon to be opened. Allah loves if someone helps others. Although Annalena is a Christian, Allah loves her and her work." He knows not everyone shares this view. Although the strategy of encouraging circumcisers to abandon their profession reduces the supply of services, the demand also has to be reduced, or others - who may be less proficient and therefore more dangerous to the girls on whom they operate - may take their place. But despite some misgivings, the strategy has worked in Borama. Some former circumcisers have been recruited into the anti-mutilation campaign. One such is 70-year-old Kaladya Haji, described by Annalena as the "best-loved circumciser in Borama", whom she made a laundry supervisor at her hospital. Kaladya also addresses the assembly in Berbera. "Young girls used to hate me. Every girl was praying for death when I was there. They called out against me; that makes me feel guilty now. When we learned from the sheikh that what we were doing was harmful and against Islam, I counselled with God and decided to give up. Annalena came to see me. I asked her: 'Now what shall I do?' She asked me to come to work at the hospital; she was worried I would resume. But I said to her: 'Please trust me. I am sincere. Allah and I have agreed.' We, the circumcisers, prayed together. We decided to go as a group to the satellite villages and become a model for others. Now I can say our whole area, rural and urban, is free of mutilation." She breaks off, exhausted by the heat. The moment of renunciation comes. Sado turns to the six waiting circumcisers. "Do you agree to give up this practice?" "Ha!" they all cry, "Ha!" The first to come forward is Asha, the oldest. She lays down her gloves, her needle for suturing, sugar to dry the labia, local anaesthetic, a syringe, cotton wool and a clean razor blade. She makes her statement to loud applause: "I am praying to Allah to forgive me for what I have done before and I swear that I am not going to do it in the future." When all six have disarmed, it is time for singing songs against mutilation and dancing. A young girl leads the dancing: she is the promise of the future. This anti-mutilation programme, which Unicef, Caritas International, and others support, is just one of the programmes that Annalena Tonelli initiated. Now Annalena is dead. She was murdered, at the age of 60, in the grounds of her hospital one Sunday evening last October. A gunman with a grievance against this foreigner, this gal, whose only crime was to go where angels fear to tread, had wreaked a pointless act of vengeance. In Somalia, there are weapons more damaging than razor blades that members of this warrior society will never give up. For scores of people such as Zahara Abdillahi, Sheikh Mohammed and Kaladya Haji, this appalling outcome of the hostility Annalena's work evoked among a few hardliners is not just a devastating personal loss. Her death strikes at their own working lives and the survival of the programmes to which - thanks to Annalena's genius for organisation - they became deeply committed. Not only did she champion victims of mutilation, TB cases and those with disabilities, but also people with HIV. For the stigmatised sick among the poorest of the Somali poor, Annalena Tonelli gave everything she had. Now that gift - that deeqa - has included the ultimate gift of her life. Posted by Nugidoon. Source: The Guardian

Since the end of the Somaliland election, Kulmiye has garnered a tremendous success. Though Kulmiye has always been triumphant as the election results demonstrated. However, it seems that this achievement has grown since the end of the election. Now more Somalilanders cite Kulmiye as their party of preference. The number of Somalilanders who are willing to lend an ear to speeches and statements of Kulmiye are on the rise. The baseless and nonsensical rumor, that a group of bloodthirsty fanatics are at the helm of Kulmiye, is the gossip of the intellectually challenged. The bulk of Somalilanders view Kulmiye as the only political party capable of c*****ng out new course for Somaliland. However, what needs to be studied and understood is the nature of this victory, how it came about and the things Kulmiye could do to maintain and improve this singular performance? Kulmiye response to any inquiry about its performance since the end of the election is a broadened support base. This is manifested by the increasing number of individuals who are loyal to Kulmiye. During the elections Udub and its supporters portrayed Kulmiye as party of extremists who would plunge Somalilander into chaos. The fact that very few people pay attention to this baseless allegation demonstrates how victorious Kulmiye is. The bulk of Somalilanders see it for what it is, a smear campaign conducted by the government to paper over its failures. The majority view Kulmiye as a party of moderation and responsibility, as the only political party with the necessary expertise and leadership to tackle the country’s problems. The hundreds of people who waited at the Egal Airport to greet Silanyo, and thousands who lined up along the streets of Hargeisa to welcome him attest to the burgeoning positive image of Kulmiye. In Europe and North America, thousands of Somalilanders come out to welcome Kulmiye representatives. However, how Kulmiye acquired this success must be understood. The substantial support that Kulmiye has inside and outside the country can be attributed to two factors: the singular effort of Kulmiye and the weakness of its rivals—Udub and Ucid. Kulmiye’s concession to unfair defeat has demonstrated to most Somalilanders the degree of sacrifice this party is willing to make for this country. It invoked memories of the heroic SNM period, when men gave up luxury to fight for higher ideals. They realized that had Udub faced similar decision, it would have induced civil war in Somaliland. The presence of courteous and cultured individuals such as Siraad, Mohamed Dhimbiil and Mohamed Kahin has endeared this party to Somalilanders. The civic manner in which Kulmiye spokespersons set forth their criticism of the government has done a lot to enhance the image of the party. Nevertheless, the blunders committed by its rivals have also contributed a great deal to the victory of Kulmiye. During the election Udub was the only major rival of Kulmiye. As the election results indicated, Udub had a large following inside the country. However, since the end of the election, this support base has shrinked. Several reasons account for the substantial fall in the number of Udub partisans. The large cabinet appointed by Mr. Riyaale has shown that this government flouts the idea of fiscal responsibility. The public slander of Raaqiya Omar by the interior minister has confirmed the rumor that Riyaale has a thing for goons, thugs and Qaad dealers. Riyaale’s indifference to the flagrant corruption of his ministers and civil servants has debilitated Udub as a political party. Cawil’s allegation of Silanyo and his public statement that he has joined Udub to take revenge for his tribe have convinced many Udub supporters that voting for Udub was a mistake. The lack of vision and blatant violation of the constitution disappointed a majority of Udub supporters. Another development that helped Kulmiye is the growing public perception of Faisal Ali Waraabe, the leader of Ucid, as a sycophant who fetched up in Somaliland for only ministerial position, and as a ridiculous figure with zero ideas and no leadership skills. His attempt at ingratiating himself with Udub during the election disgusted Somalilanders. Kulmiye shouldn’t worry about this man, because he is man with too many defects and little quality. However, Kulmiye should be concerned about the area where it failed. Examination of the speeches and statements of Kulmiye leaders reveals that Kulmiye follows wait- and- react strategy. The government commits a blunder and Kulmiye reacts by criticizing the government for it. This is a good strategy. However, it isn’t sufficient for the purpose of removing Udub from power; Kulmiye should focus on domestic issues. For example, rampant land disputes in Somaliland are good opportunity which Kulmiye has neglected. The land problems are depressing issue to a large number of Somalilanders. They lost relatives and so much money over this solvable problem. Disregard of this issue by the government and the opposition is the reason so many Somalilanders abroad despaired of the country. Kulmiye should exploit this issue. It should draw public attention to it. Kulmiye should establish a committee that studies this problem and offers solution to it. This will enhance Kulmiye’s image as a caring and serious political party. Other problems Kulmiye should focus on are the poor infrastructure, grim medical system, lack of water, government corruption and the neglected regions such as Togdheer, Sanaag and Sool. Kulmiye shouldn’t only concentrate on these issues, it should rehash it. Many respectable men hide the fact that they learned from or use many theories developed by Hitler about the masses. Masses quickly forget and repeating things over reminds them of what the problem is. Kulmiye must convince the masses that there is nothing but problems in Somaliland. The ********* and foolishness of the government will help Kulmiye in this aspect. It is indisputable fact that Kulmiye has performed well since the end of the election. The larger following it has both inside and outside the country proves this claim. Effective Kulmiye leaders and extremely weak and unimaginative rivals account for the success of Kulmiye. However, had Kulmiye focused on domestic issues, it would have achieved even better performance. Kulmiye should understand that historically emphasis on the domestic issues is the only road to power. Mohamed G. Ali mgali@rogers.com Ottawa, Canada

War deg deg ah Madaxweynaha dalka Kenya iyo dhamaan hogaamiyayaasha oo si wadda jir ah maanta u saxiixay u gudbidda Wejigga 3 aad ee shirka Nairobi . Hogaamiyayaasha Soomaalida ayaa maanta si rasmi ah qalinka ugu duugay hindisaha loogu gudbayo wejigga 3 aad ee Awood qeeybsigga geedi socodka Nabadda. Xaxiixa oo uu ku jiray madaxweynaha dalka Kenya oo dhacay 3;20 PM ayaa loo qaabeeyay qaab ka duwan kii hore kadib markii si gaar ah loo xulay hogaamiyayaasha kala ah Cabdi Qaasim Salaad Xasan C/llaahi Yusuf Axmed Max,ed Qanyare AFrax Muuse Suudi Yalaxoow Sheekh Aadan Madoobe Max,ed Dheere Shariif Saalax Caasha Xaaji Cilmi Sideedaas mas,uul oo ka wakiil ah garabyadda siyaasadda Soomaaliya ayaa lagu si qaas ah qalinka ugu duugay saxiixa kadibna waxaa loo soo gudbiyay dhamaan hogaamiyayaasha Soomaalida oo iyagana sii ansixiyay si ay raali uga yihiin. xafladda oo ka socoto gudaha madaxtooyadda ayaa ah mid albaabadda u xiran saxaafadana aanan loo ogoleeyn hasse ahaatee waxaa lagu waramayaa in hogaamiyayaasha qaar ay soo jeediyeen in liiska saxiixayaasha qaaskaa lagu daro Xasan Abshir Faarax sidda horey loo iclaamiyay.inkastoo aan la ogeeyn sidda ay surta gal ku noqon karto si kastaba ha ahatee saxiixa maanta dhacay waxaa ka maqnaa madaxweynaha dalka Uganda Yuweri Musevini oo joogo dalka ingiriiska balse soo wakiishay dhigiisa dalka kenya Mwai kibaki. Warbixinadda xasaasigga ah waxaad ka bogan doontaan marka xafladda soo gabagaboowdo saxaafaddana loo fasaxo gudaha Madaxtooyadda gaar ahaan xarunta xafladda ka socoto. Dahir Abdulle ALasow Nairobi kenya dahiryare@dayniile.com

Scores of supporters of a mainly Zulu party carrying their traditional weapons have confronted South African President Thabo Mbeki. Armed police and bodyguards cleared a path for the president after he was surrounded by some 50 opposition supporters with spears and shields. Mr Mbeki is in KwaZulu-Natal province ahead of elections due this year. Tensions are rising between the ruling ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party, which controls the province. The incident was condemned by the ANC. "These actions are a flagrant violation of the right to freedom of movement which all South Africans, including the President, enjoy," a party statement said. History of clashes Earlier this week, Inkatha leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi accused the ANC of trying to stop them campaigning and attacking its supporters. Mbeki called for all parties not to use violence Thousands of people died in clashes between supporters of the two parties in the province in the 1980s and 1990s, and clashes have broken out again ahead of the forthcoming elections. Mr Mbeki urged both parties not to return to the battles of the past. "During the elections the two parties must agree that they will work in such a way that the people in KwaZulu-Natal are able to vote for any party without fear of being intimidated," he said. At the weekend, a march of Inkatha supporters degenerated into violence leaving several people injured. KwaZulu-Natal is one of the two provinces not controlled by the ANC.

The country has been without a central government since 1991, since when it has been wracked by civil war with rival factions battling for control for different parts of Somalia. Does this deal mean the war is over? No, but it is being seen as a huge step forward. Rival warlords and faction leaders have been talking in Kenya for over a year to little effect. Some say that after months of bickering, sometimes over relatively minor issues, if they can agree on a parliament, then the rest might follow fairly smoothly. What is in the deal? They have agreed to set up a parliament, which will choose a president who in turn will nominate a prime minister to form a government. The new parliament will have 275 members - 61 from each the four major clans and a coalition of small clans will select the remaining 31. Each group will decide on how to choose its representatives but they have agreed that traditional elders will have an input - not just the warlords as had been feared. Delegates have also agreed that Somalia will have a federal system, so many powers will be exercised at the level of the clan, which remains extremely important to many Somalis. Do all groups back the deal? With one major exception - the self-declared republic of Somaliland in the north. After Somalia collapsed into anarchy, former British colony Somaliland declared independence. It has been more peaceful than the rest of the country and wants to remain separate, although other Somalis insist it should return to the fold. Just before the deal was agreed, a group of powerful warlords returned to the talks after a long absence. It is also backed by Abdulkassim Salat Hassan, president of the Transitional National Government, elected at previous peace talks but who only controls small parts of the country. What is life like for ordinary Somalis? Generally pretty awful. Gun-battles often erupt between the competing factions and civilians are inevitably caught up in the crossfire. The lack of a central government means that services such as schools and hospitals are either non-existent or set up by aid agencies or groups of local people looking after their own area. But somehow people struggle on and indeed some businesses are managing to thrive. Many thousands of Somalis have fled the country to live in neighbouring countries or the west and send money back to their families left behind. What still has to be agreed? The make-up of a new government which the different factions can back. Hopes are high that the end may be in sight But observers say the key is political will. When deciding on the parliament, they established the principle of equal representation for the four main clans plus some for minority groups. If the warlords are serious about wanting to end the anarchy and fighting, it shouldn't be too hard to come up with a similar arrangement for the government. Why has the deal been agreed now? Donors were getting fed up with paying massive hotel bills while the delegates spent most of their time arguing and people in Somalia continued to be killed. They made veiled threats that those who did not sign up to peace would be tried for war crimes. Regional leaders, such as Uganda's Yoweri Museveni, also took an interest. He recently told delegates that the Somali civil war was a "slow genocide". This also contained a veiled threat of Somali warlords being dragged before an international court and may have helped concentrate minds. But after 13 years of war and the failure of many previous attempts to end the fighting, many Somalis will only believe peace when they see it.

Warlords as MP's? Yea i had a good laugh as well.

By Dr Ismail I Ahmed The average incomes in Somaliland have dramatically increased after the war and are now significantly higher than those in the regions of Somalia, according to a joint study by the World Bank and UNDP. The Socio-Economic Survey which was published on 14 January 2004 compares the per capita income of 18 Somali regions. The results show that the five regions of Somaliland top the income league table. The study says the regions around Mogadishu were richer before the war because of heavy concentrations of commerce, industry and services. In the last income and expenditure survey conducted some 20 years ago, Somaliland regions came at the bottom of all the 18 regions. Now average household incomes in Somaliland regions are 50% higher than those in Somalia. The North-west region (Hargeisa & Sahil) is the richest with average incomes three times the level in the poorer regions such as Mudug, Gedo, Bay and Bakool. Awdal region has the second highest per capita income. The income level in Awdal with predominantly rural population is even higher than those of entirely urban population in Mogadishu region. The study says urban population have generally much higher annual incomes than nomadic and rural people. This means that on average rural households in Awdal villages enjoy higher incomes than urban families in cities such as Mogadishu. The survey results support earlier studies that estimated Somaliland’s per capita income to be the same level as those of the lower-middle income countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Studies also confirm that the quality of life has dramatically improved in the post-war period.

WEALTH BREAKDOWN The current wealth breakdown for Hargeisa was obtained through interviews with 40 groups of key informants throughout the city. The participants in these interviews included `elders', section leaders and members of the community (both men and women). Wealth breakdowns were also conducted in some of the focus group interviews with particular wealth groups. Wealth breakdowns were obtained for different parts of the city (`mixed' and `poor') and then merged using a working population figure of 375,000 for the town as a whole and, within this, 60,000 for the `poor' areas.8 The first two graphics below illustrate the wealth breakdowns that were obtained for the `mixed' and `poor' parts of the city. The third graphic is a summary for the city as a whole. None of the percentage figures in these graphics should be regarded as precise - each figure is within a range - which varies from one part of the town to another. In a rural setting, wealth groups are usually defined by their main productive assets, be they livestock or land holdings. In an urban setting, this definition is less relevant because large percentages of the population do not have any productive assets other than their ability to trade (often with borrowed goods) and their own labour. Wealth groups are categorised primarily by their income levels below. Key informants found it most easy to describe income levels on a daily basis when distinguishing between different wealth groups. There were a number of additional characteristics that key informants used to distinguish between wealth groups, such as specific income-generating activities and type of housing. It was difficult for key informants to make general statements about the capital assets owned by particular wealth groups, although it was clear that the poor have few assets of any sort. Households earning less than SlSh 25,0009 per day in February - March 2003 were generally regarded as `poor' and households above that level were considered to be `middle'. In some interviews, the boundary between the poor and middle was SlSh 20,000, but SlSh 25,000 was the more commonly mentioned figure. The definition of the `very poor' varied from one interview to the next. The destitute, who rely almost entirely on begging or gifts from relatives and neighbours, are included within the `very poor' group, but there are also some active households10 within this group. Key informants spoke of active very poor households earning SlSh 5-10,000 per day, but once all income sources (including gifts and irregular income) were explored, these households usually ended up in the SlSh 10-15,000 per day range. Defining the boundary between the `middle' and `better off' was not straightforward and key informant opinions on this varied. Some said that any household earning more than US$10 (about SlSh 67,000) per day was better off. Others said that the better off group started above US$15 (about SlSh 100,000) per day, and others still said that the boundary was somewhere in between these two figures. The team has used a cut off point of SlSh 80,000 per day (or approximately US$12). In the `poor' areas of Hargeisa town (primarily the `camps' or resettlement areas), there is a much larger percentage of households falling into the very poor and poor wealth groups than in the `mixed' areas, and the percentage of households in the better off group is very small or non-existent. In the `mixed' areas, the middle is the largest wealth group, representing just over half of households. The overall wealth breakdown for Hargeisa looks more like the `mixed' area wealth breakdown than the one for the `poor' areas because of the estimated percentage of households residing in these areas of town. Although the average household size for Hargeisa is roughly 7-8, at each income level it is obviously easier for smaller households to manage than households with large numbers of children. The dependency ratio within a household (the ratio of income-earning able-bodied adults to inactive children or elderly people) is a key determinant of standard of living at any given income level. But because it is very difficult for large families to live on very low incomes, families at the lower end of the income scale often send some of their children to live with relatives. The team found that households at the bottom of the wealth spectrum are smaller than those at higher levels. In this analysis, an average household size of 7 is used for the active very poor and poor, 8 for the middle and 10 for the better off. This is because middle and better off households attract additional extended family members and often have domestic staff residing with them. Destitute households tend to be smaller than the active very poor and poor (with perhaps 4-5 members

Dusty-angel, All i have noticed is you trying to start the same old argument , if you were scincere you would have left us to our own little hopes and aspirations, your contribution sis was neither necessary nor relevant.

Lakkad bro, unfortunatley on the net and in the real world too few africans know anything about the african renaissance in both literture and art. By th e way nurrudin is not on the list because his books are not published by heinmann. My favouite writer is ngugi wa-thiongo and chinua achebe, whilst the poetry of Neto and Taban Lo Liyong are beutifull