Abdi Ismail Samatar, Professor of Geography & Global Studies University of Minnesota & Ahmed I. Samatar, James Wallace Professor & Dean of International Studies & Programming Macalester College October 20, 2004 . . . the actual and present condition of Africa [ Somalia ] is one of deep trouble, sometimes a deeper trouble than the worst imposed during the colonial years. Basil Davidson, The Blackman's Burden , Time Books, 1992, p. 9. Tell him that we do not wish for greediness We do not wish that his ears should be hard of hearing We do not wish that he should act arbitrarily . . . R.S. Rattray , Ashanti Law and Constitution , Oxford University Press, 1929, p. 82. I. Introduction Let's begin with one fundamental assertion: We both love Somalia and its people—our people. This brief essay's central concern, then, is the direction of the country in the wake of the recent announcements of a new leadership and political institutions. We offer these thoughts, though melancholic in word and tone, with the hope that our compatriots will use the new tidings as a potentially valuable development (albeit not a tabula rasa as one would have wishes for). That is, an opportunity to be used to move out of the current morass and positively forge ahead towards an authentic renewal. Somalia has been the only independent country without a national government in modern times. Haunting images of warlords condemning multitudes of hapless people to artificial famine moved the United States and the United Nations to intervene in 1992. Although the huge military intervention was successful in saving hundreds of thousands of Somalis from starvation, that effort failed to help the country reconstitute a national government. The chaos which ensued led to the departure of the international force. Subsequently, Somalia dropped off the watch of the world, despite worsening human conditions throughout the country. It is only after September 11 that it has regained some attention, particularly from the United States—a concern that pivots on preventing possible terrorists finding a safe haven in the area. The United States closely monitors the country despite the fact that the original suspicion that Al Qaida members were in the country had not materialized. For almost a decade, the only international commitment to help the Somali people has been limited to meager humanitarian aid. It is only in the last two years that the world community, led by the European Union, tried to aid Somalia's peace and reconciliation process. Earlier, nearly a dozen attempts at peace had failed to produce a national government. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), a regional organization whose members consist of Djibouti, Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya, and Uganda, spearheaded the latest peace conference which has been ongoing in Kenya since October 2002. Unfortunately, incompetence, malfeasance, and conflicting self-interest of some IGAD countries as well as officials of the conference practically ensured that warlords (the main culprits responsible for the suffering of the Somali people), corrupt politicians and their mainly illiterate clients dominated the process and appointed members of the Transitional Parliament. Simultaneously, civic individuals and groups and professionals who did not partake in the destruction of the country and who invested heavily in peacemaking and reconstruction, have been systematically excluded. Certain members of the IGAD and others who supported the process have acted as unabashed partisans rather than honest facilitators and mediators. Regrettably, they used their authority to undermine the integrity of the process. On their part, the civics and professionals also failed to organize and mount a challenge to the modalities of the peace conference, and the fate of their country. II. IGAD: A Failure and the Need for a Somali Social Contract The outcome of the IGAD approach to Somali peace has been to empower the warlords and enfeeble the rest . Consequently, warlords maneuvered the selection of members of the new Parliament, including appointing many from among their retinues. Most MPs, however, were not necessarily beholden or accountable to anyone and were ready to offer their votes to the highest bidder. Only a few of the MPs have respected their solemn oath to uphold the Draft Charter. As one keen Swedish diplomatic observer of the peace process noted two months ago, “Somalia will have a government of warlords and a parliament, most of whose members are illiterate.†That prognosis has begun to unfold. On October 10, 2004, the Transitional Parliament selected Col. Abdillahi Yusuf as President from a roster of candidates. Colonel Yusuf's appointment does not bode well for the future of the transition, given his record as a leader of the Northeast region (Puntland) and as a client of Ethiopia. Mr. Yusuf has a long and disturbing history in Somalia and in his home region, where he acted as a ruler. He is known for making a mockery of political ethics, dictatorial appetite, incompetent administration, and cruel and illegitimate use of public power. After the collapse of the Siyaad Barre regime, the Northeast region of Somalia made impressive progress to restore peace and take tentative measures to create a democratic regional administration. These advances were reversed when Col. Yusuf came to power on July 23, 1998. The Council of Elders who appointed him removed him from office when he refused to relinquish power due to both a poor performance by his administration and the expiration of his tenure. He declined to accept the verdict and reclaimed power through force. Further, there are many allegations that he has intimidated opponents to an extent that some have fled the region and others are reported to have been eliminated. Col. Yusuf has been a client of Ethiopia since the late 1970s. Most recently, a video (2002) shows him admitting to receiving support from Ethiopia in his attempt to re-take power and consolidate his rule over the region. He has also publicly articulated sectarian and clanist ideas (a video tape shows Mr. Yusuf claiming that Kismayo belongs to the ***** alone) that will not endear him to Somalis from other kin groups. In short, his record does not inspire confidence and, in fact, makes Somalia's new transition deeply worrisome. III. What Now?: Public Atonement and More In spite of this appalling background, there is an opportunity to change the course and begin a new chapter. Somalis and many in the international community are eager to witness the end of Somalia's seemingly endless nightmare. But this yearning should not be an excuse to avoid taking stock of the illegitimacy of the Conference, the abysmal quality of most of the MPs, and the profile of the person named as president. The proceedings in Nairobi were neither about genuine power-sharing nor designed as a peace process. There is overwhelming evidence that it was incompetently organized and managed,and that the selections of delegates and, ultimately, members of the new Parliament were, at best, highly irregular. The daunting question, then, is this: Can such an inflated number of Parliamentarians (275) and a President whose public record is severely blemished by clanist and brutal rule, and with very limited capacities shepherd reconciliation, effective reconstruction, and national revival? Most Somalis might be willing to conditionally support a peace-making and reconstruction period under the transitional regime, despite the sinister machinations that produced the dispensation. We proffer a minimum of five major conditions under which public support might jumpstart a new and worthy social contract: • Public and clear admission of past crimes and misdeeds of the leaders, starting with the Transitional President, and members of Parliament ( toobad keen & Cafis ). Such a posture must include a request for forgiveness; • The articulation of a vision for the country that sets the direction and main particularities of the new time; • Formally and urgently make a request to the African Union for the immediate creation of high-powered commission (South Africa, Nigeria and Algeria) with a significant nonpartisan Somali membership to guide the peaceful reconciliation between the Northwest region (Somaliland) and the Somali transitional government; • A legally binding undertaking that the regime will manage the ransitional process peacefully, democratically, transparently, and through the law and protection of human rights; • Create a lean (no more than a dozen) cabinet and ambassadorial appointments that are highly qualified and competent; • Ensure that the National Commissions (i.e., reconciliation, constitution, civil service, etc.) be formed transparently and professionally, and are led by a nonpartisan group. The above might not be enough, but nothing short of these acts and promises will inspire wide public trust for the transition. To make certain that this new social contract is honored, the inception of a national watchdog group with international representation from the E.U., U.S.A., A.U., and U.N. that will monitor deviations from these principles is absolutely necessary . The earliest signal that will reveal the regime's commitment to these conditions is how and what type of senior administrators are selected. One of the essential characteristics of the Siyaad regime was a nefarious nepotism in the appointment of key positions of the state. Recent regional administrations and the TNG have turned that practice into an art: many of the top people around the leaders of these operations are/were family members, i.e., brothers, uncles, in-laws, nephews, cousins, etc. This has created a political culture in which only close family members are trusted and rewarded. Such privatization of civic space destroyed people's faith in public affairs and enervated collective ownership of the commons. The first acid test of the new leadership is whether transitional leaders bring on board a cadre of professionally skilled Somalis, who are not related to them, as top managers in the new administrative apparatuses of the state. Would this transitional period begin to heal the deep wounds of the civil war and overcome the dictatorial legacy of the old regime and the nightmare of warlord tyranny, given the dearth of skilled and committed people in the Parliament and government leadership? The old pattern of failure can be circumvented only if at least five factors are tightly interwoven: • First, the new leaders commit themselves to the aforementioned principles of the new social contract. • Second, given the transitional regime's desperate need for material support, the international community, particularly the EU who has been the main supporter of the Conference in Nairobi, must play a decisive role to ensure that the militias are fully disarmed and a professional and effective police force is established. In addition, the expected bankers of the transition must also demand that civics and professionals play a strategic role in re-establishing major public institutions. These two acts would trigger confidence in the transition. • Third, such bold interventions would convince a fragmented and disoriented public that the world community is seriously committed to sustained peace and reconstruction. Without such a concrete and resilient cue from the international community, a vulnerable public would have little reason to expose itself to the risk of confronting leaders who have less than a civic record. • Fourth, skilled Somalis inside the country and in the diaspora must rise to the challenge of the transition if they get an opportunity to use their talents to rebuild the country. These groups are likely to enthusiastically respond to the call if the international community strategically involves them in rebuilding public institutions. • Finally, Somalis of goodwill will rally behind the transition if the promised aid to the country is used to support local entrepreneurs and NGOs, and to nurture local ownership of the transition. On the contrary, Somalis will not actively endorse the new dispensation if foreign consultants and international NGOs dominate the reconstruction. Many have learned sharply negative lessons in these years of political wilderness characterized by demeaning manipulations by external hands. It is not an exaggeration to suggest that the Somali people, particularly the civic and professional elements, have been hostages in their own home. Since the withdrawal of the U.S. and U.N. troops from the country in 1995, the world community has told Somalis that only after they have freed themselves will assistance flow in. The irony is that the international community, in taking this stance, guaranteed the paramountcy of the warlords. It would seem that the IGAD strategy, supported by the international community, prioritized brokering a deal between the merchants of violence and clanism. The outcome of the selection process indicates that only partial power-sharing has been achieved. Consequently, peace can only be sustainable and reconciliation feasible if and only if a significant proportion of the population is convinced that the transition will progressively lead to a complete restoration of citizens' rights . It is unlikely that the emergent leaders would, on their own initiative, mentor a process of democratization which would steadily empower the country's citizens. For, such a possibility is clouded by the wrongful and undemocratic methods employed to select members of key organs of the anticipated state. The only recipe that has the prospect of transforming tyranny and chaos into an evolving democracy in Somalia is if the leaders of the regime solemnly accept the principles of the social contract and if that is resolutely backed by the international community. The new dispensation has two major assets that could be productive, if intelligently utilized. First, most of the public has learned to fend for itself, albeit at low level of subsistence, without state support during the last two decades. Such existential self-reliance could mean that a talented and committed state leadership could chart a new public-private partnership, instead of the state dominating the reconstruction process. This strategy will have the advantage of tapping into entrepreneurial and survival skills Somalis have honed over the last twenty years, as well as attract professionals whose major concern is effectively rebuilding their country. To assemble this project will require a mature and ambitious leadership—one that is not afraid to single out talent and the nation's best and brightest to serve. Second, the Somali people seem eager to leave behind the horror of the last twenty years. They would support the new order if it can deliver peace and justice. The glaring conundrum is whether the current crop of MPs and government leaders are credible and astute enough to capitalize on this occasion and commence the journey of rebirth. IV. A Recapitulation Confidence building is vital and the principles sketched above are critical to generate trust. A public admission by the new leaders of their past misdeeds/crimes and an appeal for forgiveness alone can provide a minimum basis for initiating the people's faith in the transition . The second major initiative that would boost public confidence is for the Transitional President to courageously acknowledge that he does not have the credibility to deal with the Northwest (Somaliland)due to his past military intervention in the Sool and Sanaag regions, and his clanist rantings. Consequently, a high-powered African Commission (outside IGAD) should be set up to mediate this potentially catastrophic difficulty. Third, the new regime should commit itself to a legally binding contract that will ensure transparency, freedom of expression, real democratization, and the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Fourth, the international community's attentive and effective engagement with reconstruction is indispensable. To close, a recent survey (October 2004) of African citizens unequivocally illustrated that the regimes in the continent have been a heartbreaking disappointment. Similarly, the partisan role of IGAD and its baneful mismanagement of the Somali conference exposes, again, the bankruptcy of national and regional elites. IGAD's legacy will be a dark one— too fraudulent and inept to have a meaningful role in regional affairs. Simultaneously, the leaders of the new Somali dispensation must realize that the era when dictatorial and deceitful leaders could hoodwink or intimidate the public is over. The nation's as well as the leaders' only salvation is for the latter to repent , reject to be a vassal of another state, and lead ethically and ably. The alternative is the perpetuation (for all of us) of the curse of mutual predation, international contempt, and abuse. Notes See Abdi Ismail Samatar and Ahmed I. Samatar, eds., The African State: Reconsiderations (Portsmouth, Maine: Heinemann, 2002). It is reported that some of the presidential candidates paid as much as $3,000 per MP vote. The great irony is that some of the candidates' salesmen took cash and the Quran to potential vote sellers. The seller, then, was sworn to cast his/her vote for the buyer. Impartial witnesses reported that money was “King.†A brutally honest MP stated, “if money had a father today, he would have wept due to the ease with which it was squandered.†This suggests that swearing on the Quran for these MPs had no sacred meaning. What possible value would the swearing of the new president have for concerned citizens? Here is how a witness reported the problem: “At the end of the 3-year term on July 30, 2001, none of the mandated tasks was carried out. No plausible reason(s) were offered for the noncompliance. The government of Col. Abdillahi Yusuf's mandate hence expired for all practical and intent purposes. But Col. Yusuf was not ready to abide by the provisions of the law and to relinquish office. Instead, he began to unceremoniously insist on obtaining another three-year mandate and refused to hand over responsibility to the Chief Justice, as set by the Charter. . . . In the meantime, the Chief Justice convened a constitutional conference, as provided for in the Charter, within the established period of 30 days, the same procedure with which Col. Abdullahi Yusuf and his Vice-President were elected three years earlier. At the end of a long debate, the conference elected on November 10, 2001, Col. Jama Ali Jama . . . for a three-year term. . . . Rather than complying with the law and the wishes of the people, Col. Yusuf opted for employing illegal maneuvers . . . including the use of force and acts of terror and violence. He refused to recognize the newly elected president and declared himself as the ‘legitimate president.' After the election of the new president, Col. Yusuf soon amassed a formidable armed force with the help of Ethiopia and preemptively attacked the peaceful city of Bossaso, killing at least 14 innocent civilians and injuring more than 48. . . . Col. Yusuf and his militia force of about 300 people with 17 so-called technicals . . . led by himself landed on Garowe and immediately attacked a residential villa, where the newly elected President, Col. Jama, was staying. The attack was a surprise. Eleven innocent civilians were killed and 31 others injured. The main target, President Jama, luckily escaped unharmed. . . . About a month later, Col. Yusuf launched another attack on Garowe. This time around, the main target was a prominent and highly respected businessman, Farah Dheere, whose crime was that he [opposed Col. Yusuf]. While driving his car, the targeted victim was assailed and murdered in cold blood by armed militia.†Unpublished Report. Bossaso, January 2003. It is worth noting that a case is pending in a British court in which Col. Yusuf is accused of masterminding the murder of Sultan Hurre. It is reported that Col. Yusuf admitted that his bodyguards killed the Sultan (Case NO: HQ02X03221 Supreme Court of England and Wales). Ahmed Samatar and Abdi Ismail Samatar, “Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note,†Bildhaan: An International Journal of Somali Studies 3 (2003): 1–15. This survey was carried out by UN Economic Commission for Africa. See www.news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/wolrd/Africa/3737956.stm . October 13, 2004 The first sign is foreboding since the same relatives and security people surround the Transitional President. This arrangement is a continuation of the odious practices of Siyaad's last years, regional administrations and the previous TNG.

In the midstof your insightfull analysis :rolleyes: you failed to realise Hiiraan kind of messes up your roll when you put in that list, as well you shold have added the middle shabelle region that has had a no guns policy scince 1999. But as we are the enemy from within we are more than willing to be amused by another burst of logic from you and people who think like you.

^^^

He does not have the LUXURY of appointing someone from the north. Please separate real-politik and statesmanship.

Is it just me or is it not obvious that the Amhara what ever you call it, have already meddled in somali affairs? :rolleyes:

Cabdiraxmaan Yabarow / Xasan Barise BBCSomali.Com Wareeggii saddexaad ayuu Cabdulahi Yusuf ku guuleystey Madexweyninimadii Axad, 10-ka Oktoobar waxay ahayd maalintii doorashooyinka madaxweynenimada Soomaaliya, taasoo ay u sharaxnaayeen ilaa 26 tartame. Doorashadan oo goor duhurnimadii ahayd billaabay ayaa waxaa la isla gaaray ilaa saddex wareeg oo si xoog leh loogu tartamay codadka mudaneyaasha baarlamaanka. Jawiga Jawigu aad ayuu u deggenaa, guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka iyo guddigiisa doorashaduba waxay muujiyeen niyad wanaag iyo hawl karnimo, wuxuuna guddoomiyaha baarlamaanku dadka xusuusiyey billowgii doorashadaba in ilaahay la talo saarto, waxaana murashaxiinta ka hor inta aanan codadka la dhiiban lagu dhaariyey Kitaabka Quraanka. Dhammaan murashaxiintu waxay ummadda Soomaaliyeed horteeda iyo beesha caalamkaba ay kaga dhawaaqeen in ay u hoggaansamayaan natiijooyink doorashada isla markaana ay la shaqeynayaan ciddii la doorto. Wareeggii koowaad Wareeggii koowaad ayaa waxaa ka soo baxay lixda murashax ee kala ah Cabdulllaahi Yuusuf Axmed, Cabdullaahi Axmed Caddow, Maxamed Qanyare Afrax, Cabdiraxmaan Jaamac Barre, Cabdiqaasim Salaad Xasan iyo Maxamed Xuseen Caddow. Wareeggii labaad Wareeggii labaad markii la galay, ayaa waxaa iyana cod bixinta ka hor tanaasul keenay Cabdiqaasim Salaad Xasan oo sheegay in uu isaga haray tartanka, isla markaana uu madaxweynaha ay Soomaaliya doorato la shaqeyn doono. Wax yar kaddib, waxaa iyagana tanaasul keenay Cabdiraxmaan Jaamac Barre iyo Maxamed Xuseen Caddow, taasoo ka dhigtay tartanka in ay isugu soo haraan Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed oo ugu codad badnaa ilaa wareeggii ugu dambeeyey, Cabdullaahi Axmed Caddow oo isagana ku soo xigay iyo Maxamed Qanyare Afrax. Wareeggii saddexaad Warreeggii saddexaad ayaa misana ku billowday dar-dar, iyadoo ay muuqatay in ay jirtay isla xaalad hoose, dabadeedna codadkii markii la dhiibtay, dabadeedna la tiriyey ayaa waxaa soo baxday in Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed uu ku guulaystay madaxweynennimada Soomaaliya ee shanta sano ee soo socota isagoo helay 189 cod, halka Cabdullaahi Axmed Caddow uu ka helay 79, waxaana sidaasi loogu sacab tumay madaxweynenimada Soomaaliya, Cabdullaahi Yusuf Axmed. Dowladda Kenya waxay u diyaarisay madaxweynaha cusub dhammaan intii uu maamuus lahaan lahaa madaxweyne iyadoo baabuur iyo ciidan xagga ammaanka ahba la siiyey, isla markaana la siiyey dhammaan intii kale ee tas-hiilaad ah ee uu u baahnaa. Muddada ay socotay doorashada Doorashadani Axaddii 10-kii Oktoobar lagu doortay Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed waxay gebogebo u tahay shir dalka Kenya uga socday kooxaha Soomaalida muddo ku labo sano ah oo shan maalmood dhiman. Taariikhda madaxweyne Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed Halkan waxa aan isku deyeeynaa in aan ku soo koobno taariikhda Waxbarasho iyo tan hawleed ee uu soo maray Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed. Warka ku xusan qoraalkan in badan oo ka mid ah waxa aan ka helney buug yar oo uu diyaariyey Cabdullahi Yusuf oo ugu talo galay tartanka Madexweyninimada Soomaaliya. Sida buuggaas ku xusan, Cabdullhai Yusuf Axmed waxa uu sanadkii 1934-tii ku dhashay gobolka Mudug. Waxbarashadiisii: Mr Cabdullahi Yusuf waxa uu waxbarashadiisii hoose iyo tii dugsiga sareba ku qaatay Soomaaliya gudaheeda. Cabdullahi Yusuf waxa uu waxbarasho miletri u tagey Talyaaniga iyo waddamadii la isku oran jirey Midowga Soofiyeeti. Waxa kale uu buugga Cabdullahi Yusuf sheegey inuu Jaamicadda Qaran ee Soomaaliya uu ka dhigtey kulliyada sharciga, laakiin inta uusan dhameynin la xirey. Cabdullahi Yusuf waxa uu dowladdii Maxamed Siyaad Barre u xirnaa sanooyinkii u dhaxeeyey dabayaaqadii 1969-kii ilaa bartamihii 1975-tii. Markii la soo daayeyna Cabdullahi Yusuf waxa uu u shaqeeyey dowladdii Maxamed Siyaad Barre, ka dibna waxa uu ka mid ahaa hogaamiyaashii miletri ee dowladdii Siyaad Barre u dirtey dagaalkii Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya dhexmarey sandkii 1977kii. Bishii September ee 1978dii waxa uu ka mid ahaa dad mucaarid ku noqdey dowladdii Siyaad Barre oo dhisey Jabhadii la magacbaxdey SSDF, taas oo uu Cabdullahi Yusuf madax u ahaa dhowr sano ka hor intii aan Itoobiya lagu xirin. Mar kale ayuu Cabdullahi Yusuf madex u noqdey SSDF intuu u dhaxeysey 1991 - 1997, sanadkii 1998 ayaa loo doortey Madexweynaha Dowlad Goboleedka Puntland ee Soomaaliya. In kastoo dadka Puntland deggan ay isku khilaafsanyihin, haddana baarlamankii Cabdullahi Yusuf la shaqeenayey ayaa u codeeyey iney wakhtiga madexweynaha iyo kan xubnaha baarlamankaba sanooyin kale lagu daro.

Qanyare is a meagerly educated ex-gendarme, who deserted his garrison to set up a bussiness in Kenya with his brother Hassan Kanyare, who was one of the first supporters of the nascent U.S.C group. On the refusal to lead his subclan by Hassan Qanyare into what was by then already a genocidal war, Mohamed Qanyare used his brothers good name to set himself up as a warlord. One who managed to stun alot of pundits.

President Abdullahi Yusuf, the First post-civil war president of the Federal republic of somalia. There it is cut and dry, I hope that he will have the support if all somali's and the support of the international community.

Has any one noticed how all the votes of Abdiqassim Salad went to Abdullahi Yusuf, apparently that is politics.

Where the hell did mahamed Qanyare come from? :confused: !!!!!! But as has been predicted after the end of the hopes of so many odd dreamers in H*wiye camp lets see what the next round has got for us. By the way this STN is really nice, people are down to their last cartons?!!? of camel cigarretes, there already has been a fist fight, and as run off back in to the living room there are some women adding their shrill voices to the cancaphony.

*********NEWS FLASH************ Musharaxiin ka hartey tartankii Cabdiraxman Yabarow BBCSOmali.Com Xarunta Kasarani ee ku taal Nairobi ee doorashadu ka socoto Warar lagu kalsoonyahey oo hadda naga soo gaarey xarunta doorashada Madexweyninimada Soomaaliya ay ka socoto ee KSARANI ayaa sheegaya in ay saddex musharax oo kala ah Cabdiqaasim Salaad Xasan, Cabdiraxman Jaamac Barre iyo Maxamed Xuseen Cadow ay ka baxeen tartankii oo aysan u gudbin wareegga labaad ee doorashada. Cabdiqaasim Salaad Xasan waxa bishii August ee sanadkii 2000 Madexweyne loogu soo doortey Dowladdii Ku-Meel Gaarka aheyd ee lagu soo dhisey dalka Jabuuti. Waxa hadda bilaabmey wareegii labaad ee doorashada oo ay iskugu soo hareen saddexda musharax ee kala ah Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed, Cabdullahi Axmed Cadow iyo Maxamed Qanyare Afrax. Waxa dad badani ay aad u sugayaan halka ay ku biiri doonaan xubnihii wareeggii koobaad u codeeyey musharxiinta hadda ka baxey tartanka. Doorashadii lagu dooranayey ciddii Madexweynaha u noqon laheyd Soomaaliya ayaa duhurnimadii maanta ka bilaabmatey Nairobi. Bartii ay fadhiyeen wakiilada musharaxiinta waxa hadda ku soo harey saddex wakiil oo kaliya, kuwaas o ilaalinaya coodadka saddexda musharax ee isku soo harey. Habka codbixinta loo ilaalinayo Guddoomiyaha Baarlamanka ayaa gacanta intuu galsho sanduuqa ay ka buuxaan codadkii la dhiibtey mid mid u soo saaraya warqadaha lagu codeeyey. Markii uu saasaro warqad kasta kor ayuu u qaadayaa Guddoomiyaha Baarlamanku isagoo ku dhawaaqaya qofka warqaddaas loogu codeeyey, ka dibna waxa warqaddaas loo gudbinayaa qofka wakiilka ka ah musharaxaas oo fadhiyey barta wakiilada loo qoondeeyey. Markii uu Guddoomiyaha Baarlamanku ku dhawaaqey labadii cod ee u horeysey ayeey xubnaha Baarlamanku sacbiyeen, markaas ka dib ayaa Guddoomiyaha Baaralamanka iyo Xubnaha Baarlanaka ee doorashada maamulaya ay xubnaha baarlamanka ka codsadeen in mar dambe aan la sacbinin oo xasiloonida la dhowro, sidaas ayeey tirintii codbixinta loo agaasimey. Intii aan la bilaabin coddhiibashada ayaa waxa halkas ka hadley Guddoomiyaha Baarlamanka cusub ee Federaaliga ee Soomaaliy, Shariif Xasan Shiik Aden oo xubnaha Baaralamanka halkaas ku goobaabiyey. Waxa dhanmmaan musharaixiinta laga saxiixey warqado ay ku ballanqaadayaan iney u hogaansamayaan natiijooyinka ka soo baxa doorashadan, islamarkaana la shaqeen doonaan ooy gacan siin doonaan mushjaraxa ku guuleysta doorashadan Intii aysan doorashadu bilaabmin ayaa waxa tartankii ka baxey oo ka tanaasuley labada musharax ee kala ah Jaamac Cali Jaamac iyo Maxamed Xasan Nuur (shaati Guduud). Waxa xubnaha Baarlamanka iyo musharaxiinta Madexweyninimadu ay bilaabeen sii tagista xarunta doorashadu ka socotey ee KASARANI oo ah dhisme weyn oo lagu qabto ciyaaraha oo ku yaal meel ku aaddan Woqooyi Bari Nairobi, saaka saacadu markii ay aheyd 09:00 aroornimo saacadda Nairobi. Waxa dadkii halkaas galayey loo kala yeelo aklbaabo kala duwan oo ay ku dhagn yihiin calaamadu tusmeenaya halka ay musharaxiinta ama marti shartafta sare iyo xubnaha baarlamanku ka soo galayaan iyo albaabka ay wariyayaasha ka soo galayaan. BBC-da waxa KASARANI u jooga maanta, dhowr wariye oo uu ka mid yahey Madaxa Laanta Af Soomaaliga Yusuf Garaad Cumar. Waxa kale oo halkaas ka soo warinaya Cabdullahi Xaaji, Siciid Cali Musa, Cabdiraxmana Koronto, Xasan Barise iyo Cabdirasaaq Xaaji Catoosh

I, LIQAYE, PROMISE TO ACCEPT WHOEVER IS ELECTED ON SUNDAY 10/10/2004. Inshallah may this be the beggining of the end.

We are a waiting the answer with bated breath.

Last nights presidential debate was an excercise in verbosity :rolleyes:

^^^ waryaa you are putting a little too much effort into this, some people might start thinking you dont have a life .

Col. Xasan Cabdulle Qalaad oo ku geeriyooday Magaalada Dubai Arboco, Sebtember 29, 2004 Dubai – HOL. - Gudoomiyihii Gobolka Hiiraan Col. Xasan Cabdulle Qalaad ayaa ku geeriyooday magaalda Dubai maanta oo taarikhdu ahayd 29 Sebtember, 2004. Col. Qalad oo ka mid ahaa ergada ka qayb galeysay shirka dib u heshiinsiinta Soomaalida uga socda waddanka Keenya loona doortay xildhibaanada cusub ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka KMG ah ayaa in mud ahba ku xanuunsanaa magaalada Nairobi ka dibna caafimaad baaris loogu soo qaaday dalka Imaaraatka. Col. Qalaad oo sidoo kale ka mid ahaa golaha SRRC ayaa in mudda ahba wuxuu ku dhex jiray siyaasadda Gobolka Hiiraan. Macmuulaamd badan oo ku saabsan geerida Marxuum Qalaad iyo taariikh nololeedkiisiiba dib ayaan idiinku soo sheegidoonaa. Hiiraan Online

Most likely to say :They ask thee concerning (things taken as) spoils of war. Say: "(such) spoils are at the disposal of Allah and the Messenger. So fear Allah, and keep straight the relations between yourselves: Obey Allah and His Messenger, if ye do believe." That had me rolling around on the floor.

Nairobi The third worst rain season in a decade has exacerbated an already desperate food security situation in Somalia and left up to 1.2 million people in need of food aid until the next crop expected in April next year, a famine early warning agency said. The northwestern, northeastern and central regions of the country have been hit by a severe drought and households in those areas were in desperate need of help, the USAID-funded Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS Net) said in its latest update on Somalia issued on Wednesday. A total of 222,600 people in four areas of Somalia required immediate emergency interventions, it said. These areas are the Sool Plateau and Nugal Valley in the northeast, northern Galgadud and south Mudug in the central region, and Lower Juba riverine communities and western parts of Gedo in the south. Another 447,100 people in areas adjacent to these places require urgent livelihood support to prevent them from declining into a state of humanitarian emergency, it added. The northeast has been devastated by a three-year drought that has led to massive livestock deaths and creating destitution, while the Juba Valley riverine zone, a chronically food-insecure area, is facing severe conditions this year after three successive years of crop failure that have resulted in malnutrition rates of 19.5 percent with a mortality rate of 2.2 per 10,000 per day. The Gu (long rains) harvest in Somalia this year was about 125,305 mt, which accounted for 75 percent of the post-war average, according to FEWS Net.

Very interesting. I didn't know this. What are his chances even though he is a latecomer According to what I have heard [all hearsay, and tea leaf reading addmitedly], Jamac Kallun hasnt got a chance of winning the presidency, although he might be lucky enough to land a job in a goverment run by Abdullahi Addow, that he is in alliance with, the prime portfolio of foreign minister will go back to Ismail Hurreh , a man that many see as having been a good fundraiser for the TNG, as well as succesfully having managed the somalia TNG into being recognized by the U.N the Arab League and the African Union, Even when the situation on the ground really did not warrant such recognition. Cosequently Jamac Kallun might be fishing for a respectable vote within the parliament, so as to eclispe Ismal Hurrehs star, but either way, the overwhelming majiority of northern *** votes [Their main power base] is going to Abdullahi Addow , the man both are looking to influence. Take the above to be what they are rumors, and rumors of rumors.

For the boys from Mogadishu, you still on first gear. As long as there is peace in Kismayu, by the bullet or by talks we win, and when I saw we I mean Horn and Me. :rolleyes: Erm.... dont you think that that dream has been pissed down the toilet?

Yes they have been doing a commendable job.

Touchy,touchy. Rahima a word to the wise, there is no such thing as a political disscusion to educate or actually come to some sort of conclusion with out bias, If even one person scincerley tries to keep up his side, the rest will make sure to drag the person into a mire this is seen in SOL and everywhere else you care to name. From your posts it is absolutley clear that you are not qabilist, unfortunatley it is also clear that any intimation of you being one offends you to bits, consequently we are faced with people who are trying to get to your nerves, today it's come down to the way you said galkacayo :rolleyes: . Life is too short to keep explaining yourself.

quote: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- While I welcome this new development of lifting the Ban, I have reservations about its sincerity -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- You make it sound as if it’s some kind of favour, saaxib. Thank you for pointing that out.

cigaal shidaad number 1 Weger Cigaal shidaad haa laiska daafo :mad:

Thats very funny. Worked as a senior civil servant kulahaa. SmithNwestern Age undefined. Pedigree pro-Abdullahi yusuf, to the detriment of all sense, evidence or rational argument. Arguments monotonous. Card carying memeber of Abdullahi 2004 cheerleaders association, as well as being chairman, treasurer and ropoganda purveyour. iS LABOURING UNDER THE IMPRESSION OF BEING HUMOUROUS. Mr wd From Galkacayo [nuff said] :rolleyes: :rolleyes: