Hundreds injured in Mandera security operation Friday, October 31, 2008 ISIOLO, 31 October 2008 (IRIN) - Hundreds of people have been injured in an operation aimed at restoring calm in the northeastern region of Mandera after a series of clan clashes left at least 20 people dead, a human rights activist has said. "We are monitoring the situation; it is very serious. The security forces have tortured and beaten civilians... Innocent women and old men have not been spared," Hassan Abdille, an officer with the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights in the region, told IRIN. At least 200 civilians have been admitted to the Elwak, Mandera, Wajir and Garissa hospitals in the past three days, Abdille said. The hospitals are in areas neighbouring Mandera. Hundreds of people have also fled trading centres and grazing fields in the mainly pastoralist area - some to neighbouring Ethiopia and Somalia to escape the security operation which is also aimed at recovering illicit weapons. Teachers in Mandera said the operation had also affected preparations for the national examinations. "Parents have fled with their children... The children are also traumatised after they saw their parents being beaten," Mohamed Sheikh, the executive secretary of the Kenya National Union of Teachers in Mandera, said. Denial Provincial police officer Stephen Chelimo, however, denied claims that hundreds of people had been injured. "Seven complaints of assault have been made at Elwak and Mandera police station; they will be investigated but we know that it is part of a campaign to stop the operation," Chelimo said. "We shall continue [the operation] and the security team will remain in Mandera until peace is restored." At least 48 guns and more than 1,200 rounds of ammunition have been recovered so far. Relief operations have also been affected, said Mohamud Issack Dualle, an official with a local NGO, the Mandera Rural Agency for Community Development and Assistance. Some of the agency's staff have relocated to neighbouring towns. "We have stopped our operations in Mandera Central [as] we cannot reach the operation areas... Most of the people that we support with food and water have fled," Dualle, said. Thousands of Mandera residents were affected by flooding, and clan clashes between the Murule and Garre clans, after a prolonged period of drought in the region.

Isbaheysiga Dib u xoreynta Soomaaliya oo cambaareeyay Dadkii ka dambeeyay Qaraxyadii ka dhacay Magaalooyinka Hargeysa iyo Boosaaso C/raxmaan C/shakuur Warsame Jimco, October 31, 2008(HOL): C/raxmaan C/shakuur Warsame oo ka mid ah mas’uuliyiinta Isbaheysiga Dib u xoryenta Soomaaliya garabka Jibouti ayaa si kulul u cambaareeyay dadkii ka dambeeyay qaraxyadii ka dhacay Magaalooyinka Hargeysa iyo Boosaaso ee ka tirsan Somaliland iyo Puntland. C/raxmaan C/shakuur waxaa uu sheegay in ay ahayd arrin qaldan in magaalooyin nabadgelyo ah oo ay dad rayid ah ku nool yihiin laga sameeyo qaraxyo, wuxuuna xusay in ay falkaas ka dambeeyeen dad doonaya sida uu u yiri in ay marin habaabiyaan qadiyadda halganka loogu jiro in dalka Soomaaliya looga saaro Ciidamada shisheeye. “Aniga oo ka wakiil ah Isbaheysiga Dib u xoryenta Soomaaliya waxaan tacsi u dirayaa Qoysaskii ay ka geeriyoodeen dadkii ku dhintay Qaraxyadii ka dhacay Magaalooyinka Hargeysa iyo Boosaaso”ayuu yiri C/raxmaan C/shakuur Warsame oo ku cel celiyay in uu si weyn u jir-diidayo in dad aan waxba galabsan oo dhul nabadgelyo ah ku nool qaraxyo laga dul rido. Maamullada ka taliya Magaalooyinka ay qaraxyadaas ka dhaceen ayuu C/raxmaan C/shakuur ugu baaqay in ay taxadaraan oo aysan dhibaato u geysan dad aan ku lug lahayn qaraxyadaas, kuwaasi oo ay dhici karto in ay Magaalooyinkaas u tageen in ay uga badbaadaan dhibaatooyinka ka jira meelo badan oo ka mid ah dalka Soomaaliya. “Shacabka Soomaaliyeed waxaan ugu baaqayaa in ay ka feejignaadaan dadka falalka ceynkaas oo kale ah geysanaya ee doonaya in la marin-habaabiyo halganka loogu jiro in dalka lagu xoreeyo”ayuu mar kale yiri C/raxmaan C/shakuur oo maanta ka qeybgelayay Barnaamijka hadal-heynta Jimcaha ee ka baxa Idaacadda Horn Afrik ee Magaalada Muqdisho. Sidoo kale waxaa cambaareyn taas la mid ah jeediyay Prof. Cabdi Ismaaciil Samatar oo isna barnaamijkaas marti u ahaa isagoo sheegay in uu ka xun yahay qaraxyadii ka dhacay Hargeysa iyo Boosaaso, wuxuuna tacsi u diray qoysaskii iyo ehelladii ay ka geeriyoodeen dadkii qaraxyadaas ku dhintay. Prof. Samatar waxaa uu sheegay in ay xaaraan tahay in la dilo qof muslim ah oo aan waxba galabsan, isla markaana lagula kaco falalka ceynkaas oo kale ah, wuxuuna carrabka ku dhuftay in falalkaas ay ula muuqdeen kuwo ay ka dambeeyeen dad naxariis-laawayaal ah oo ka xun nabadgelyada magaalooyinkaas ka jirta. Qaraxyo ka dhacay Magaalooyinka Hargeysa iyo Boosaaso 29-kii Oktoobar 2008 ayaa waxay sababeen dhimashada dad 30 ruux ku dhow iyo dhaawac intaas ka badan, kuwaas oo u badnaa dad rayid ah oo ay qaraxyada qabsadeen iyagoo howl maalmeedkooda wata. Salaad Iidow Xasan (Xiis), Hiiraan Online sxiis@hiiraan.com Mogadishu, Somalia

Ciidamo ka amar qaata Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya oo kaxeystay Imaamka Masjidka ku yaala Degmada Wardhiigley Jimco, October 31, 2008(HOL): Ciidamo ka amar qaata Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa saaka waxay kaxeysteen Imaamka Masjidka Fiyoore oo ku yaala Degmada Wardhiigley ee Gobolka Banaadir. Ninkani Imaamka ka ahaa Masjidka Fiyoore oo lagu magacaabo Shiikh Maxamed Xuseen Geelle ayaa waxay Ciidamada qabteen xili uu marayay nawaaxiga Hotel Muna oo ku yaala Degmada Xamarweyne, iyagoo kadibna ula dhaqaaqay dhinaca Xarunta Villa Somalia. Ehellada Imaamka ayaa sheegay in Ciidamada intii aaney u kaxeysay dhinaca Xarunta Madaxtooyada ay jir-dil u geysteen, iyagoo xusay in aaney garaneynin sababta ay Ciidamada u kaxeysteen, iyagoo weliba walaac ka muujiyay sida ay xaaladdiisa tahay iyo halka uu ku dambeeyo. Ehellada Imaamka ayaa waxay sheegeen in aysan ogeyn wax uu Imaamka ku lug lahaa oo keeni karay in ay Ciidamo kaxeystaan, waxayna sheegeen in uu kaliya ka tirsanaa ganacsatada Dawada ee Suuqa Bakaaraha. Ma jiro ilaa iyo haatan wax war ah oo ka soo baxay Saraakiisha Ciidamada kaxeystay Shiikh Maxamed Xuseen Geelle oo ku saabsan sababta ay xoriyadda uga qaadeen ee ay u xireen. Salaad Iidow Xasan (Xiis), Hiiraan Online sxiis@hiiraan.com Mogadishu, Somalia

Maamulka Puntland oo Digniin u diray Al Shabaab Jimco, October 31, 2008(HOL): Maamulka DGPL ayaa ururka Al Shabaab uga digay in ay soo galaan gudaha Puntland, isla markaan ay ka fuliyaan danahooda gaarka ah, iyadoo uu maamulku qaraxyadii dhacay uu dusha u saaray Ururka alQaacida. Wasiirka amniga DGPL C/llaahi Siciid Samatar oo Saxaafadda la hadlay ayaa sheegay in ay socdaan baaritaanno ku aadan Qaraxyadii dhacay ,waxaana uu sheegay in Al-Shabaab ay lug ku leeyihiin falalkii dhacay. "Qaraxyadii dhacay waxa ay ahaayeen kuwo lagu khal khal galinayo amniga Puntland, waxaanse uga digaynaa al Shabaab in ay gudaha u soo galaan Puntland, isla markaana ay isku dayaan in ay amniga ka jira khatar geliyaan" sidaas waxaa saxaafadda u sheegay Wasiirka amniga Puntland. Warar ka soo baxay qaraxyadii ka dhacay magaalada Boosaaso ayaa waxay sheegayaan in loo qabtay labo ruux oo uu midkood uu yahay ajnabi sida laga soo xigtay ilo wareedyo lagu kalsoonyahay. Inkastoo aysan jirin cid si dhab ah u xaqiijin karta in al Shabaab ay joogaan Puntland ayaa haddana digniinta ka soo yeertay maamuka waxa ay imaanaysaa labo maalin uun kadib markii qaraxyo lala eegtay labo xarumood oo ay leeyihiin Ciidamada Sirdoonka Puntland ee PISta loo yaqaano. Ugu dambeyntiina, maalmihii ugu danbeeyay waxaa magaalada Boosaaso ka soconayay hawlo baaritaanno ah, kuwaasi oo wax looga qabanayo amniga guud ee magaalada si aysan u dhicin qaraxyo la mid ah kuwii horay uga dhacay oo kale. Faysal Maxamed Xasan(Boston), Hiiraan Online cabaade@gmail.com Bosaso, Somalia

Somali cleric arrested after deadly suicide blasts Thursday, October 30, 2008 MOGADISHU, Somalia: Somali authorities have arrested an Islamic cleric suspected of involvement in a wave of suicide attacks that killed more than 20 people, an official said Thursday. Cleric Sheik Mohamed Ismail was arrested Wednesday in connection with five apparently coordinated attacks Wednesday in the breakaway republic of Somaliland and in Somalia's Puntland region, said Muse Gelle Yusuf, a governor in Puntland, . He said several other people were being sought in connection with the attacks in the two areas, which have largely been spared the deadly violence of the country's south. No one immediately claimed responsibility for the blasts, but the U.S. says they had the signature of al-Qaida. The attacks targeted a U.N. compound, the Ethiopian consulate and the presidential palace in Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa. Two intelligence facilities were hit in Puntland. Somalia has been without a functioning government since 1991, when clan warlords ousted longtime dictator Mohamed Siad Barre and then turned on each other. The current government was formed in 2004 with the help of the United Nations, but has failed to protect citizens from violence or the country's poverty. Islamic militants have waged an insurgency against Somali government troops and their Ethiopian allies for almost two years. The near-daily mortar attacks and gunbattles have killed thousands of Somali civilians in the capital, deaths that all sides blame on each other. Somalia's north has tried to sever ties with the chaotic south, which includes the beleaguered capital, Mogadishu. Puntland has a semiautonomous administration, and Somaliland has long sought international recognition as being its own nation, separate from Somalia. SOURCE: AP, Thursday, October 30, 2008 this man was shot in the arm by the way

It is indeed a very intreasting read, their interpretation of democracy in Islam as well as their interaction with other Muslims and Sufi groups is particularly worthwhile. The respect they have for their political heritage as well as their realization that interpretation of Islamic practice although based on universal concepts and foundations is also a product of the local culture is a refreshing break from the actions of the flag burning al-turkis amongst us. Through out this manifesto their runs a genuine openness to reconciliation and discussions. Something that is so lacking in the practice of the TFG cabal and the Islamic groups forming the resistance. Also they way they have realized how their goals which is an Islamic somali republic, should be brought by ways other than what might have been enunciated by Hassan al-Banna, but based on education, social welfare, education based on mutual respect and the peaceful influencing of the politics of the land is something I think so many Somalis can get behind.

Brother AT as you said JB said a lot of things in a moment of madness that might be accepted from one who is so close to so many who are bereaved by the bombings. But we have to admit a few things to ourselves before we start this particular round of hand wringing, although the actions taken in somaliland where correct from a strategic point of view, and consequently bound to happen eventually, if it was aimed to endear the insurgency to the majiority of those in the north it has failed as it was bound to. Already so many usually balanced and analytical people from somaliland are frothing at the mouth and using childish logic such as "they are jealous of our peace" e.t.c to whip themselves into an emotional frenzy. This was predictable and should have been factored into the calculations of the Islamists [Note I said Islamists which is a political persuasion rather than a clan or regional grouping] who where behind the attack. A&T said: "I believe those who carried out the attacks had no regard for who recognizes Somali land and to the outcome of the elections, but were merely reacting to what they saw entities that are supporting the Ethiopian regime. The motive could have been as simple as that. " These are the facts and not suppositions, and as a consequence a reckoning delivered in bombs and bullets rather than poetry and songs would have been expected by somaliland and punt land. Amidst the genuine expressions of sorrow and regret expect the tight lipped euphoria of those that translate their realities in terms of "southern Somalians shortcomings" to be broad and deep as they hope their newly minted status as terrorist bombers victims heralds the arrival of godot in the form of U.S recognition.

the islah movement

By Mohamoud Abdi Oct 26, 2008 The entire Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somali travelled to Nairobi, Kenya, for a meeting with the leaders of Inter-Governmental Authority and Development (IGAD) counties and other interested parties between 25 October and 29 October 2008. There is no official announcement of the meeting or its agenda, but there is a speculation that the meeting is to re-evaluate the four years the TFG was running Somalia and plan for the future. Ethiopia and Kenya are once more accused – rightly or wrongly – of conspiracy to undermine the government in order to prolong the lawlessness and disintegration of Somalia. The negative press these two countries have in Somalia seems to undermine any positive contribution they may have made for Somalia and its people for the past seventeen years. The goodwill that Ethiopia created among the Somalis since the collapse of the Somali state was completely wiped out by its occupation of parts of Somalia. There is a strong believe among a good section of the Somali people that the Ethiopian occupation of Somalia is here to stay. This may be greatly exaggerated, but the absence of any clear sign of an intention to withdraw deepens the suspicion. A recent arrogant and provocative article by a Kenyan lawyer advocating the dissolution of Somalia as a nation and the integration of its territory into Kenya and Ethiopia severely damaged Kenya’s image in Somalia. The TFG’s mass relocation to Nairobi – for whatever reason – only strengthens the suspicion and mistrust that the Somali people feel for their neighbouring countries.. The substantive issues I want to discuss here are the constitutional and political implications of the relocation of the Somali government to a foreign country for what is clearly an intention to change the character of the TFG through a change of the Transitional Charter. First, the transfer of the centre of power of the Somali state from the capital of Somalia to that of Kenya without the agreement of parliament is unconstitutional. Although neither the Transitional Charter nor the Somali Constitution of 1962 explicitly addresses the transference of the seat of the government from the Somali capital to another country, both documents state or imply that changes affecting the character of the government or parliament must be through legislation. For the Somali government to relocate to another country without the approval of the government or parliament is against the spirit if not the letter of the Somali constitution and the Transitional Charter. It would amount to a dereliction of national duty for the entire government to leave the country without proper procedure and without a caretaker in place. It is not uncommon for a president or a prime minister to leave the country and for his deputy or a senior member of the cabinet to act as a caretaker. It is a new phenomenon – the first for me – for the entire government of a country to pack their bags and travel to a foreign country without leaving anyone in charge of their country. But the situation in Somalia is not normal. There are tens of thousands of Ethiopian troops in the country, particularly in Mogadishu. What will be the legal position of these troops when the government which brought them into the country and which gave them the legal umbrella for their presence is no longer in the country? Who will authorise their activities – if they ever needed authorisation – while the government is away? These are constitutional and practical issues that need to be addressed. Second. There is one explanation for the relocation of the 275 members of the TP to Nairobi. Since their sole function is to legislate, they must have been summoned to pass new acts or amend existing ones. There is nothing wrong with amending the Transitional Charter. But what changes could be so urgent as to require the TP to be moved back to their place of birth? There are two possible developments that could underline this initiative. The immediate one is the extension of the term in office of the TFG. The government’s term ends in 2009 and the Charter envisages the running of an election for a new parliament and a new government. That would not happen as time has run out for all the preparatory activities to be carried out for a fair and free election to take place. The least painful option would be to extend the lifespan of the TFG. Such action would suite the TFG and other interested parties. The other potential development that may require the involvement of the lawmakers is enlarging the TFG to accommodate the opposition groups that have signed a peace agreement with the government. If that is so, why couldn’t the parliament sit in Mogadishu or Baidoa? Why Nairobi? This would make sense only if the external powers that influence the Somali affairs felt that they could bring pressure to bear on the MPs. It could also be argued that Nairobi is where it all began and where the foreign interested parties are present. Whether the opposition would take up an offer to join the government is not certain. They may decline to join a government whose term in office is about to end. However, they may give it a consideration if the term in office of the government is extended significantly. Thus, it appears that an extension of the government’s term is essential for other changes in the character of the TFG. The integration of the opposition groups into the government would be desirable. Somalia needs all those who could salvage it irrespective of their political persuasion. Would an extension of the term in office without changing the nature and function of the TFG bring the desired outcome for Somalia? Hopefully, the international community would finally realise that tying the hands of the government and standing on the side would not bring changes in Somalia. They should give the government the necessary assistance to carry out the necessary changes. Let’s hope that the TFG would realise how it has messed up things in the past four years through petty squabbles and blind determination of undermining the government. They should realise that it is incumbent upon them to restore the confidence of the Somali people that they have lost. Without real changes on the ground, the TFG will not achieve much in the future whether its term is extended or not and whether their meeting in the Kenyan capital is unconstitutional or not. Time is running out for them – fast. By Mohamoud Abdi Email: mohamoud2004@hotmail.com

By Mohamoud Abdi Oct 26, 2008 The entire Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somali travelled to Nairobi, Kenya, for a meeting with the leaders of Inter-Governmental Authority and Development (IGAD) counties and other interested parties between 25 October and 29 October 2008. There is no official announcement of the meeting or its agenda, but there is a speculation that the meeting is to re-evaluate the four years the TFG was running Somalia and plan for the future. Ethiopia and Kenya are once more accused – rightly or wrongly – of conspiracy to undermine the government in order to prolong the lawlessness and disintegration of Somalia. The negative press these two countries have in Somalia seems to undermine any positive contribution they may have made for Somalia and its people for the past seventeen years. The goodwill that Ethiopia created among the Somalis since the collapse of the Somali state was completely wiped out by its occupation of parts of Somalia. There is a strong believe among a good section of the Somali people that the Ethiopian occupation of Somalia is here to stay. This may be greatly exaggerated, but the absence of any clear sign of an intention to withdraw deepens the suspicion. A recent arrogant and provocative article by a Kenyan lawyer advocating the dissolution of Somalia as a nation and the integration of its territory into Kenya and Ethiopia severely damaged Kenya’s image in Somalia. The TFG’s mass relocation to Nairobi – for whatever reason – only strengthens the suspicion and mistrust that the Somali people feel for their neighbouring countries.. The substantive issues I want to discuss here are the constitutional and political implications of the relocation of the Somali government to a foreign country for what is clearly an intention to change the character of the TFG through a change of the Transitional Charter. First, the transfer of the centre of power of the Somali state from the capital of Somalia to that of Kenya without the agreement of parliament is unconstitutional. Although neither the Transitional Charter nor the Somali Constitution of 1962 explicitly addresses the transference of the seat of the government from the Somali capital to another country, both documents state or imply that changes affecting the character of the government or parliament must be through legislation. For the Somali government to relocate to another country without the approval of the government or parliament is against the spirit if not the letter of the Somali constitution and the Transitional Charter. It would amount to a dereliction of national duty for the entire government to leave the country without proper procedure and without a caretaker in place. It is not uncommon for a president or a prime minister to leave the country and for his deputy or a senior member of the cabinet to act as a caretaker. It is a new phenomenon – the first for me – for the entire government of a country to pack their bags and travel to a foreign country without leaving anyone in charge of their country. But the situation in Somalia is not normal. There are tens of thousands of Ethiopian troops in the country, particularly in Mogadishu. What will be the legal position of these troops when the government which brought them into the country and which gave them the legal umbrella for their presence is no longer in the country? Who will authorise their activities – if they ever needed authorisation – while the government is away? These are constitutional and practical issues that need to be addressed. Second. There is one explanation for the relocation of the 275 members of the TP to Nairobi. Since their sole function is to legislate, they must have been summoned to pass new acts or amend existing ones. There is nothing wrong with amending the Transitional Charter. But what changes could be so urgent as to require the TP to be moved back to their place of birth? There are two possible developments that could underline this initiative. The immediate one is the extension of the term in office of the TFG. The government’s term ends in 2009 and the Charter envisages the running of an election for a new parliament and a new government. That would not happen as time has run out for all the preparatory activities to be carried out for a fair and free election to take place. The least painful option would be to extend the lifespan of the TFG. Such action would suite the TFG and other interested parties. The other potential development that may require the involvement of the lawmakers is enlarging the TFG to accommodate the opposition groups that have signed a peace agreement with the government. If that is so, why couldn’t the parliament sit in Mogadishu or Baidoa? Why Nairobi? This would make sense only if the external powers that influence the Somali affairs felt that they could bring pressure to bear on the MPs. It could also be argued that Nairobi is where it all began and where the foreign interested parties are present. Whether the opposition would take up an offer to join the government is not certain. They may decline to join a government whose term in office is about to end. However, they may give it a consideration if the term in office of the government is extended significantly. Thus, it appears that an extension of the government’s term is essential for other changes in the character of the TFG. The integration of the opposition groups into the government would be desirable. Somalia needs all those who could salvage it irrespective of their political persuasion. Would an extension of the term in office without changing the nature and function of the TFG bring the desired outcome for Somalia? Hopefully, the international community would finally realise that tying the hands of the government and standing on the side would not bring changes in Somalia. They should give the government the necessary assistance to carry out the necessary changes. Let’s hope that the TFG would realise how it has messed up things in the past four years through petty squabbles and blind determination of undermining the government. They should realise that it is incumbent upon them to restore the confidence of the Somali people that they have lost. Without real changes on the ground, the TFG will not achieve much in the future whether its term is extended or not and whether their meeting in the Kenyan capital is unconstitutional or not. Time is running out for them – fast. By Mohamoud Abdi Email: mohamoud2004@hotmail.com

By Mohamoud Abdi Oct 26, 2008 The entire Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somali travelled to Nairobi, Kenya, for a meeting with the leaders of Inter-Governmental Authority and Development (IGAD) counties and other interested parties between 25 October and 29 October 2008. There is no official announcement of the meeting or its agenda, but there is a speculation that the meeting is to re-evaluate the four years the TFG was running Somalia and plan for the future. Ethiopia and Kenya are once more accused – rightly or wrongly – of conspiracy to undermine the government in order to prolong the lawlessness and disintegration of Somalia. The negative press these two countries have in Somalia seems to undermine any positive contribution they may have made for Somalia and its people for the past seventeen years. The goodwill that Ethiopia created among the Somalis since the collapse of the Somali state was completely wiped out by its occupation of parts of Somalia. There is a strong believe among a good section of the Somali people that the Ethiopian occupation of Somalia is here to stay. This may be greatly exaggerated, but the absence of any clear sign of an intention to withdraw deepens the suspicion. A recent arrogant and provocative article by a Kenyan lawyer advocating the dissolution of Somalia as a nation and the integration of its territory into Kenya and Ethiopia severely damaged Kenya’s image in Somalia. The TFG’s mass relocation to Nairobi – for whatever reason – only strengthens the suspicion and mistrust that the Somali people feel for their neighbouring countries.. The substantive issues I want to discuss here are the constitutional and political implications of the relocation of the Somali government to a foreign country for what is clearly an intention to change the character of the TFG through a change of the Transitional Charter. First, the transfer of the centre of power of the Somali state from the capital of Somalia to that of Kenya without the agreement of parliament is unconstitutional. Although neither the Transitional Charter nor the Somali Constitution of 1962 explicitly addresses the transference of the seat of the government from the Somali capital to another country, both documents state or imply that changes affecting the character of the government or parliament must be through legislation. For the Somali government to relocate to another country without the approval of the government or parliament is against the spirit if not the letter of the Somali constitution and the Transitional Charter. It would amount to a dereliction of national duty for the entire government to leave the country without proper procedure and without a caretaker in place. It is not uncommon for a president or a prime minister to leave the country and for his deputy or a senior member of the cabinet to act as a caretaker. It is a new phenomenon – the first for me – for the entire government of a country to pack their bags and travel to a foreign country without leaving anyone in charge of their country. But the situation in Somalia is not normal. There are tens of thousands of Ethiopian troops in the country, particularly in Mogadishu. What will be the legal position of these troops when the government which brought them into the country and which gave them the legal umbrella for their presence is no longer in the country? Who will authorise their activities – if they ever needed authorisation – while the government is away? These are constitutional and practical issues that need to be addressed. Second. There is one explanation for the relocation of the 275 members of the TP to Nairobi. Since their sole function is to legislate, they must have been summoned to pass new acts or amend existing ones. There is nothing wrong with amending the Transitional Charter. But what changes could be so urgent as to require the TP to be moved back to their place of birth? There are two possible developments that could underline this initiative. The immediate one is the extension of the term in office of the TFG. The government’s term ends in 2009 and the Charter envisages the running of an election for a new parliament and a new government. That would not happen as time has run out for all the preparatory activities to be carried out for a fair and free election to take place. The least painful option would be to extend the lifespan of the TFG. Such action would suite the TFG and other interested parties. The other potential development that may require the involvement of the lawmakers is enlarging the TFG to accommodate the opposition groups that have signed a peace agreement with the government. If that is so, why couldn’t the parliament sit in Mogadishu or Baidoa? Why Nairobi? This would make sense only if the external powers that influence the Somali affairs felt that they could bring pressure to bear on the MPs. It could also be argued that Nairobi is where it all began and where the foreign interested parties are present. Whether the opposition would take up an offer to join the government is not certain. They may decline to join a government whose term in office is about to end. However, they may give it a consideration if the term in office of the government is extended significantly. Thus, it appears that an extension of the government’s term is essential for other changes in the character of the TFG. The integration of the opposition groups into the government would be desirable. Somalia needs all those who could salvage it irrespective of their political persuasion. Would an extension of the term in office without changing the nature and function of the TFG bring the desired outcome for Somalia? Hopefully, the international community would finally realise that tying the hands of the government and standing on the side would not bring changes in Somalia. They should give the government the necessary assistance to carry out the necessary changes. Let’s hope that the TFG would realise how it has messed up things in the past four years through petty squabbles and blind determination of undermining the government. They should realise that it is incumbent upon them to restore the confidence of the Somali people that they have lost. Without real changes on the ground, the TFG will not achieve much in the future whether its term is extended or not and whether their meeting in the Kenyan capital is unconstitutional or not. Time is running out for them – fast. By Mohamoud Abdi Email: mohamoud2004@hotmail.com

“I am telling you that the enemy is among you and you must pick them up,” Alot of innocent people are going to suffer...

Somalia: Igad Leaders Call for New Govt, New Constitution. A group of East African leaders have called on Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG) to form a new Cabinet within 15 days. A heads of state meeting of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in Nairobi, Kenya, ended Wednesday with the East African regional bloc issuing a seven-point plan for the remaining months of the TFG mandate to govern Somalia The leaders of Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti and Uganda were present at the summit, with various officials representing Sudan and Burundi there as well. A copy of the communiqué, obtained by Garowe Online, detailed plans for the TFG to form a new Cabinet, a Mogadishu municipal government and finalize the drafting of a Somali Constitution. Within the next 15 days, the TFG must "appoint a new Cabinet" and "establish the Banadir [Mogadishu] administration, as stipulated in the Addis Ababa Roadmap." The Joint Security Committee, composed of government and opposition delegates, must be effective by 25 November, the communiqué read. A new constitution must be completed and political parties established within the next six months. A curious clause states: " The issue of the extension of the transitional period might be considered in accordance with the provisions of the Transitional Federal Charter on the basis of the progress made on the ground." The IGAD conference intended to "audit" the TFG progress since 2004 was preceded by the signing of a ceasefire agreement between the Somali government and its political opposition, the Alliance for Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS). IGAD leaders welcomed the peace deal, but insurgent groups active in Somalia have rejected the peace process outright, including the al Shabaab militia whose fighters control key towns. Also Wednesday, suicide bombers struck five government targets in the relatively stable northern enclaves of Somaliland and Puntland, killing scores of people. Full story Somalia's last effective national government was toppled by warlords in 1991, plunging the country into civil war. Islamist rebels have spearheaded an anti-Ethiopia insurgency in central and southern Somalia for the last two years. GaroweOnline. {Since there has been no progress on the ground, and due to the fact that no kleptocracy votes itself out of existence, how much of an extension do you think the TFG parliament is going to give itself?}

What is so special about a tigre mind

General your reply is as anticipated post number sixty thousand with the same refrain, it has taken me 2 years to directly refer to anything you have posted my lapse in concentration will not be repeated.

General Duke: "Again no excuse to car bomb a city full of civilians. Just like in Mogadishu and elsewhere such action causes the deaths of civilians. Our people should be worth more than any argument or political stance. Tragedy and my heart goes out to the civilians of Hargaysa today." Your Hypocrisy as ever Duke is brazen, the Government you support has through policy and venality conducted a genocide in southern Somalia, as well as having had the overwhelming hand in the creation of a humanitarian disaster of which there is no like in the world today, a crise worse than the western fixation Darfur. Even Now you choose to make what to your mind must be political mileage by saying that people should be worth more than any argument or political stance, when in every piddling post you support the reprehensible with nary a tinge of conscience,in every specious fig leaf of an argument you use to cover the atrocious misdeeds of the government you support for nothing but the most clannist of reasons, you demonstrate the opposite. Even now when a fellow SOLer could have been very easily one of the dead in hargeisa, even now when some are truly bereaved and shocked by the actions of a few you choose to mock them. Trust me no one cares for your heart in Hargeysa, they would not know what to do with another rock.

Allaha u naxariisto. But there is a strategy behind the choice of locations: 1. Presidential lodge in Hargeisa, the "presidential palace" being referred to if you missed it, where Riyaale resides, I cannot elucidate the benefits of the death of this man as they are too many. 2. Secret Service headquarters in Bossaso, a group of torturers who are "funded" to conduct anti-terrorist actions in puntland, which means they are mere bounty hunters. 3. Ethiopian Mission in Hargeisa, the nexus of the Ethiopian intelligence service in the north dedicated to the locating and abduction of Oromo's and Kilinka 5aad Somalis that may have made the blunder of seeking refuge among those they felt they could find refuge with. Not to down play what has happened but Somalia and the Somali struggle is certainly not limited to the south of gaalkacayo.

The internet is free, so I can not call it a waste of ink.

This is a selection and not an election, so the most important thing is his bank account or those of his supporters, pictures of packed halls are great on cyber space but really the donations already being given out in Bossaso and some odd reason Nairobi is what really matters.

I would also like to read what LayzieG has to say. por favor with out the histrionics.

Somalis are the most interesting specimens ever The pirates celebrated eid atop the ship they hijacked.....

MUSEEYA waswahili mpo?

My gawd these tigreans bore me.

What is the position of any of the candidates on the eding of human trafficking from puntlands ports?

Brother Xiin and Baashi I will more than willing to answer all your questions as asserted. Xiin wrote: I must ask you to share with us who you think factions of this conflict in its immediate sense are. In the absolutely immediate sense the factions of this conflict are the Ethiopians and Al-shaabab. Since this is an armed conflict then we must assume that the men with the guns are to be addressed across the negotiating table. The TFG as an entity and I will keep on harping to this end does not exist except where ever a reconciliation confrence is held, and in the pictures that General Duke presents all over the forum. The ARS on the other hand and I am refering to the faction in eriteria are only marginally better, but can only offer advice and guidance to the men on the ground and can in no way dictate a ceasefire or even set a period when the cease fire can occur. So to keep on referring [in the immediate sense] to a negotiation between the TFG and the ARS [and factions thereof at that] will bring an end to violence on the ground is not realistic. I say that because you seem to be suggesting as many did that tfg is irrelevant and Sharif has no constituency on the ground. Please don’t pull a Baadiyow on me by saying that you are a just an old soul waiting to rot in a European hut and collect whatever doll outs the system would allow. That is harsh I am not even in the west bru. Baashi wrote: I have this feeling, deep down, that there is a deliberate attempt to dupe Somalis into believing (or even accepting the proposition) that peaceful end to this never-ending cycle of madness is impossible. ???? Really by whom??? Given the nature of the conflict, the pervasiveness of foreign interferences, and the determination of the personalities spearheading the drive to prevail by any means necessary, this conflict is unwinnable however you look at it. From that it follows that the best course of action is either to let the conflict take its course to its logical conclusion which Allah forbid will alter the regional map in a very dramatic way at the expense of Somalis OR employ common sense and talk it out on a dirrin. Let us assume for arguments sake that the alternatives you have outlined are the only ones that exist. Obviously a round table negotiation would be the obvious option for any one wanting an end to the decade’s long crises in Somalia, having said that I wish for the moment to elucidate what I consider for there to be for any negotiation to be successful. Beyond the obvious obstacles to a successful negotiation, such as intransigence and dogmatism of the opposing groups e.t.c that can be solved by an experienced and dedicated diplomatic team the two major ingredients for a negotiation to have any hope of success is capability of delivering what has been agreed upon and, integrity in the negotiating process. Capability to deliver : Personally I felt that this was the most glaringly obvious shortcoming of the Djibouti process, both Cadde Nuur and Sheikh. Sharif in their eagerness to reach an agreement simply made promises that they could not deliver either on the ground in Somalia, or in the board rooms of their own respective factions. Consequently there is no need to waste time in holding ones breath hoping for a different outcome to be had in this particular situation when the glaringly obvious is the only possible outcome. But lets assume that the situation had indeed been different that it were the hardliners at the table so to speak, Aweys and Yusuf reaching the agreement, would anything have been different? Aweys as the titular head of the fundamentalists could have, in the rosiest scenario managed through a process of consultation to convince those who needed to be convinced that a ceasefire would have been in every ones best interest, but even the rosiest scenario would have to have smidgen of reality applied to it, a ceasefire would have to be predicated on the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces in Somalia with in a set and very short time period. Would this concession be given by Yusuf and the TFG? And if it were given, would this concession be acceptable to the Ethiopians themselves, since Abdillahi Yusuf would not be able to in anyway arm-twist or even forcefully make known his intentions to the Ethiopians, all descions in a negotiation would be between the Aweys group and the Ethiopians by proxy. This leads me to the next point namely integrity in negotiation…. Integrity : For there to be a successful negotiation, both sides must be true to their constituents in the negotiations. My contention is that the constituency that the TFG represents can not accept any sort of peace negotiated or otherwise. Maybe some of you might roll your eyes at the above assertion, but a reading of what the TFG is will clearly support the thesis. The TFG does not depend on any group of people to survive in Somalia who’s imperative to supporting the TFG is peace in Somalia. The natural state of TFG support among former warlords, careerist politicians and clan based supporters is the zero sum game of total damnation for the losing side as well as absolute impunity for those who win. Nothing in the track record of any of the major or indeed even minor players within the TFG [with the notable exception of the prime minister] points to anything beyond the venality of primitive accumulation, be it of wealth, position or power, at the expense of the people in whose interest a peaceful resolution to the end of the conflict is. Too imagine that this track record, this precedent would suddenly change because of some sort of realization as at the mount of Ararat by the prophet, is something you can wish for but which strongly believe will not occur now or ever. An entity of such gross parasitic tendencies would have fallen within itself and died in what is now a hostile Somali environment, but for the support of the Ethiopian regime, to which it has to answer to. An example of this is the fact that Cadde Nuur would have in a sincere TFG have had a chance to elucidate to pro ‘s of the agreement he signed in Djibouti and then have a free and fair vote taken on it. Instead the two Commanding officers in Somalia return to Ethiopia and then come back to Somalia to give the two principles the “what for” on the situation. The sole participation in the act of the venal crooks streaming back to baidoa, is an ardent hope for an impeachment or no confidence motion so as to earn the financial returns that shall inevitably accrue. So if the TFG will lose nothing in the present situation, neither the support of the Ethiopians, neither the support of those who thru clannish and self interest have hitched their wagon to the TFG, nor lose the support of a hand wringing west whose every standard of success they have failed to reach, why would they negotiate a peace thru Nuur cadde or indeed Abdillahi Yusuf? Baashi wrote: Chicken-Hawk game is a game Mr. Sherrif is not willing to play. To some abstaining that kinda game is unforgivable breach to the “liberation” commitment and makes him a textbook example of naïveté or political novice who is out of his depth. Well he is a political novice out of his depth, I only wish he would learn the in’s and out’s of basic politicking at some other venue than at the negotiating table to which it seems that some of us wish him to continue blundering at. Baashi wrote: You see one cannot assert that the civil war grew out of deep-seated differences between competing factions (tribal based or morphed into other X-based interest groups) and by the same token reject bringing the conflict to a closure through negotiation precisely because of the absence of viable faction to do political transaction with -- namely peacemaking. Now this is where it gets interesting, my contention has never been that the civil war occurred due to anything else but poor leadership and consequently the winning at that particular point in time of the clannish imperative. And that is why a negotiated peace in a strategic sense between those in the TFG who are the result of clan gerrymandering and whose very raison de etre is the impossible balancing of clan interests underpinned by the pax ethiopica they envision, and the ARS/Al-shabaab axis who envision a united Somalia, based on Islam and meritocracy with Ethiopia well and truly outside the mainstream of Somali discourse and political thought will simply never happen. Baashi said: The other option as you may well know is to wait for one side to prevail. Pick the side you support I support the Somali people, I would alternatively be a democrat, a federalist, a unionist, a clanist, a fundamentalist, a feminist, a libertarian, conservative, fascist, if I felt that that would bring a lasting or indeed even momentary peace to the Somali people. Like Talleyrand I would be on the winning side of every revolution just as long as the Somali people are with me. On that vein I believe that the guerrilla warfare currently ongoing, the leakage of diplomatic support as well as the self defeating Venality of the TFG will lead to the day in 2009 when the Ethiopian occupation of Somalia will have its fig leaf blown away and the present conflict will boil down to Somalis and Ethiopia as has been for an exceedingly long time. That is when negotiation can occur with any hope of success, till then brother Baashi and Xiin there is no merit to your arguments except for your genuine wish to see an end to conflict in Somalia.