Africown ..I dare you to come to Erigavo. looool

Based on the assumption that The next president of Somalia will be the Sheikh, must the prime minister come from the puntland region of Somalia? Using the 4.5 formula that has been tacitly agreed to even by the good sheiks of the ARS it is obvious that the prime minister must be from a clan family other than the president, the assumption has been that the P.M shall consequently be from punt land. These are my reasons for the Sheik or who ever wins the election from some where other than punt land appointing some one from the Gedo or lower Jubba regions of somalia: - It would fulfill the 4.5 formula perfectly. - It would adress the reality on the ground, namely the TFG will have to focus on restoring peace and a semblance of governance to areas to the south of Galkacayo To the tip of ras kamboni, instead of wasting time and resources on try to effect the internal workings of punt land. - It would allow for Faroole to become the go to man in that part of the country reducing the friction that would occur when the competing voices of a "traitorous" prime minister [assuming the prime minister attempts to be a nationalist rather than a regional representative] clash with the local government. - It would avoid those elements of the puntland "movement" who would be so short sighted as to consider the appointment of one of their own as the P.M as time through sabotage, obscurantism and just plain bloody mindedness to "payback" in the same coin the Southern candidate, for what happened to their Knight in shining Armour. This is a real and present danger due to the "long memories" of so many from that particular region as the royalists of 18th century France so many of them "Have learnt nothing and have forgiven nothing", and due to the reality of the oppositional and zero sum game that Somali politics is. - It would allow the next president of somalia to change the narrative [assuming the P.M deserves the seat on all other criteria beyond regional representation] from one of accomodating a narrow part of the somali polity to a genuine reconciliation based on a federal structure of an Islamic somalia.

^^^^ Nac Nac Nac Nac Nac.

Their nationalism is and always has been a cloak for their own clans hegemony and within their clan their own particular sub-clan. Attach all the aspersions you want to it but in the end that is the altar at which they worship.

^^^ It is called guerrilla warfare brother..

^^^ You and your ideas are impotent and you give verbal proof of that every day.

The shady spoilers by Abdulkadir Mohamed -Ato Friday, January 16, 2009 It is not unusual that the Djibouti peace deal that some rightly dubbed the peace caravan of Prime Minister Nur Adde, Somalia's celebrated political son of the moment - to end the Ethiopian occupation and to form of an all-inclusive unity government - is at times shrouded in doubt. Now that he wants to run for the office of presidency, there are confusions of where would the elections be held? Would it be in Baidao or Djibouti? The confusion has to do with contradictory statements coming from the acting-president Aden Madobe, a former warlord. In recent days it has been reported that the acting-president and the speaker of the Transitional Federal Parliament, Aden Madobe, made a very incongruous statements, the latest in a series since assuming office with regards to the election of the next transitional president. He summoned the parliament to meet in Baidao at the end of January to elect a new president thus snubbing the expansion of the parliament seats to 550 and the establishment of a unity government in Djibouti before the election. There are those who believe that the speaker has undertaken a dubious design with the intent to dictate or undermine the Djibouti peace agreement ratified by a majority of the members of the parliament. The formation of an inclusive power-sharing government of national unity and the election or selection of its president is a serious matter. One wonders about the gravity of the acting-president/speaker's actions and motivations. What is the rush? Why convene already fractured and feuding parliamentarians to circumvent the Djibouti agreement? There are those who perceive this as a treasonous act dictated to the speaker by Ethiopia. Or is it just a mere folly on the part of Madobe? No one knows but Madobe must follow and obey the Djibouti peace deal and the wishes of Somalis for peaceful settlement after catastrophic civil war and enemy occupation. Predicting what might happen at the end of January and how it will affect the selection of the next transitional president is impossible but it would be interesting to see how the contradictory statements coming from Baidao and Djibouti deal work out. Now that the Ethiopians left the capital and supposedly from Somalia, would they totally wash their hands of Somalia and stay true to their withdrawal or would it continue to be business as usual? Would they continue having satellite spoilers and seditious subordinates to keep Somalia in failed state situation? Would they continue supplying weapons and spies to ruthless warlords to wreak more havoc in Somalia? The international community has some sway on Ethiopia. Ethiopia must stop be told to discontinue its destructive intervention and manipulation of the Somali political problems. The radical hordes of Shabaab are certainly the usual suspects who swore to be the foremost spoilers to the chances for peace in Somalia regardless of the Ethiopian withdrawal. Shabaab are obviously on the wrong track for rejecting to take part in the Djibouti peace deal. Their strict my-way or the-highway ideology is incompatible with the pragmatism needed to nurture goodwill and understanding between all Somali stakeholders. Al-Shabaab must understand that Somalia belongs to all Somalis and that Somalis don't subscribe to the same ideas and allegiances and their extremism is detested and unpopular. No group can dictate the destiny of a whole nation by means of terror and irrational adherences to detested dogmas. The level of violence they perpetrate against others in the name of a twisted interpretation of the beautiful religion is incredible and that not only defies humanity but mocks the same religious overtones they advocate. They could end up as sore losers if they prolong the violence in Somalia through extreme violence and slaughtering innocent civilians. Al-Shabaab's standing would then be on par of blood thirsty satanic cult in the eyes of many peace-loving and war-weary Somalis. Then you have those so-called moderate Sufi sects that with merciless salvo slaughtered scores of Shabaab soldiers. They seem to have appetite to prolong the sectarian wars as they swore to completely get rid of Shabaab heretics from every district in Somalia, which is beyond their reach. The sectarian wars started with a swagger in central Somalia and are being waged with senseless ferocity in an effort to settle old scores. Ironically Ash'ari, the Sufi leader in Guriceel where scores of Shabaabs were killed is said to be the brother-in-law of Dahir Aweys, the so-called spiritual leader of Al-Shabaab. This is just getting silly. All these religious sects should be aware that there is no justification for more bloodshed and they should be taught to get along and respect each other's ways of worshipping the same GOD and practicing the same RELIGION. Another uncertainty to the Djibouti peace deal has to do with the many irregular and unruly would-be Islamist spoilers lurking behind the scenes. The side of the discredited individuals from the Islamist camp and their rush to take hold of every base the Ethiopians abandoned is kind troubling. Some of them seem to be erratic in both their deliberations and dealings. They have known loose cannons as the infamous Sheikh Indha'Adde. His political and militia maneuverings have always been unpredictable. To make matters worse, Islamist screwballs are now darlings of Mogadishu media and websites. Some of them publicly proclaim some injudicious things that could be considered to challenge Sheikh Sharif's authority and the Djibouti peace deal. This is intolerable and these kinds of broadcasts must be discouraged. Unruly warlords and Islamist bullies should be restrained and told that there would be penalties for their subversive sabotage to spoil the Djibouti peace process. For those who are inclined to resolve things through fighting or want to grab power through the barrel of gun must know that insisting on their extreme ways would bring about their downfall. There are indications that most Somalis are dissatisfied with the radicalism and the continuation of the war. There is no external enemy within to justify the bloodshed of innocent people any more and you can't declare Jihad on fellow Muslims. This is the time for peace. Any group or individual that is not for peace would be seen as spoiler of peace. The Djibouti peace agreement is a landmark and one hope for the suffering people of Somalia to have peace and stability. Abdulkadir Mohamed -Ato abaadir0@gmail.com

^^^ 3 questions: But cant a five year old child spit from one side of garowe to the other? Before we even talk of changing the capital to garowe when will the peace confrence be held? And if it is held in gaorwe will the five year old child be held indoor lest he cause a diplomatic kerfufulle with his spitting tactics?

This is a forum read by many, where what people say in the form of "posts" can be answered/replied/or referred to by all those who have access to a computer and internet access and are members or registered as members on the forum, if you wanted to interact with the lady only, there is a function on internet boards known as pm short for personal messaging To avoid any misconception The arrow points to the figure like you pointing to blessed. And I have made myself crystal clear, why feign misunderstanding now or is it only now that you make it clear that you have always misunderstood?

Wasiirka Burcad Baadeedka na?

Hornow you are becoming vicious in your old age

Precisely as you say zack, even with the ethiopian referee tying all of one teams hands behind their back they are still there scoring their goals.

so shall we for a second leave Ethiopia out of the equation. No emperor we shall never leave it, every statement you make, every opinion you express, every topic you start and every single comma and apostrophe you use will be weighed by your support for the Ethiopian occupation and subjugation of southern Somalia. You will never have the respect of your peers here in SOL nor the deference or benefit of the doubt accorded to those who have proven themselves to be honest and wadani on this boards over the last few years. Why all of these topics on mogadishu by some from puntland? Why is it that the fair honor of the maiden is now being protected by so many?? Truly although some have been ascertained to be pathetic, and murderous connivers, every day the rank hypocrisy of some twists the stomach anew. we get it after supporting a man who had nothing going for him but your family connection, through all the abysmal actions he took in the name of "pacifying" mogadishu, as ethiopian troops defecated, and tortured, and raped, and killed and bombarded there way to peace in mogadishu, you now point with affected concern to "your" capital and what is/might be happening all in a twisted attempt to prove to others who consider your opinion null and void by original sin that you were right in the first place. We see and understand your motivations, but although a person might be habituated to the odors of a garbage dump every once in a while he must stand up to close the windows and spray air freshener around. As for Mogadishu I think what some fail to grasp is the seismic shift that has occurred in the perceptions of those on the ground, rer-muqdishu tired of the war and the warlords along time ago, they looked to history and other Somali regions with longing, longing turned into acttion for 6 months in 2006, but was brutally betrayed by jackals in suits who not only dealt with the devil, but performed fellatio amid the murder and mayhem of a two year occupation when "Our" capital was turned into a ghost town. Here in SOL and among certain Somali groups all of this was applauded and approbation was poured forth in articles like: Criminal gangs kicked out of Mogadishu Mogadishu Pacified Mogadishu- 10,000 police trained When the reality was absolutely no where even with the aid of rose tinted glasses no where near this. After that experience not only are rer-mogadishu ready for peace, but they will to a man support completely the group that gets the upper hand. This period is a resetting of agendas and re-alignment with new realities but things change and they have in Mogadishu. P.S No body here cares about what goes on in puntland, apart from some "bugland" posts from jacaylbaro, who cares? and when others comment it is generally positive and constructive, but you people are equivalent to cavemen, cavemen who suffer from erectile dysfunction at that, who distract with vehement language what they lack in performance, sitting around a fire regaling each other about "massive support base" "40% of the land" and oil exploration activities that last and last like a Mexican soap opera with all the twists and turns and non of the substance.

Is this the guy who was killed for apostasy. Apparently working with people who work with the ethiopians = apostasy.

Faroole is pushing the right buttons at the right time he has come out quite forcefully and either way it might prove a crisis of legitimacy for the election being held.

The kid who bullied him and snatched his nintendo in high school.

Somalinimo: Essential for the Somali Nation; Inconvenience to Others By Ali A. Fatah December 2008 “Washing one’s hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful not to be neutral”… -Paulo Freer Preamble The purpose of this paper is to place the agonizing political situation in Somalia in proper historical and geopolitical context. Thus it will attempt to show how the prevailing societal dysfunction has in large measure its roots in the manipulation of foreign actors that have ceaselessly promoted corrosive influences. And that circumscribing (if not the full stamping) of those influences, which are very much linked to crucial moments leading up to the present disastrous state of affairs, hold the key to meaningful change, for the better, in the long suffering country. Background Somalia never had it easy in its history. In antiquity, the ancient Egyptians knew the Horn of Africa nation as the Land of Punt (or Punit). They also referred to her as their ancestral land as well as “The Land of the gods”. The Greco Romans, that regularly traded with about a dozen or so towns, along the Gulf of Aden and at least one on the Indian Ocean coast, called the Somali peninsula the Far Side (as opposed to Arabia Felix). They also called the region the “Land of Spices”, as the region had been, since times immemorial, the premier source of the highly sought-after resins such as Myrrh and Frankincense, among others. As for the region and its people, various narratives attest to the land as a tough place populated by hardy but resilient folk given to enterprising ways—not unlike the present-day Somali stock. In modern times, however, the country had suffered one of the most egregious bouts of European Colonialism, following the infamous scramble for Africa that began towards the waning years of the 19th Century, CE. The English, the Italians and the French all had arbitrarily carved their own swathes or “Somalilands” out of the contiguous territory inhabited by the virtually homogeneous and socially integrated Somali people. Even the socially underdeveloped, neighboring country of Abyssinia (Ethiopia) got into the act. She had been allowed by the said Europeans to participate in the foregoing grand larceny on account of it being ruled by a fellow Christian king. Accordingly, an otherwise impoverished, would-be colonizer-king, namely Menelik II, had been ceded the huge Somali region known as ******ia, along with the Haud and Reserved Area sub-regions by the functionaries of the crafty British Empire (on two separate occasions in the 1940s and the 1950s). Kenya too (upon independence, 1963) was gifted the large Somali-populated region then known as the Northern Frontier District by the same British colonial authorities, which, at the close of the Second World War (in 1945), controlled the entire Somali Peninsula. This, in spite of a plebiscite a year earlier in which upwards of 86% of the population in that province had chosen to join with their brethren in the Somali Republic after independence (to no avail). The whole wicked scheme of partitioning Somali territory into separate colonial spheres under various European-led occupation forces all but crippled the free flow of the nation’s agrarian economic activities; alienated previously integrated communities from each other; and, in the process, created a mangled political map of the Somali Peninsula (the terrible consequences of which continue to wreak social and political havoc on the society to the present day—at the turn of the 21st Century, CE). To be sure, the Somali people, for their part, were never willing victims. Nor did they take the colonialist-spearheaded, multi-faceted assault on their country lying down. For starters, the Dervish movement (1900-1920), led by the charismatic, gifted leader and peerless poet, Sayyid Mohamed Abdalla Hassan began to wage their epic struggle for national liberation at the dawn of the 20th Century. The movement’s mode of operation was marked by uncompromising commitment to pursue a singular, overarching goal: national liberation. In that, it is safe to say that securing internal cohesion was not particularly high on their agenda. To the extent that national unity had already been despoiled by the colonial powers, the movement perhaps mistakenly saw this task as something that they would be able to salvage after winning full independence. So in their zealotry, the Dervishes over romanticized Somalis’ sharing of certain key ingredients of nationhood, including religion, language, culture and ethnicity to the exclusion of other factors equally important for mobilization. Still, the Dervishs’ example of courage and uncommon valor in defense of the cause of liberty in the face of an unsympathetic, overwhelming destructive force had undoubtedly raised the consciousness of the entire nation, in ways that no other action could have achieved. To prove this point, Somalis have largely overlooked the fact that the movement’s sweeping struggle against the foreign invaders took a severe toll on the society as a whole in terms of heightened instability and social displacement. What is remembered, though, through oral history and poignant, evocative poetry is that the Dervish freedom fighters faced up to the daunting challenge of fighting the mighty British Empire’s colonial forces along with those organized on behalf of fascist Italy, and the for-ever-and-a-day belligerent Abyssinians. What is also significant is that the Sayyid’s militia, after 20 years of relentless war, fought those supposedly superior forces from powerful countries to a virtual draw. This became the source of genuine pride among Somalis. And it was not until the Dervish movement had been assaulted in that 1920 aerial bombardment that destroyed their fortified, Taleh headquarters—in the first such attack on a liberation movement, anywhere in the world—that the white-turbaned legions finally disbanded. The disreputable attack from the air had pulled off the short-term goal for which it had been designed: to put the movement out of commission, as an organized fighting force. But, by that time the Dervishes’ influence had already left an indelible impression and an enduring mark on the nation’s collective psyche. For the movement had already inspired a generation of Somalis to take up the cause of independence from colonialism, if only in more politically savvy ways. Indeed, it took only two decades after the destruction of the Sayyid Mohamad’s Talex headquarters, by Britain’s Royal Air Force, for the SYL (Somali Youth League) to take the liberation banner and begin to organize another pan-Somali political movement that, within a decade and a half, led to the decolonization of two (of the five) Somali regions that were ruled by England and Italy respectively, in 1960. The following nine years (1960-1969) of independence saw Somalis experiment with Western-style democratic governance, in what can be safely termed as its most rudimentary application. Real political discourse in the country essentially consisted of inter-clan and intra-clan jostling for power and influence under the guise of clan-specific political parties. Still, the society remained fairly open; the rule of law held sway for the most part; and, there were at least a couple of credible media outlets that operated very much independently. It was after the October 1969 coup d’état that the country took a turn towards uncharted, if dangerous waters of military rule. The next 21 years of military dictatorship marked a period of conspicuous contrasts. In the early 1970’s the ruling junta had demonstrated the temerity to instill a measure of discipline inspiring a burst of energetic nationalism that spawned the development of infrastructure facilities, were none existed before; and, the construction of new schools and institutions of higher education, hospitals and the like, especially in the nation’s capital, Mogadishu. The Somali language was written, albeit in a Latin script, and instituted as the lingua franca for instruction and other official business. Incredibly, within a couple of years, the literacy rate shot up dramatically throughout the country. Meanwhile, the armed forces too developed into a professional organization, acknowledged as arguably the best fighting force in Sub-Sahara Africa. Those were the heady days. However, due to the structural deficiencies inherent in military rule, and dictatorships generally, the above developments would not last. Besides, the foregoing improvements not withstanding, the country had effectively become a satellite of the former Soviet Union, then one of the two superpowers (the other being the United States). Though the regime of the late President Mohamed Siad Barre pronounced itself an adherent of “Scientific Socialism”, but for all intents and purposes, the ruling junta was toeing a diehard, communist line dictated by Moscow—a system that in effect denied all freedoms including religious practices along with independent thought to the otherwise indomitable Somalis. What is more, rather than keeping the clan Jinni contained as promised in military regime’s early days, the ruling junta not only tolerated it, they began to practice its most base manifestations—a direct contravention of their stated public policy goal of advancing perfect egalitarian values. Alas, the end result of their double-dealing was nothing less than devastating to Somalia’s prized social cohesion. Throughout the 1980s the country was losing ground in all aspects of its socio-political and economic spheres. The corrosive practices of clan politics seeped into every facet of public life, in all regions, with deadly effects. Certain regions and communities were specifically targeted for cruel reprisals. The ill effects of unchecked bias of clan-centered politics, honed in the European colonial days of ‘divide and rule’, had by then metastasized into an aggressive cancer that eventually consumed the military regime. With that Somalia’s image as a homogeneous nation and thus one of only a couple of countries that are naturally suited for the designation of “nation-state” in not only Africa, but in deed anywhere in the world fell victim to the resulting practice of badly skewed governance. Internally too the ensuing conflict found Somalia’s unique status as a natural state wanting as mistrust between communities began to increase exponentially in direct proportion to an environment of heightened mutual suspicion and misrule. What makes this scenario particularly distressing is that the vaunted “homogeneity” had long been a source of pride among Somalis. For, its intrinsic value had been considered Somalis’ ace- in-the-hole—a bulwark against the types of intractable divisions that dog many countries in the world, especially Africa, where citizens of heterogeneous backgrounds, owing to their ethnic, religious and cultural differences continue to be at loggerheads despite the best efforts of their national governments. Oddly in Somalia, political problems stem from diametrical opposite impulses, where the people are united on shared Somalinimo; it is the government(s) that stokes division. As a result, the principal unifying fabric of Somalinimo seems to always hang in the balance. Not surprisingly, the onset of civil war in 1991 and its bloody aftermath had badly shaken the once-cherished Somalinimo to its core. Soon thereafter, the country was wracked by the vagaries of wild-eyed politics of the primordial clanist mode, where, to paraphrase Aesop, they “hang the petty thieves and appoint the great ones to public office”; a scheme pushed largely by a cadre of self-interested urban elite and externally directed religious extremists. Yet incredibly through trade and travel the masses remained connected by virtue of the potent cultural unity represented by Somalinimo – an identity that had, over millennia, provided the nation with an enviable social cohesion. The Current Situation During the recent past years of chaos—in 1990s and much of the subsequent decade—savage civil war and warlord banditry took their toll in great expanses of the South. So did the extraordinary abuses of power by religious zealots who do not seem to value human life as sanctified by its Creator. But, the country as a whole is not necessarily facing an existential struggle as many pundits and would-be analysts repeat ad infinitum. What is new about the current feral environment in and around Mogadishu is that the rate at which Somali politics is undergoing an uneven change of fundamental nature is approaching fast and furious base. Needless to say, after years of instability, the way forward remains as murky as ever. For gone are the days when, just a little over a generation ago, crudely-managed spoils system at the national level was seen by many as an unmitigated catastrophe. Little did folks realize then that in place of such comparatively petty corruption, we would be witnessing the misshapen, bewildering political situation that is prevailing in the country at the present time. Little also did people consider that the agent-instigators of the current perennial chaos would be fellow Somalis intent on fulfilling a far-reaching agenda of unvarnished greed of the highest order. Some of the chief operators among that unhappy lot utilize an externally directed radical ideology that is widely believed to be distortion of Islamic tenets. Still others seek to not only parrot alien, Western ideologies but also seem to have swallowed the ill-advised “solutions” contained therein, hook, line and sinker. They then blithely regurgitate their subsystems to mechanically help advance the crooked ends for which those misguided solutions were put forth in the first place. Talk about ‘grass trembling when elephants fight’! There has been, over the past number of years of disorder, robbery on a grand scale and mass killings of mostly innocent non-combatants. But to have had that calamity followed by bungling, moral midget regimes with uncanny knacks for celebrating ineptitude to the point of allowing the continued destruction of the remaining vestiges of civilization in the country’s historical capital, along with many of its inhabitants, leaves one utterly dumbfounded. So the fundamental question remains. Who exactly is fanning the flames of discord and division in Somalia and in so doing actively working to prolong the country’s ongoing tragedy? And to what end? Clearly, the current agonizing political situation in the country goes beyond the infrequent quarrels brought about by the usual clanism-induced anxiety in times of scarcity and general insecurity. However, in the absence of a well-defined, distinctive Somali political system, clan-based or otherwise, at the national level, it appears that more and more the affairs of the nation are becoming increasingly under the sway of externally driven agendas. The proverbial ‘elephant in the room’ therefore is that seldom-discussed foreign factor, which has its many sharp fangs already sunk deep into Somalia’s lean tendons (that precariously hold her skeletal frame together). Strangely, few if any seem to recognize with any degree of confidence exactly what or who would wake the nation up from the current stupor in which it appears even common sense is immobilized? In deed there is mystery as to who would inspire the Somali masses to simply refuse to become pawns in a deadly geopolitical game of chicken that more often than not seeks to separate developing nations from their own God-given resources through cunning and outright deception. Yet the consequences of inaction are as bad and unwise as certain reckless “political actions” (including mindless terror tactics and pirate activities) that would in all likelihood be counter productive concerning the nation’s interests. In times of uncertainty and confusion advantage goes to the organized. That is perhaps why Somalia’s free wheeling but rich socio-cultural intrinsic values were—through deceitful means and intimidation—enticed to function as splinter groups, thus weakening the national will. It is not unlike the manner in which the advent of oil wealth amounted to net loss for Arab unity. For the end result represents more of a curse for the common people in both societies: 1) the subjects of the potentate-ruled enclaves in the Arab League, and 2) ordinary Somalis. Both are beset with social justice and governance problems. In the case of Somalia, the nation’s strategic location, the virtual homogeneity of its population and her vast natural resources – the very assets that would under normal circumstances provide the predicates for strong national unity – have been made to work against that very proposition. There are indications that, in deed, the prospect of keeping the unruly Somalis engaged in state mutual hostility (bordering on ‘mutually assured destruction’ type scenario) appeals to some external actors, who as of this writing may well be wringing their hands in the off chance of peace breaking out somewhere in that ancient land. Occupying as she does an important piece of real state in the strategic Horn of Africa, Somalia is seen by few determined interlopers as a potential geopolitical prize—a territory ripe for fresh forays of exploitation. Hence the onrushing, thinly disguised foreign-led campaigns calculated to exacerbate matters in the hope of rendering the country’s political situation pretty much stalemated and inoperable. The resulting near state of paralysis already sets the country up for a new kind of neocolonial manipulation and political domination. The tools of such wicked trade were perfected long ago in the developed societies of the West. But lately otherworldly field-tested apparatus’ of instability are coming from a new quarter that is hitherto not known for undermining friendly nations. Such apparatus’ include the introduction of a virulent ideology that self-identifies with but is peculiar to the widely acknowledged Islamic ethos of bringing about peaceful co-existence and universal brotherhood. If the manner in which the situation Somalia is currently devolving into the politics of grieve is any indication, it is a matter of time before emerging powers such as China and India would come out of the shadows and join the second scramble for Africa. And, as things stand, Somalia is shaping up to be a key battleground for that looming contest. As the maxim goes, ‘geography is destiny’. That is perhaps one of the reasons the for-the-all-too-real external threats to Somali unity that are by now clear for all who care to see (even if their threats only magnify internal tensions). We already know from history that inter-clan and intra-clan animus in the Somali context has always had a limited shelf life. While simple quarrels sometimes degenerate into bursts of hostility, including physical engagements, differences are historically settled through the well-developed traditional Somali mediation and conflict resolution system that is codified in the oral tradition of the extant Xeer Somaali. Further, the periodic contests and occasional fights in the countryside, though eye-catching, could not fully account for (nor begin to explain) the years of internecine wars and endless conflict that have gripped the country of late. And so a durable kind of conflict within Somali polity that defies logic and tests all human credulity continues unabated. The considerable ink spilled and the great deal of analysis expended on the present state of politics in the country appears thus far to be all for naught. It all boils down to predictable scenarios much like the legend of the seven blind men and the elephant (with each identifying the part he touches as representing the whole beast). What we are left with, by way of explanation, is that of the imprudent role assumed by the revolting politicians. As regards rationale of their wretched behavior, there are as many as there are commentators. For when it comes to politics Somali-style in a generation, constructive ideas are hard to come by. Consequently the current crop of politically active folks is quick to resorting to demonization of opponents. Some, especially the proponents of the Ibisi notion of takfeer (that inexplicably condemns Muslims with opposing views as “infidels”) seek even to physically eliminate their political adversaries. They view dialogue as sacrilege or worse betrayal of their fanatical agenda. It is with this kind of dismal ideology that sustains the fires that are scorching the Somali body politic. And it does not matter one whit to those aficionados inequity who or what ultimately gets burned in the brush fires that they surreptitiously set ablaze. If, in the case of Somalia, those fires happen to be consuming large parts of an otherwise vibrant society, their attitude would be: “so be it”, insofar as the warped cause they pursue beckons. But they would be well advised to contemplate the possibility that their sponsors’ now calm, tree-lined byways could soon be at risk of being engulfed by the very social infernos they so carelessly kindle. For once an arsonist sets place ablaze, it is no longer under his control. The wind and other natural elements take over. Thus, those stoking Somalia’s conflict have an opportunity and an obligation to stop their nefarious activities at the front end. The question though is: do they have the will and the good sense to do so? And who are these brazen mischief-makers anyway? Let’s examine the known behavior of some of the more calculating actors, namely the Arabs, the Ethiopians, the Kenyans, the Eritreans, AU member states and the West, including the US. The Arab Factor Soaring petrodollar revenues padding the already bulging burses of various Sheikhdoms not withstanding, the Arabs are politically emasculated, and they know this in their bones. Their tribal-centered culture condemns them to hopeless division and atrophy in regards to progressive ideas that could move their far-flung societies forward. Unable or unwilling to face that reality, they had, some years ago, latched on to using sloppy if dangerous tactics to challenge (more like goad) their geopolitical nemesis, namely the West, in particular the United States, for that block’s offense of empowering their archenemy: Israel. Still, the hapless Arabs are in no mood to confront the US, Israel or the West in general directly for any number of reasons: economic interdependence, the lopsided military imbalance favoring America and her allies, and Arab states’ historic, chronic disunity, to name but a few. Hence, the emergence in the Middle East of a new brand of politics based on a specious interpretation of Islam whereby the ‘end justifies the means’. Establishing moral equivalency with the tactics of Western imperial powers is a poor excuse. Yet, some of the wealthier Sheikhs seem to have settled on this schizophrenic course of action where most of their states officially maintain “normal” relations with ideological foes in the West, while influential members of their societies secretly sponsor fanatical, religiously-oriented movements that battle Western influence in various Muslim lands, especially in the periphery. They do this in the hope of setting geopolitical brush fires in faraway corners as the linchpin for war of attrition that they hope would in the long-run damage US interests, both politically and economically. The thinking goes that with the US weakened, the West as a whole will be set on a course of slow, irreversible decline that would in due time have the entire block wither in the vine. The fundamental feature of this quest for conquest and control is indoctrination and financing of certain expendable, fringe forces that have been designated to do the Sheikhs’ dirty work. Incidentally, those designated irregular forces are recruited from throughout the Muslim world, including poor and disenfranchised communities within the Arabian Peninsula, South Asia, North Africa and the Horn of Africa—in places where, due to economic challenges, there are no shortages of willing recruits. The common denominator for the resulting volatile environment is brainwashing, using the tenaciously intolerant Salafi doctrine. Add to the foregoing an amble supply of petrodollars and you have a combustible situation. Meanwhile, the low-level ringleaders and the foot soldiers for this remote-controlled struggle are—motivated as they are by that uncompromising form of perverse ‘liberation theology’—on a steady death-march. That is how this peculiar campaign gains access to unlimited supply of human drones, eager to make the ultimate sacrifice at a moment’s notice. The selected recruits are those that would gladly hasten to their demise to plunge into the Jannah (heaven) that they believe await them on the authority of their “spiritual” handlers. (Few of them even manage to negotiate a sum of money for their families before hastily departing this worldly scene). But does what this has to do with Somalia’s political problems in Africa’s Horn? In the case of Oil Sheikhdoms, for example tiny Qatar—by no means the only one—Somalia is nothing more than a theatre for testing and perfecting their strange brand of deceptive struggle, which they wage stealthily under the banner of religiosity. The Sheikhs in such municipalities there are closely allied with the US (and the West) on two issues of critical importance to their fiefdoms: 1) economic and developmental projects, in particular the exploitation of their vast fossil-fuel energy resources; and, 2) containment of the expansion of Iranian Shia’ fundamentalism in the region. But by their own other subterranean actions, the Sheikhs hold the US and the West as their ultimate ideological rivals in what they perceive as long-term struggle between civilizations: theirs and that of the West—rather than promoting human civilization in accordance with percepts of The Book and Wisdom as taught by Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). The above wrongheaded policy is precisely why certain sheikhdoms bankroll the fanatical extremists that are wreaking havoc in ‘holy terror’ in places like Mogadishu, where people and property are blown up on a regular basis. And, in the process, women, children, the elderly and the infirm are obliterated to smithereens as the cost of waging their shadowy struggle—a sort of collateral damage that strangely enough resonates with their counterparts in the West. As a result, countless innocent Somalis are being killed, mutilated and rendered homeless by those types of immoral, ideologically driven wanton actions by religious fanatics. And so it will go on for the foreseeable future: some Arabs doing what they can in this postmodern, geopolitical war of attrition—directing and financing dirty wars from remote palaces of their idle rich, while incidentally working doubly hard to be seem as reliable business partners of the West. The French philosopher Blaise Bascal was right when said, “Men never do evil so completely and cheerfully as when they do it from religious conviction”. Another leg of this two-legged stool concerns Egypt, the dean of the Arab League club and the home base of the radical Islamic theology. In the modern era, Egypt has had the dubious distinction of being an under-handed meddler extraordinaire in Somali affairs. Since the days of their gadfly leader, Jamal Abdulnasir in the 1960s, Egyptian operatives have been ankle-deep in Somali politics in a thinly disguised effort to set the country on collision course with the neighboring state of Ethiopia, with whom they expect to engage in a deadly contest over the waters of the Nile, in the not-too-distant-future. Such Egyptian interference in Somali affairs will not go away anytime soon. To be sure, there are other troublemakers regarding Somalia’s long-lasting political fiasco, elsewhere in of Africa. The African Union as an organization, for example, is duty bound to do what it can, such as it is. But others in the neighborhood, the Horn of Africa sub-region, are in this game to stir trouble for Somalia for their own selfish interests. Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya and the African Union As currently constituted, Somalia’s neighbor to the west, Ethiopia is an artificial, amalgamation of disparate nationalities that are held together by a religious and ethnic minority on the basis of brute force. The ruling Tigray/Amhara grouping views all things Somali through jaundiced lenses. The primary reason for their abiding enmity has to do with the bloody history of struggle between the two societies that goes back hundreds of years. To date, due to infamous concessions made to Abyssinia (Ethiopia) by European colonialists, that country colonizes the ******ia (Western Somalia) region. They hold the Somali citizens there in appalling conditions that recall the Apartheid period in South Africa. Ethiopia’s current involvement in Somali “reconciliation” conferences and subsequently as the guarantor of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu have proven to be a Trojan horse designed to penetrate Somalia to be able gain control the entire country under the guise of providing “peace keepers”. By all indications it appears that this hare-brained scheme is doomed to failure. As a result of that country’s longstanding failed Somalia policy, the ruling Junta is currently behaving as though in a panic mode. Eritrea is another poor little country in the neighborhood that is ruled by a tin-honed dictator deeply involved in shenanigans that complicate the situation in Somalia. The tiny country is on war footing with all its neighbors, especially with their estranged ethnic and religious kinfolk—the ruling clique in Ethiopia. It is that terminal conflict with the rulers of Ethiopia that drives Eritrea’s untoward involvement in Somalia’s political ‘theater of the absurd’. If they could manage to settle with their neighbor to the south, Eritreans should have no issues with Somalia. Their present interference is nothing more lame pursuit of the adage: “The enemy of my enemy is my friend”. Kenya is of two minds when it comes to helping settle Somalia’s political fiasco. They know that they can derive huge economic benefits from a stable Somalia at its northern flank. But Kenyan politicians are also afraid that their country’s negligence and mistreatment of their Somali region—the Northern Frontier Province—might catch up with them sooner rather than later in terms of (imaginary) reprisals, when Somalia gets back on its feet. The African Union member countries constitute a ‘poor man’s club’. They can neither marshal the resources nor the political wherewithal to get sufficiently engaged to help solve the intractable political crises such as that of Somalia, without relying wholly or in part on Western largess and logistical support. Thus their ability to sustain even a skeletal peacekeeping force is often circumscribed. So, while largely harmless, they are not much of a help, either. The West’s Corrosive Influence The West, especially the US, has a ‘God complex’, as though possessing the power of giving life or death. They are quick on the draw in foisting destructive fiscal and economic policies on developing countries, particularly in Africa in order to remake them in their own image. And, to insure the smooth operation of those often misguided policies they have created powerful institutions. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have over a number of decades been putting in place policies inimical to the interests of developing countries. They were specially conceived and developed to perform economic and fiscal interference tasks that have failed to provide appreciable benefits in social development, but instead led to more underdevelopment. The policies of these two powerful institutions, however, had been prescribing to African countries such as Somalia (before the onset of civil war in 1991) succeeded only in creating high inflation, fiscal imbalance and chronic indebtedness. In the case of Somalia economic failure came before the collapse of the political superstructure, which predictably followed soon thereafter. The disastrous 1977-78 war with Ethiopia and the splintering of the opposition along clan lines were contributing factors. But at the macro level the country was being smothered by the consequences of a widely-held belief in many quarters within the Western circles that “they know what is best for developing countries”, and so they proceeded to dictate to these countries on how they should run their affairs, irrespective of what the empirical data may show. This is especially the case with regard to the Somalias of the world that may possess substantial natural resources within their territorial borders. In this context, Iraq and Sudan come to mind as the poster children for getting the short end of the stick (in what is clearly a creeping, neocolonial dispensation). On the political side, democracy and human rights are the tools of choice that are readily wielded against any leader of a ‘developing country’ who does not willingly become a supplicant and a lackey. Anyone who resists this direction will at best find a torrent of highly placed articles and news reports denouncing him/her as the worse human being that has ever lived; and, someone who makes Adolph Hitler look like a mere school yard bully. The infamous NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) are then let loose to do their multi-faceted dirty game, including siphoning the so-called foreign-aid moneys. From there they usually proceed to spreading half-truths and outright fabricated stories to discredit a target country’s leaders and governance. They then go on the national news of their respective, “donor” country with flimsy accusations; they publish phony articles; and, they make themselves available for high level interviews and briefings including to the US Congress to make the case that such and such government does not comport with “civilized behavior” and therefore it does not deserve to be in power in so and so country. During these staged events, they often beg US lawmakers and senior government officials “to do something about the situation for the sake of humanitarianism, before it is too late”, all the while seeming to shed crocodile tears to mask their own misdeeds and rampant corruption. In the meantime, no one bothers to call these decidedly “bad Samaritans” to account for fomenting the untold mischief that they create in the target countries. It is widely known by the people of these “developing” countries that the NGOs create fully or in part the very awful conditions, which they so decry in the glare of the mass media. As always, they are quick to justify their known corrupt practices such as creating their own mercenary forces, dealing with the criminal elements in the country, spreading unfounded, negative stories through a sophisticated network of highly efficient propaganda machines. Their standard answer to any query is: “We are doing all we can in order to deliver critical supplies to people made destitute by instability borne of government inaction or bad faith, or both”. Yet they expropriate much of the aid in question on broad daylight because they know that there would simply be no consequence for such malfeasance on their part. All these plus other forms of subterranean spy activities provide countless ‘body blows’, (as in a mismatched boxing event) against a sitting government and moderate religious institutions so as to make way for the final knock out with the arrival of foreign troops that are almost always waiting in the wings. If that does not work, then the country is left to stew in its own juices (ala Somalia after the “Black Hawk Down” incident) for a long while, until it is fully cooked and done to stick the knife in, without the anxiety of having to face serious repercussions. Or, so the scenario goes! The Missing Somali Solution The external interferences referenced above have found their respective marks in large measure because non-sectarian Somalis have abandoned politics so as not to succumb to factionalism. And, its none other than these ‘missing in action’ Somalis who can, with God’s help, save the Somali nation from becoming a poster child for the type of disaster that inevitably befalls those societies that neglect to reflect on their condition and take the long view of things. For such a passive approach would not only take stock of reality as it exists in today’s shrinking world, which is becoming more intertwined every day, but would fail to chart the way forward towards the realization of veritable progress in the future. Sure, political clanism (or more precisely neo-clansim) with the whole host of social ills attendant to its administration is an undeniable feature of today’s Somali polity—and, it remains the society’s pain to this day. Yet, all Somalis would confess that the present Berlin Wall-like, emotional barrier that clan-based politics has erected in recent years is by no means insurmountable. In this context, the current fixation with factionalism should be seen for what it is—a passing phase brought about by those wishing to take advantage of the young nation’s growing pains! For a clear-eyed perspective, consider all the intrinsic attributes that have continued to unite the Somali people since times immemorial versus what is dividing its communities today. And, one would realize how ephemeral clan politics ought to be viewed in the scheme of things. As people sharing a unique culture and heritage, religion and ethnicity, Somalis have been known in most of the nation’s modern history—going back perhaps 1,000 years or so—to have had transcended clan divisions, especially on crucial historical milestones. With right-acting leadership, Somalis from all clans had demonstrated time and again willingness to face great challenges in the defense of the common national interest and the dignity of all Somalis, as a race of people unified by no less than Devine Will. For example, during Imam Ahmed Gurey’s era in the 15th Century, CE, Somalis from various regions coalesced on the proposition of defending Somalinimo, and in so doing achieved much success against the ever so menacing attacks from the Abyssinians hordes. In parts of the Deep South, along the Juba valley, Somalis from many different clans have similarly been able to easily unite under the banner of Ajji during the 18th and 19th Centuries, CE to forge a common security regime. Virtually all Somali political movements of consequence, at the national level, prior to the collapse of the military regime, were organized across clan lines on the basis of the same cherished, if much bruised of late, identity of Somalinimo. It is this powerful, unique, Somalinimo identity that needs to be restored to its rightful, lofty perch within the society. Fundamentally, what gives Somalinimo impetus is its Islamic character of working in the service of a just cause such as defending the motherland and national identity. But it is also rooted in very important, if enigmatic, ways in the glorious legacy of the ancient Cushitic civilization that flourished for thousands of years in Northeast Africa as well as in far-flung regions of the Asian subcontinent continent, among other places. With this understanding, Somalis will have come to appreciate their place in the scheme of things in a world where the unawares are increasingly marked for the most insufferable forms of the exploitation that have been condemned by right-thinking people throughout the annals of human history. Conclusion Almost all nations, throughout history, have experienced some form of foreign meddling and/or interference in their internal affairs. Invasions, colonization, quests for imperialism and domination by the powerful over the weaker nations continue to be an unhappy legacy of human societies’ points of intersection. So there is no reason to expect Somalia to be an exception to that general rule. However, in the case of Somalia, the mitigating historical factors have lately gone missing from the equation. The national spirit that typically works to countervail threats from without seems to have all but given way to the predictable connivances of the ever so intrusive, external incursions. The result has been internal divisions of major proportions that today threaten to split the nation asunder, into mutually suspicious and perpetually hostile enclaves. During the colonial period, Europeans functionaries dubbed Somalis, “the Irish of Africa”. This is because Somalis had shown themselves to be fierce defenders of individual as well as collective honor, and national identity, unwilling to accept slight—keenness to express their opinions about almost any given subject, no matter who disagreed. However, given Somalis’ social unity and egalitarian ways, more analogous Europeans would have been the Germanic tribes before they were unified by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck (1862-90), while utilizing the practicality of realpoltik or the Italians prior to the Il Risorgimento or “Resurgence” of 1814-1861. To day, the differences, though superficial in social terms, have grown wide to chasms in the political arena. Thus to resuscitate the sagging national spirit, Somalis need to look inwards for the answers that had eluded the nation for nearly two decades. This requires conscientious Somalis to be mindful of external manipulations that exacerbate deplorable internal conditions. In the past it would not have been necessary to remind Somalis to be vigilant or to ditch the nasty habit of depending on foreigners for many things that could be accomplished within the society. There was willingness to try even if efforts fell shy of whatever task at hand at the time. The first and foremost task of the hour is political reconciliation. The factions need to make the decision to reconcile without setting preconditions or looking to foreign powerbrokers to manage their proceedings. Sure, the savage Ethiopian army does not belong in Somali soil but neither do the homicidal actions of the cadre of uncompromising, foreign-trained and directed militants who would justify cold-blooded murder on basis of a faulty theology. The current so-called government (or any “transitional rule” that may follow) should likewise realize that genuine reconciliation requires the widening of the political circle to accommodate all sectors of the society in a clear-cut manner. In the interest of true reconciliation, therefore, all parties should come to the negotiating table without distant patrons pulling their strings, from behind the scenes. In deed, it is high time that Somalis get serious about facing up to the challenge of solving country’s political problems without the usual distractions that inevitably come with the workings of self-interested foreign filter. The time for bold actions in the interest of the indispensible spirit of Somalinimo that is embedded in the nation’s time-honored moral fiber is now! Ali A. Fatah Amakhiri@aol.com

Xoghayaha Guud ee Isbaheysiga Dib u xoreynta garabkiisa Jabuuti Sheekh C/raxmaan Janaqow ayaa weerar kulul ku qaaday Xoogaga Alshabaab ee ka mid ah kuwa ka dagaalama Soomaaliya, isagoona ku eedeeyay inay wadaan falal lid ku ah shareecada Islaamka. Sheekh C/raxmaan Janaqow ayaa sheegay in Alshabaab aanay dooneyn in nabad ka dhalata Soomaaliya, isla markaana ay sii adkeeyaan joogitaanka Ciidamada Ethiopia, waxaana uu waxba kama jiraan ku tilmaamay eedeymo horay Isbaheysigooda garabka Jabuuti ay usoo jeediyeen Alshabaab, kaas oo Buug ay soo saareen ku sheegay inay ku kaceen falal diinta looga baxay. Isagoo ka hadlayay Masjid ku yaal agagaarka Hotelka Lafweyn ee ay degan yihiin Wafdiga Isbaheysiga Dib u xoreynta ayuu Muxaadaro uu ka jeediyay si kulul u cambaareeyay ujeedooyinka ay wataan Kooxda Alshabaab. Sheekh C/raxmaan Janaqow oo ahaa Kuxigeenkii koowaad ee Gudigii Fulinta Maxkamadaha Islaamka ayaa sabab uga dhigay bur burka ku yimid Maxkamadaha Kooxda Alshabaab, kadib markii uu sheegay inay ka go'een, isla markaana keli iska dhigeen. "Alshabaab cidii ra'yigooda diida way dilayaan, markaasee leeyihiin waa Cadawga ilaahey, aniga waxaan u heystaa inay nimankaas caadi aheyn oo dad cadaw ah ay ku dhex jiraan"ayuu yiri Sheekh C/raxmaan Janaqow oo intaa ku daray in aysan jirin cid ka baxsaneysa Alshabaab oo cid walba oo ra'yiga ku khilaafta ay dilayaan, isla markaana ay ku xukumayaan inay Murtad noqdeen sida uu hadalka u dhigay. Waxaa uu sidoo kale sheegay in Culimada dhex dhexaadinta waday ay eedeyn usoo jeediyeen, isla markaana ay khilaafeen, wuxuuna cadeeyay inay ku dhaqaaqeen tallaabooyin ay ku bur buriyeen Maamuladii dalka oo ay ku qabsadeen deegaano Maamulo horay u lahaa. "Hadii aan dhahno Ethiopianka ha baxaan Ma Murtad baa nahay, hadii hala wada hadlo aan dhahno ma Murtad baa nahay, marka Alshabaab intaas oo dhan wey diidan yahay, in dagaal la sii wado mooyee wax kale ma rabaan, waayo jiritaankooda ayaa dagaal ah, Nabad hadey timaada ma jiri doonaan"ayuu mar kale ku celiyay Sheekh Janaqow oo ah Mas'uulkii u horeeyay garabka Sheekh Shariif oo weerar kulul ku qaada Ururka Alshabaab. Ma jirto ilaa iyo hada jawaab ka timid Ururka Alshabaab oo ku aadan weerarkan afka ah ee uu ku qaaday Sheekhan xulufada la ah Sheekh Shariif, inkastoo horay Ururka Alshabaab eedeymo ugu soo jeediyeen, isla markaana Buug ka soo saaray Garabka Sheekh Shariif oo ay ku sheegeen inay ku kaceen wax ka baxsan Diinta islaamka.

Xildhibaan Maxamed Maxamuud Guuleed (Gacma Dheere) oo mar sii horeysay uu Madaxweynihii is casilay C/llaahi Yuusuf u magacaabay Ra'iisul Wasaare, ayaa ku dhawaaqay inuu u taagan yahay musharaxnimada xilka Madaxweynaha ee banaan. Gacma Dheere oo ku sugan Magaalada Qaahira ee Dalka Masar ayaa shir jaraa'id oo uu ku qabtay halkaas ka sheegay inuu u taagan yahay xilka Madaxweynenimada Soomaaliya, isagoona muujiyay sida uu doonayo xilkaas. Xildhibaanka ayaa sheegay inuu si weyn u rajeynayo inuu ku guuleysto xilka Madaxtinimada, isla markaana shacabka uu doonayo inuu dhibaatada ragaadiyay ka samata bixiyo, isagoo adeegsanaya waaya aragnimo iyo karti dheeraad ah. Mr Gacma Dheere ayaa sheegay in dhowaan uu safaro ku kala bixinayo dalalka deriska ah sida Ethiopia iyo Kenya, si uu taageero ugu helo ololahiisa doorashada xilka Madaxweynaha ee uu baneeyay C/llaahi Yuusuf. Dhowaan ayay aheyd markii uu iska casilay xilka Ra'iisul Wasaarenimada ee uu C/llaahi Yuusuf u magacaabay, kadib kolkii uu si sharci daro ah looga qaaday Ra'iisul Wasaare Nuur Cadde Gacma Dheere ayaa ka mid noqonaya Xildhibaano caan ah oo ka tirsan Baarlamaanka kuwaasoo ay ka mid yihiin Cali Maxamed Geedd iyo Maxamed Qanyare, oo dhowaantan shaaciyay inay u taagan yihiin musharaxnimada xilka Madaxweynenimada. Hooyga wararka Somaliyed www.Jowhar.com Jowharcom@hotmail.com Jowharcom@gmail.com

Democracy: Somali Style By Ali H. Abdulla Jan. 06, 2009 As we know Democracy is a form government in which power is held by people under a free electoral system. Essential ingredients of democracy are free and fair elections, freedom of political expression, freedom of speech and freedom of the press. Not all democracies are perfect and most are lacking in one or more of these basic tenets of democracy. In my opinion the success of a democratic system also depends on the level of education of the people. The existence of a vibrant middle class is essential for the success of the system if it is to transcend the problems most African countries attempting to practice democracy have faced. Kenya, a supposedly democratic system, almost descended into chaos when the opposition cried foul. After the dictatorial regime collapsed, Somalia lost its educated middle class after most of them elected to seek refugee status in the West and neighboring countries such as Kenya, Tanzania and Ethiopia. Despite the lack of an effective Middle class the two areas in Somalia that escaped chaos and mayhem, Puntland and Somaliland, has each experimented with some forms of Democracy with moderate successes. In the first Presidential election that followed the death of Egal, Dahir Rayale was elected in an election that many criticized as being rigged. Silanyo lost with a very narrow margin and had to accept the results under pressure from the elders in order to preserve the fragile existence of Somaliland which is largely based on a clan structure that is at best tenuous. The second presidential election will be held in the spring of the current year with one basic improvement, the introduction of voter registration which is supposed to fix the problems that surfaced in the first election. The system has been funded by European Donors. Two problems have already emerged: Many areas claimed by Somaliland in Sool and Sanaag have out rightly rejected the project and a number of lives were lost in the process when Somaliland attempted to use force to register voters in these areas. Another problem is the objection of some regions, such as Awda,l to the mechanism involved and the fishy results that started to emerge. For example Burao, a sparsely populated town registered 400,000 while Borame, a city with a vibrant settled farming community and exemplary institutions including universities and health facilities, registered 100,000. Complaints have already started to surface which can create problems down the road as an elder from Borame recently declared. In Puntland, a traditional approach has been adopted in which members of the parliament are appointed by their traditional leaders. The appointed parliamentarians then convene to elect a President and a Vice President. The system has many shortcomings. The parliamentarians can be bought easily by the highest bidder and the best candidate may never have a chance to win. However, it seems to me that, with the absence of an educated middle class, this approach can minimize post election disturbances such as the one that almost destroyed Kenya. It is a system that is based on local tradition and can work with some improvements. It can also progress eventually to a modern Democratic system. Somaliland by the way started with such a system that eventually evolved to the current system of one man one vote. The current administration in Puntland is characterized by corruption and incompetence. However, it stands a very good chance of being reelected to another disastrous term in office by buying votes since the current electoral system lacks the proper checks and balances.. If that happens, it would be the kiss of death for Puntland as we know it today. Obviously there is a need for change in Puntland. Some of the fresh faces running for the office of President include General Ilkajiir, a decorated war hero. His election will help solve many of the problems afflicting the region as a result of the mismanagement of the current team. These problems include piracy and insecurity. It will also bolster the stature of the so-called disputed regions of Sool and Sanaag and resoundingly end the dream of Somaliland to include these regions in its secessionist agenda. This will send a clear message to the International Community that Sool and Sanaag are part and parcel of Puntland and not the secessionist enclave. There is also a need to expand Puntland to include other regions such s Gal-Mudug and Galguduud. The election of a person from from Galgudud as the speaker of the Puntland Parliament is an encouraging development that can herald a new approach to rebuilding Somalia block by block. With the absence of an effective government in Somalia, Puntland can become the base for a more stable and democratic Somalia if the right leadership takes the helm. Hopefully the new Puntland Parliament will realize the importance of a change of guard in their region, a change that will herald an era of security, prosperity and progress. Ali H. Abdulla IT Consultant E-Mail:aliegeh@gmail.com This article raises some real questions which is better to put the future of somali communities in the hands of uneducated and highly combustible voting populace or in the hands of an electoral college that can prove extremely conservative and easily muniplatable?

Hey che were you expecting anything else? The man with the money The man with the patronage The man from the right clan won the election, as much as we would have liked men with certain agendas like Ilka-jiir or Nuradin to win, this was not an election but a selection

^^^ Well and good I personally know very little about this man so please enlighten me, the jist of most of the internet articles I had read before the election were either ignoring him as having no chance or ruing the day he might win election. No as much as what you said sounds nice please put up some concrete info on the man.

Mujahid if only you were president I could beleive that, with you at the helm there would be no laan to even speak of

No its more a matter of possibly.....

This article was written on the sixth of this month and is very pertinent Somalia: Puntland presidential hopefuls Many a man has thrown his hat into the ring for the coveted post of the presidency of Puntland State of Somalia. Of a dozen or so candidates on the platform, there are only a few who stand a chance. Such include A/llahi Ahmed ‘Ilkajiir’, Nuradin A Dirie, A/Rahman M. Farole, Saleban Isse, and Mohamud Muse Hirsi ‘Adde Muse’, the incumbent. Each brings a combination of sort to the table: some with the good, the bad while others with the ugly. No one candidate has shown the flair and flamboyance to be the leader of Puntland State thus far, and while some had demonstrated to possess what it takes to lead, others had fallen short barely going past their respective regions and immediate constituencies. Allow me to start with Farole, once the former minister of Finance under Presidents Hashi and Yusuf, and minister of Planning & International Cooperation under Adde. He is an educated politician, ambitious, yet with no scrupulous, and with only one thing on his agenda: winning at any cost. If his legacy is to be taken at face value, then Farole is by far the single most corrupt government official Puntland has seen so far. As the finance minister, Farole bankrupted the State setting off its deep descendent into fiscal and economic crises - that was before the dim-witted Adde arrived at the scene to clear its coffers. Not only that, but Farole was the only government minister to have dared to arm local clan militia in attacking the parliament while in session having failed to win vote of confidence. Not only did the militia attack the representatives in a closed session, which resulted in the deaths of a few of the attacking militia, but also attacked the presidential compound. When later questioned as to the rationale for such juvenile, volatile actions, as usual he categorically denied of any involvement. Thanks to the late Islam Mohamed, further bloodshed was averted, but the damage was done. Further, Farole took upon himself to not only go against the security institutions of the State violating the most basic rule of the land, but went on the airwaves, and anyone who cared to listen to him, denouncing Puntland and its leadership as a ‘mortuus’ with no future. “I have been working on a voluntary basis … and now there is no such thing as Puntland” he was then quoted to have said. He is believed to have caused more damage to Adde’s presidency than any including the pirates and the fall of Las Anod to the Hargeisa administration – the latter was primarily the handiwork of Ahmed Abdi Habsade, Puntland’s former Interior minister who went rogue, and successfully implemented his promise of dismantling Puntland having lost his ministerial post. He did not stop at that, far from it, he went back to Australia where he started a campaign of misinformation and sabotage. Much of the misinformation concerning oil & minerals exploration which mired Adde’s presidency are believed to have been Farole’s creations, and when not offering his ‘expert’ opinion on Puntland’s affairs, mind you to its detriment more often than not, Farole was using his website, Garowe Online ‘http://www.garoweonline.com’, created weeks after his departure and maintained by his son, to spread the tittle-tattle about Adde’s failures and mishaps – only God know there had been so many over the years. And continues Farole now his campaign to preside over Puntland’s affairs, and in so doing realising his scheme to get his hands on its coffers – a case of the immoral wanting to lead the Friday prayers, or a felon lobbying to be trusted with the family jewels. To clinch the presidency, Farole would require two-thirds (2/3) of the parliamentary votes, unfortunately he’ll be lucky to scuff one-third of that in the first round, let alone to pull through to the final lap. Thus far, Farole could only count on the votes of the Nugal representatives, 7 of them to be more precise, and would be lucky to scour perhaps 5 from other regions, possibly Sanaag though that appears highly unlikely at his juncture. Farole represents the worse in yesteryear Somali politics of which motto had been “if I cannot have it, no one else shall”. It is a zero-sum game which places personal gains above all else including that of the national interest, therefore A/Rahman Mohamed Farole does not qualify to serve any public office, let alone that of the Presidency at this critical time. And it is up to the newly-sworn representatives to make certain of that. Mohamud Muse Hirsi ‘Adde Muse’, the incumbent is not fit to be come close to any leadership role, let alone lead anything, for he is void of all possible traits to lead, dexterity to administer, or proficiency to govern. Retirement is the only thing he is fit for perhaps alternating his time between the snowy, chilly mountains of Canada and the hilly, course terrain of Bossaso, his favourite respite city – too bad he was not able to finish the Bander Qassim airport project, the only project with his signature with 6 million usd expenditure balance sheet hitherto, and nothing to show for, for that would have so much made his inter-continental trips that more expedient. In conservative estimations, altogether Adde spent more time abroad in and out foreign airports than he has in Puntland – go figure. A/llahi A. Jama ‘Ilkajiir’ is a former colonel, yet conveniently wields the title of a general with a background in accounting and economics. Unknown, yet he is seen by some as the most qualified candidate, yet lacks the charisma, the dynamics, and the will to galvanise the people while still billed as the main feature. While he does not acquire the steady hand and the seasoned political know-how of Mohamed A Hashi, does not demonstrate the gravitas, and coalition-building propensity of A/llahi Yusuf, he is no Adde either. He demonstrated the political leadership in Sanaag, but had not traveled further enough, and though he made a number of attempts to win over other regions, much has not materialized in that regard. Widely traveled through Sanaag more than any other candidate with his signature in some areas than not, Ilkajir neither visited Mudug, Sool nor Ayn at this late stage of the game, and does not seem to carry much support in those regions either. His game plan does not appear to include other regions outside Sanaag and Bari, but with that only under his belt, he will be unable to trot far off base. His luck will wholly depend upon whom the Parliament elects Speaker of the House in the next couple of days. If either Hashi or Dalmar, both former Speakers of the House, is elected, Ilkajir is out of contention, and there appear no chance of him persuading either not to throw their hats into the ring. A resident of New York, and a US citizen, he is said to be more interested in the Vice Presidential post than the Presidency, though regarded as the potential Speaker of the House – yet these is no change of the latter, for he is not a member of the parliament (MP), and only MPs could be elected as the Speaker of the House. Nuradin A Dirie, who hails from Mudug, is another candidate with possible chance of clinching the top post. Exuberant, charismatic, and shrewd in his dealings, Nuradin might lack the formal, political experience others like Farole and Adde pack in their resumes, yet exhibits the substance and the will to make a great leader. A resident of London, and a British citizen, Nuradin is said to have accumulated a great deal of support in Mudug and Bari with considerable followship in Sool, and Sanaag. Amongst the candidates, he represents the political future of Puntland, and has the best chance of winning, yet has a tough road ahead of him in convincing power brokers in the region that he is the chief contender. Extensively traveled abroad seeking the support of the Somalis in the Diaspora, Nuradin held more conference and meetings than any other candidate, and wields considerable support amongst the young, students in particular, while equally gaining the trust of traditional leaders and exciting religious leaders alike. With that under his belt, he stands the best chance so far. His campaign team is said to consist of political heavy-weights and seasoned politicians whose spinning is bound to win him votes, if not the Presidency itself, and possibly foes which might derail his future, political career. Saleban Isse is another bright, shrewd business man with the possibility of clinching the Presidency. What he lacks in political gravitas, he makes up for his entrepreneurial aptitude in running successful businesses in Somalia and elsewhere. With a large hospital in Buhodle under his belt, Saleban also runs a vibrant business in Ohio. Energetic, with a bit of temperament, Saleban has rallied the people of Sool, Sanaag & Ayn like no other candidate or leader in recent years. Trained as an Accountant, yet sports the title Dr., Saleban is debonair mercantile, is seen as the first serious contender from Ayn, and has a good standing with the people of Sool, Sanag & Ayn. If he can go past the notion that now is the turn of the people of SSC to lead Puntland, and does the required preparatory groundwork, then he stands to claim either the Presidency or the VP, though requires to secure enough votes beyond his immediate representatives of SSC, and moving into regions as Mudug, Bari and Sanag. A resident of Ohio, and a US citizen, Saleban lacks the organisation, reach, and the proletariat of Nuradin or Ilkajir. Not as barmy as Gaadaale, or as incompetently screwy as Adde, and more importantly he is no Farole, the linchpin of corrupt politicians. And then there is Adam Ise ‘Gaadaale’. Here is a man who hardly thinks about what he is saying, let alone doing. So full of himself, ‘Dr.’ Gaadaale as he likes to be known, would barter the State away if given the chance. No guiding principles, no credence, and no track record to speak of. Truth be told, the fact that he is Garowe now is beyond belief, for his arrival at Jabouti or Asmara is way overdue. Once an Imam of one of the Toronto mosques, Gaadaale was allegedly involved in embezzlement and community funds misappropriation – a felony, if found guilty, and he shall remain innocent until proven otherwise, would disqualify him to run for, or hold a public office. He is of the school of the Siyad era, where so long as your voice is heard, you will be taken as a serious contender with remarkable oratorical persona, but void of any substance and intelligence. He is in the same league as other blow-heart politicians like ‘Eng.’ Faisal A. Waraabe, ‘Dr.’ A/Qassim Salat Hassan, and ‘Sheek’ Sharif Sh. Ahmed: people who do not believe in what they say, yet could talk non-stop for days all the same --- I wonder if they ever listen to themselves, and reflect. The likes of Omar Farjac, Mohamed Abdinur, C/Gani Warsame Shancad, Cabdi H. Shuluco, and others have no chance, unless of course an upset of sort is to take place, of which doubtful I am. Mohamed A Ali gorayocawl@yahoo.com Source: wardheernews.com