saakay aroortii hore lagu arkay Albaabka hore ee Garoonka Diyaaradaha Muqdisho ee Aadan Cadde ugu yaraan ilaa 12-neef oo Geel ah oo ay xalay Ciidamada AMISOM ku shiish Barteen, iyadoo Xoolahaasi ay ahaayeen kuwo loogu talogalay in la gowraco, si kawaanada Muqdisho loogu iibiyo. Xoolhaan ay xasuuqeen Ciidamada AMISOM ayaa ahaa kuwo si aad ah u dhaqaalaysan, waxaana Geelaan lahaa Ganacsato Soomaaliyed, iyadoo Geelaasi ay yaaliin hareeraha garoonka Diyaaradaha Muqdisho, waxaana la dareemayaa in Geelaasi loo dilay si araxn daro ah. Geelan ayaa la sheegay in loo soo waday Suuqa loo yaqaano Suuqa Beerta ee Afisyooni oo ku yaala ee degmada Waaberi, halkaasi oo la doonaayay in lagu gowraco si loogu iibiyo suuqyada Hilibka ee magaalada Muqdisho. Ganacsatadii laheyd Geelaasi ayaa iyana sheegay iney geelooda uu mar kasta mari jiray habeen walba wax dhibaato ahna aan loo geysan jirin, islamarkaana ay la yaaban yihiin sababta keentay in xalay geelooda la laayo, waxayna sheegeen inay doonayaan in Magdhow laga siiyo qasaaraha soo gaaray ganacsatadaas. Ciidamada AMISOM ayaan ilaa iyo hadda ka hadlin dilka Xoolahaasi ay xalay dileen, waxayna arrintani cabsi gelinaysaa dadka Muqdisho xiliyada habeenkii inay maraan wadooyinka ay joogaan Ciidamada AMISOM, arrintaan ayaa dadka Muqdisho u fasiray siyaabo kala duwan iyadoo qaarkooda ay dadka dhaheen waxaa dhici karta inaskari Qamri cabsan uu laayay Geelaas iyo inay tahay mid soo wajahday cabsi, hase ahaatee lama oga jawaabta dhabta ah ee arrintaasi ka dambaysay.

Mogadishu 12 Setember 2009 Waagacusub Media. Xoogaga Ahlusuna Wal Jameeca ayaa la wareegay inta badan tuulooyinka gobolka Shabeeladda dhexe,waxaana loogu xoolo qalay Magaalada Ruu nirgood,oo ay kulan kula qaateen odayaasha dhaqanka. Xoogaga Ahlusuna Wal Jameeca oo wata gawaarida dagaalka ayaa odayaasha degaanka u sheegay inay ku socdaan Magaalada Jowhar oo ay hada maamulaan Khawaarijta la baxday Al-Shabaab.

^^^???? What is wrong with you?

Waxaa goor dhoweyd oo barqanimadii maanta ah soo dhamaaday aas heer Qaran ah oo loo sameeyey qaar ka mid ah naafadii xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed oo xalay ku geeriyooday madfac ku soo dhacay isbitaalka Martiini ee magaalada Muqdisho, iyadoo aaskaasina ay ka qeyb galeen mas’uulyiin sare oo ka tirsan Dowlada Somalia iyo dadweyne aaad u fara badan oo ka kala yimid degmooyinka magaalada Muqdisho. Meydadka curyaamiintan la aasay oo tiradoodu gaareysay illaa 9 ruux ayaa laga qaaday Isbitaalka Martiini iyadoo naxashyo kala duwan lagu sidoo, waxaana gawaari lagu gaarsiiyey qabuure ku yaala agagaarka dugsiga sare ee Booliska (iskoolo Bulusiyo) oo ku yaala degmada X/jajab ee gobolka Banaadir halkaasoo ugu dambeyntii lagu aasay dhamaantood, waxaana dadka ka qeyb galay aaska wejiyadooda ka muuqatay murugo iyo tiiraanyo aad u fara badan iyadoo qaarkoodna ay ilmadu ka qubaneysay. Taliyaha ciidanka Booliska Somaliyed Jen. Cabdi Xasan Cawaale Qeybdiid iyo guddoomiyaha gobolka Banaadir Maxamed Cismaan Cali Dhagaxtuur oo ka mid ahaa masuuliyiintii ka qeyb gashay aaskaasi ayaa goobta ka hadlay aaska ka dib waxaana Jen. Qeybdiid uu sheegay in maanta ay tahay maalin madow oo nasiib daro ah lana aasayo qaar ka mid a curyaamiintii XDS ee u soo naafoobay difaaca dalka diinta iyo dalka Soomaliyeed, isagoo ku eedeeyey iney sidaa u galeen kuwo uu ku sifeeyey inaaney garaneynin qiimaha ay leedahay nafta bani aadamka, isagoo tacsi u diray dadkii ku dhintay masiibadaas. Sidoo kale waxaa halkaasi ka hadlay Maxamed Cismaan Cali Dhagaxtuur guddoomiyaha gobolka Banaadir oo sheegay in baroordiiq 3 cisho ah ay sameyn doonaan dadkaasi geeriyooday ayna fasaxeen shaqaalihii Dowladda hoose, isagoo shacabka Soomaaliyed ugu baaqay iney gurmad u fidiyaan dadkii dhaawacmay iyo qoysaskii ay ka tageen kuwa geeriyooday ee xalay madfacu uu kula dhacay Isbitaalka Martiini xili ay saf ugu jireen afur sadaqo ah oo halkaasi loogu sameynayey.

My cousin, Mr. President, let go with dignity Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin At the outset I should congratulate you on a work well done. Your overall performance is highly commendable, given to the difficult circumstances prevailing in the region and the insurmountable challenges you face at home. The fact that you have maintained the peace and stability of such an impoverished, unrecognized and tribal house of cards over seven years is nothing short of a miracle. You did this through your renowned patience, your tolerance and your proverbial choice of prayer over power even when your life was at stake. It is not my intention here Mr. President to enumerate your achievements nor pinpoint your failures, but I have no doubt that history and people will remember you with kindness and appreciation. It is the ending, however, like anything else in life that lingers in memory. This is why I would like to urge you today Mr. President to quit. I know this is not an easy thing to do and I am sure the knee jerk reaction of your inner circle to my advice will be an outright anger and a total dismissal. They may not even bother to read this piece to assess my reasoning. Only the title will suffice for them to negate me and consider me as a newcomer trying to jump on the bandwagon of the Rayale bashing brigade. Mr. President, it was not easy for me as well to write this piece. It is only after a long deliberation that I concluded as Martin Luther King Jr. said that “in the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.” So I decided not to watch you in silence while you teeter on the edge of a steep and resounding downfall but to raise a friendly voice and warn you about the dangers I see from my vantage point of being an outside observer able to see the cracks on the wall. The cracks are wide and deep Mr. President for every observer to see. The signs of the imminent collapse of the house of cards are everyone. I know you cannot see them Mr. President because your inner circle advisory have built a fortified wall around you; a wall that hides you from seeing the political reality of the country but cannot definitely protect you from the oncoming deluge. And when that moment comes, when the fake levees break, all your inner circle advisers will disappear and you will be all alone to face the flood. Mr. President, history is replete with examples. I don’t want to give you examples, but you are heading on the road to infamy; the road taken by many unfortunate kings and leaders who were blinded by the false walls built around them by their kitchen cabinet members. It is not easy to hear the rumblings and commotion outside when all you hear and see is what happens in the four walls of your palace when all the reports and stories that reach your desk tell you that everything is fine and that people still glorify you. Mr. President, I am sure you think you know everything and nothing I say would be of any value to you. But one thing that you may not be aware of is that you have been on the chair too long. The fuss, however, is not all about the chair Mr. President; it is about being the custodian of the only source of income. Seven years are not a big deal if your country was wealthy, if the majority of citizens had jobs and if the government was only one of several sources of income. The problem here as in many other less developed countries is that the government is the only source of income. And this is why the hungry public can be easily incited by equally hungry opposition politicians to rise against the gatekeepers of the state treasury. It does not matter if the treasury is empty, what matters is that the State’s begging bowl should be passed around. This is why seven years is too long for the begging bowl to remain with one person or one group. This is the source of all wars in Africa as I have expressed it a long time ago in a poem I addressed to my son while he was still in the womb “dhawrtay isku laayeen tolkay dhiigna loo qubaye, waxa dhagarta loo galay anaan dhiilka lay shubine...” Mr. President, I urge you to quit not because I see the opposition figures as better leaders and definitely not because you would not be able to defeat them in a national election. I am calling you to quit because I want you to expose the opposition leaders and deny them the only cause they have for plunging the country into a chaos and civil war. You have invested a lot of energy and time to prevent the house of cards from falling apart. It was never an easy task, but with your sagacity and patience you have managed to hold the cards together despite the forces that were trying to pull them apart. It is therefore your interest Mr. President to see that status outlive you and pass it on while the house still stands despite the damages it sustained through the years. And the only feasible way you can do that is to call it a day. You can do this with finesse in a televised speech to the nation. You can explain your reasons for quitting with all clarity and transparency. It will be your greatest legacy. It will be a speech worth listening to and I promise you it will go down in memory as one of the greatest moments of the history of Somaliland. Anyone who comes after you would then be just an irrelevant appendage. I say this not because I want to slight the importance of the opposition but because I see all they care about is how to reach the chair. Instead of building their political careers on smart political agendas and well planned national strategies, they hung their political destiny on one single objective – to dethrone you. They have shown that they can unscrupulously stoop too low, even to the point of appealing to tribal sentiments and inciting civil war to see you go. They use the conventional explosive tools of tribalism, poverty and ignorance to convey their message. Unfortunately, Mr. President, this kind of acrimonious message is making inroads to the hearts and minds of the hungry nation. And there is one way you can reverse the tide, one way you can pull the rug out from under the opposition’s feet. It is simply to quit. If you want to bring change, you can bring it by letting it go. If you want to see in retrospect how good or bad you did during your term there is no better way than to quit, let others take the reins and watch their performance from afar. Sometimes Mr. President we must let go our beloved children to allow them to forge their own way. Somaliland has been your child for seven long years, it may be time for you to let go to see whether you were a help or hindrance to its growth and development; or as the anonymous saying goes “Sometimes you have to let go to see if there was anything worth holding on to.” So let go Mr. President, let go to show the world that Somaliland is not just another African country with a leader unwilling to pass the power. Bashir Goth Email: bsogoth@yahoo.com

Sabti, 12 September 2009 (HOL): 3 qof ayaa dhintay, tiro kale oo aan ilaa hadda la sugin-na waxa soo gaadhay dhaawac, ka dib markii Ciidamada Boolisku Rasaas u adeegsadeen Dadweyne maanta ka mudaharaaday tallaabo ay Xukuumaddu mar kale isu-hortaagtay in Xildhibaannadu galaan Golaha Baarlamaanka oo maalmihii u dambeeyay xidhnaa. Jidadka Magaalada ayaa maanta xidhnaa, isla markaana waxa lagu gubay Taayirro, waxaana lagu gooyay Dhagxaan. Ciidamada Booliska ayaa Rasaas nool iyo Gaasta dadka ka ilmaysiisa u adeegsaday Dadweynaha maanta Mudaharaadayay. Taasina waxay keentay inay Dadweynuhu ka gadoodaan, isla markaana ay gubaan Gaadhi ay leedahay Dawladdu. Wararka laga helayo goobaha Cusbatallada ee Magaalada Hargeysa oo la geeyay dhaawaca iyo Dhimashada dadka Mudaharaadayay, ayaa sheegay in saddex qof ay dhinteen, isla markaana dhaawacu 6 kor u dhaafay. Hase ahaatee, noomay suurtogelin in aanu tagno goobaha Cusbatallada, Xaaladda Magaalada oo aad u qasnayd maanta iyo Ciidamada Booliska oo xidhay Jidadka tega Cusbatalka guud iyo kuwa gaarka ah, isla markaana Rasaas adeegsanayay. Waxaan la hubin tirada dadka la xidh-xidhay oo ay ku jiraan Suxufiyiin ka hawl-gala Warbaahinta Madaxa banaan. Dhinacyada Siyaasadda Somaliland ayaa la filayaa inay saacadaha soo socda ka hadlaan dhacdadan maanta ee Hargeysa. mar aaanu wax ka waydiinay Guddoomiyaha KULMIYE Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) iyo Guddoomiyaha Guurtida Saleebaan Maxamuud Aadan, ayaa waxay ka gaabsadeen in ay ka hadlaan. Madaxweyne Rayaale ayaa la sheegay in uu xalay ka noqday go’aan uu shalay ku ogolaaday in maanta la furo Golaha, taas oo keentay inay dhacaan Mudaharaadyadan dhimashada keenay.

Oracle skills.....he can see in to the future miyaa? And you do know what the camel corps was right?

The United States sent RPGs, machine guns, mortars, and -- in the words of one U.S. official -- "cash in a brown paper bag" to Somalia last spring. Foreign Policy reports on how the shipments took place, and who's not happy about it. Late in May, as violence consumed the streets of the infamously violent capital city of Mogadishu, Somalia, packages of ammunition, weapons, and cash began arriving from the United States as part of an attempt to help the country's flailing Transitional Federal Government (TFG) stave off collapse. At the time, the Somali government was literally about to fail, reportedly controlling no more than a neighborhood in Mogadishu thanks to a fresh assault by two Islamist insurgent groups: al-Shabab and Hizbul Islam. The contents of those shipments, not previously reported, included 19 tons of ammunition, 48 rifle-propelled grenades, 36 PKM machine guns (a model of the Russian-made Kalashnikov), 12 DShK machine guns (Russian-made heavy artillery weapons), and 10 mortars (the firing apparatus for shells). The shipment was detailed in a letter from a U.S. official to the U.N. Security Council committee set up to oversee the 17-year-old arms embargo on Somalia. The U.S. official, Alejandro D. Wolff, deputy permanent U.S. representative to the United Nations, requested an exemption to the embargo, which was put in place in 1992 at the onset of civil conflict. In a second letter to the Security Council, Wolff explained that $2 million was also being sent to the Somali government "for the immediate procurement of equipment (weapons and ammunition) and logistics support (food, fuel, water, engineering services)." All told, a State Department official admitted at a June 26 news briefing that it shipped "in the neighborhood of 40 tons worth of arms and munitions" to Somalia. "We have also asked the two units that are there, particularly the Ugandans, to provide weapons to the TFG, and we have backfilled the Ugandans for what they have provided to the TFG government," the official told journalists. The cost was "under $10 million." A different State Department official working on Somalia counterterrorism policy told Foreign Policy that of the total amount, the bulk was spent on ammunition, while the air freight bill was $900,000 and $1.25 million was "cash in a brown paper bag." The letters from Wolff explain that the cash was to be transferred to Nairobi, Kenya, and then moved by air to Mogadishu. The money was intended to be spent locally to buy arms, ammunition, and other supplies. (In recent years, AK-47s have sold on the streets of Mogadishu for anywhere from $100 to $600, depending on how heavy the fighting is at the time.) Meanwhile, ammunition was to be shipped to Somalia's capital by air from Entebbe, Uganda. The transfer of the weapons is not described in the letters. However, a regional analyst, who was not authorized to speak on behalf of his affiliation, told FP that the shipments have been arriving in installments, doled out by the African Union peacekeepers who are guarding the Mogadishu airport. The arms transfer was among the new U.S. administration's first moves toward Somalia, a country that many see as a test case for President Barack Obama's counterterrorism policy. The country has been in a state of war for nearly two decades, displacing a quarter of the country's population, with half a million refugees scattered across the region and another 1.5 million displaced internally within Somalia. But in recent months, the East African country has become a growing concern for U.S. officials as local groups, most notably an Islamist faction named al-Shabab -- some of whose leaders are thought to have been trained by al Qaeda -- have expanded their control of the country. At the time the arms were sent, the Transitional Federal Government was under a withering assault. "Somalia is in crisis," Johnnie Carson, assistant secretary of state for African affairs, told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on May 20, just days before the United States alerted the Security Council of its plan to send arms. "In the past two weeks, violent extremists, including al-Shabab and a loose coalition of forces under the banner of Hizbul al-Islam, have been attacking TFG forces and other moderates in Mogadishu in an attempt to forcefully overthrow the transitional government." According to experts on the region, the policy's intent was both symbolic and tactical. "The symbolic [aspect] is a way of sending a message to Somalis that the United States is going to stand behind the TFG -- that the United States will not allow it to fail and sees it as the only viable solution," said Ken Menkhaus, a leading Somalia analyst, in an interview. Tactically, the intent was straightforward: to help the TFG fight back against its heavily armed opponents. But there have been concerns about just how effective the arms shipments have been. On Aug. 11, Garowe, a Somali radio station and online news outlet, reported that arms transferred to the Somali government were being sold on the street. "When the U.S. made the decision in May, the Transitional Federal Government seemed to be hanging on by a thread. Initially, the declaration of support probably did have something to do with the TFG hanging on and pulling together," the regional analyst told FP. "We didn't see many leakages of weapons [at first] because they were too busy fighting. But what's happened is that the consequences of that decision are still being felt. It now seems that the TFG forces have reached their capacity and can't absorb much more in terms of arms and ammunition, so we're starting to see and hear reports of leakages." To many observers, this seemed all too predictable. The small-arms trade has flourished for the 18 years that Somalia has been in conflict, with weapons proliferating dramatically despite the arms embargo. One of the most frequent channels has been through desertions; 14,000 of the TFG's 17,000 forces deserted last year, many with their guns and uniforms. Today, desertions are less common thanks to a new, more popular president, according to the regional analyst. But he estimates that government forces, including police, only number about 5,000 -- and that's just on paper. In practice, the TFG forces are less a uniform force than a series of militias that operate independently, loyal to one government official or another. "When weapons are allocated to militias who are paid irregularly or not at all, a certain percentage will sell on the open market," Menkhaus explained. "This is a common practice throughout the entire Horn of Africa." Regardless of whose hands the weapons are ultimately in, other analysts question the wisdom of sending more small arms to a country that is already all too rife with gunfire. The most recent report of the U.N. monitoring group for Somalia, published last December, includes an entire section naming the "unintended consequences of support to the security sector." Among the concerns are the use of "heavy machine guns and rocket-propelled grenade launchers" by TFG police in an urban setting (where casualties are likely to be high). The report also details how captured TFG weapons, equipment, uniforms, and vehicles were "an important source of supply for armed opposition groups." The policy also raises questions about the broader U.S. stance toward Somalia. The State Department official working on Somalia counterterrorism policy told FP that "every element of the U.S. government seems to have its own piece of the Somalia plan." There was no formal policy, he said, because of a disagreement about whether and how to support the Transitional Federal Government. "The Department of Defense thought they were just out of their minds [to send the arms shipment]," he said. "But since it was State's money, the plan went through." (Queried about this claim, Defense Department spokeswoman Almarah Belk responded via e-mail, "Policy toward Somalia is coordinated via the NSC [National Security Council]. DoD [Department of Defense] agrees and supports the DOS [Department of State] security assistance to the TFG.") There is also some question as to how popular the shipment was within the State Department itself. The State Department official told FP that there was no support and even active opposition to the plan among his colleagues. When a reporter at the June 26 briefing insinuated that the decision "was made at the highest level," the briefing official replied that the policy was a "national decision" agreed upon by "the secretary and the NSC," meaning Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and the National Security Council. During her visit to Africa last month, Clinton vowed to "continue to provide equipment and training to the TFG as well as humanitarian assistance to the Somali people," and wire service Agence France-Presse reported that the United States had plans to double its arms support from 40 tons to 80. (The doubling of arms support could not be confirmed as the State Department did not respond to queries a week after FP's first request.) Nonetheless, some analysts who spoke to FP see a positive opening emerging in the war-wracked country. Somalia's new president, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, who was inaugurated this spring, has garnered greater popular support for the Transitional Federal Government than at any time in the last two decades. And unlike the more than a dozen previously attempted government coalitions during that period, Sharif's is the first not to be actively opposed by any of Somalia's many clans. Al-Shabab, too, is losing popularity, some say. "Somalia now has at least the start of a government that is broadly representative of the Somali clan and societal landscape," Carson said in his Senate testimony in May. "These are all significant steps forward for Somalia." Source: Foreign Policy, Sept 10, 2009

imco, September 11, 2009(HOL): Labadii toddobaad ee la soo dhaafay Dekedda caalamiga ah ee Muqdisho waxaa ka socday howl aad u ballaaran oo ay waday Shirkadda Alpha Logistics Shipping, iyadoo inta badan howlahaasi ay ka waday gudaha marsada Dekedda oo ah halka ay ku soo xirtaan Maraakiibta. Inkasta oo mudada ay socotay howsha marsada Dekedda, haddana waxaa si caadi ah u socday howlaha u heyso Qaranka Soomaaliyeed iyadoo si caadi ah ay uga soo degayeen badeecadaha kala duwan ee dalka uga yimaada dalalka dibadda, waxayna Shirkadda Alpha Logistic Shippin maalinba maalinta ka dambeysa sii kordhineysay howlaheeda kala duwan oo ay ku hagaajineyso marsada. Baaxadda Marsada dekedda caalamiga ah ee Muqdisho oo aad u weyn ayna ku soo xiran karaan mar kaliya ku dhowaad toban Markab oo kuwa waaweyn ah, hase yeeshee ma helin wax dayactir ah tan iyo markii la riday Dowladdii Maxamed Siyaad maamuladii ka horeeyay Dowladda Federaalka marna iskuma dayin inay dayactiraan iska marsadee xafiisyada dekedda, waana nasiib wanaag in dadaal fara badan oo uu sameeyay Eng. Cabdi Jiinow oo ah Maareeyaha Dekedda, isla markaana ku bixiyay dadaal dheeri ah sidii dib loogu dayactiri lahaa, taasi ayayna ku timid in shirkadda Alpha Logistics Shipping dhabarka u ridato inay Dekedda sideedii hore ku soo celiso. Khubarrada shirkadda Alpha Logistics oo iyagu ka soo shaqeeyay dekedo ku yaala caalamka, waxaa iyagoo adeegsanaya qalab casri ah oo lagu arkayo waxa dhex yaala gunta hoose ee biyaha badda, ay horaantii toddobaadkii hore waxay soo saareen Bir aad u weyn oo lagu magacaabo Ramp, taasi oo ka jabtay markab horay ugu soo xirtay dekedda. Birtan weyn ee loo yaqaan Ramp ballaceeduna yahay in ku dhow 5-Mitir oo isku wareeg ah, taasi oo aad u cusleyd ayaa soo bixisteeda waxay khubarada ku qaadatay muddo laba maalmood ah, waxaana weli socota howl ciidda looga saarayo meeshii ay ku jabtay Rampada. Sahankii ugu horeeyay ee ay shirkadda Alpha Logistics Shipping ku sameysay Dekedda iyo hareeraheeda, ayaa soo sheegay in laba Taag ay ku jiraan gudaha marsada iyo Ankorka dekedda, waxayna howshii ugu horeysay ka bilowday midkii ku jiray Dekedda bannaankeeda, waxaana meeshii Taagga laga soo bixiyay laga dhayay dhaawicii uu u geystay gunta hoose ee biyaha sida ciid iyo wasaq fara badan oo Taaga ku soo ururay oo iyana laga bixiyay halkaasi. Howlgalkaasi lagu soo bixiyay Taagga ku burburay dekedda bannaankeeda, waxaa ku xigay howlgal kale oo Booyad dhererkeedu gaarayo ilaa 4-Mitir ah looga soo bixiyay halka ay Maraakiibta iyo doomaha ka soo galaan marsada Dekedda, waxayna booyadaasi markeedii hore caqabad ku ahayd Maraakiibta iyo Doomaha ku soo xiranaya marsada, iyadoo Bayloodyada had iyo goor ay dhibaato ku qabeen soo gelinta marsadda dekedda Maraakiibta iyo doomaha, hase yeeshee xilligan la joogo caqabadaasi meesha way ka baxday kaddib dadaal wadaniyadeed aan hagar lahayn oo ay sameysay Shirkadda Alpha Logistics Shipping. Mar aan xog-wareysi kooban kala yeeshay mid ka mid ah Injineerada Shirkadda Alpha Logistics ayaa ii sheegay inay howlahooda si caadi ah u socdaan, hase yeeshee howsha ay ka wadaan marsadda dekedda ay tahay mid u baahan inaan marnaba laga caajisin, isagoona ii sheegay in yoolkooda ugu weyni uu yahay sidii ay dib ugu soo celin lahaayeen ayna uga dhigi lahaayeen sideedii hore oo kale. Shirkadda Alpha Logistics Shipping waa shirkad caalami ah oo horay uga soo shaqeysay dalalka caalamka qaarkood, waxaana maamula Injineero iyo khubarro ku xeel-dheeraaday dhinacyada Badda, Dekedaha iyo Maraakiibta, kuwaasi oo isugu jira Soomaali iyo ajnabi. Howlaha lagu dayactirayo marsada Dekedda loogana saarayo burburka biraha iyo qashinka dhex yaala gunta hoose ee marsada waxaa barbar socota dayactir dhaawacyada gaaray cirifka marsada ee u dhow jambiga ay maraakiibta ku xirtaan, waxaana howshaasi oo ku socota dardar durba wax weyn ka bedeshay habsami u socodka howlaha Dekedda.

http://images.newsta tesman.com/articles/ 2009/1050/20090902_3 509keynes_w.jpg M Keynes understood better than most that the self-regulating market economy is a dangerous fiction. Has the crash of 2008 vindicated him? The crash of 2008 shattered intellectual assumptions as well as financial institutions. Rational expectations theory and some of its spin-offs - such as the efficient markets hypothesis, which suggests that markets are able to calculate and price all risks - did not fare well. The financial meltdown did not belong to its universe. The crash brought a reminder of the volatility and fragility of capitalist economies, and an end to hopes that booms no longer culminated in busts. For a few days in September 2008, the financial authorities faced the possibility of a complete breakdown of the banking system and the onset of a new Great Depression. This was averted, but only narrowly, and with consequences whose full effects will unfold over the next few years. The economic situation has been stabilised and growth has begun to revive, but the economic outlook remains uncertain, and full recovery is likely to be long and painful. This sudden eruption of economic and political uncertainty has made Keynes popular once more. We are all Keynesians again, it seems. He may no longer be taught on economics courses, and many economics students may not even know who he is, but in the wider political culture he is still a potent memory. He has been credited with rescuing capitalism once before, so it is not surprising that he should be back on the front page of Time, and spoken of approvingly even in the Wall Street Journal and the Economist. Keynes developed his economic theories in response to the 1930s slump and was not short of ideas about what governments should do. A barbed comment at the time was that if there were five economists in a room, there would be six conflicting opinions, and two of them would be held by Keynes. But at least he had opinions. There has been much unfavourable comment on how little the contemporary economics profession has had to say about this new crisis. The events of the real economy have long since ceased to interest most economists. There are some exceptions, such as Paul Krugman and Joseph Stiglitz, but most of the perceptive writing on the crisis has come from financial journalists and historians. Keynes is back, but does he really have anything to tell us about the present crisis? Robert Skidelsky and Peter Clarke, authors of important studies of Keynes, think he does. A few years ago, neither could have foreseen that there would be renewed demand for books on Keynes, who was beginning to seem very distant from current concerns. Last September changed all that. Keynes's stock has risen as fast as the markets have fallen. Their two books are rather different. Skidelsky has written a wide-ranging account of Keynes and Keynesianism in the context of development of policy and economics; Clarke focuses more on analysing how Keynes constructed his main arguments in the 1920s and 1930s. Both books are excellent in bringing out what was distinctive about Keynes's approach to economics and policy. Take, for instance, his insight that deep slumps are always possible in an economy in which the state plays a passive role and leaves the market to regulate itself. Instability is an intrinsic feature of capitalism, and it makes economic agents fearful of the future and disinclined to take risks. The greater the role of finance in the modern economy, the more unstable the economy is likely to be, and a key role of the state is, therefore, to find ways to build trust by creating greater stability. Keynes did not advocate a single policy valid for all times and all circumstances, such as deficit financing. Given the uncertainty inherent in economic affairs, governments had always to be prepared to experiment to find the best ways to stabilise the economy in the circumstances that they faced. They had to avoid the kind of inflexible principles that ruled out sensible experiments. Clarke reproduces a Treasurycopy of the 1929 pamphlet that Keynes co-wrote with Lloyd George, Hubert Henderson and Seebohm Rowntree, We Can Conquer Unemployment. Scrawled over the cover by some unknown Treasury official are the words "Extravagance", "Inflation" and "Bankruptcy". For Skidelsky, the crash vindicates Keynes. He argues that the root cause of the present crisis is the intellectual failure of economics, and he develops a powerful polemic against it as a discipline. This represents a paradox for those who admire Keynes, as both Skidelsky and Clarke so evidently do. Clarke calls him the greatest economist of the 20th century; for Skidelsky he is simply the "Master". Yet in the end they acknowledge that, despite his brilliance, he did not change economics. The Keynesian Revolution was not a Copernican moment. After an interval, the orthodoxies reasserted themselves in new form, Keynes was forgotten and his main insights, particularly the emphasis on uncertainty, were discarded. Even the New Keynesians, Skidelsky argues, have accepted the same theoretical assumptions as the new classical economists of the Chicago School. Economics has become barren as a result, obsessed with mathematical modelling and increasingly divorced from any real understanding of the modern world, the conflation of risk and uncertainty imparting to its analyses a spurious precision. Its models were adopted by financial institutions in order to estimate risk, with catastrophic consequences. Skidelsky comforts himself with the thought that the ideas which survive are those that answer to what is universal in human nature and experience, and not just to the interests of particular groups. However, he is not confident that the crash will shake the confidence of economists in their models. He puts forward ideas for a much broader future economics syllabus in universities, but there is little prospect they will be adopted.Economics is too entrenched as a practical and intellectual discourse for that to happen. Neoliberalism has been partly discredited, but there is no alternative paradigm as yet and no new Keynes to propose one. In both Britain and the United States, there is a strong urge to close ranks after the crash, and to limit change as far as possible. Keynes still has some convincing to do. There is a deeper point here, one brought out very well by Clarke. He examines how Keynes was able to exert influence over his contemporaries and achieve (like Winston Churchill) an authority during the Second World War and its aftermath that had eluded him up to then. Earlier, Keynes had been regarded as clever but was also widely distrusted. For example, in 1930, at the Macmillan committee, there was a critical exchange between Keynes and one of the senior Treasury civil servants, Richard Hopkins. Hopkins's main objection to Keynes was that he was excessively prone to thinking theoretically, deriving policy from abstract theory, rather than thinking politically and deriving policy from genuine practical reasoning that took account of all the relevant circumstances. Many of Keynes's fellow economists, particularly Joseph Schumpeter and Friedrich Hayek, considered him the ultimate pragmatist, always ready to sacrifice theory to practical concerns. However, to those actually immersed in practical concerns, like Hopkins, Keynes was still too abstract, and this often made his judgement of practical realities unreliable. For all his devotion to practice, he still hoped to provide a rational set of principles on which policy could be based. He came closer to it than anyone else, perhaps, but ultimately he failed. After his death, Keynesianism as a policy degenerated into a new orthodoxy that would eventually founder in the stagflation of the 1970s. Economics as a discipline moved away from Keynes's General Theory and his bold concept of uncertainty, renewing its pursuit of abstract theory and mathematical models and purging itself of contact with the real world. The political ascendancy of neoliberalism in the 1980s re-established belief in the capitalist economy as a self-balancing mechanism, which produces best results when a state limited in scale and scope upholds the institutions of the market order. Keynes, on the other hand, had argued that the state must intervene to promote stability and social justice if capitalism was to be at all tolerable. Both of these books are very valuable for reminding us of Keynes's towering contribution as a political economist, the breadth of his interests and the subtlety of his thought. But the political conditions for a real return of Keynes still seem quite distant. Keynes: the Return of the Master Robert Skidelsky Allen Lane, 214pp, £20 Keynes: the 20th Century's Most Influential Economist Peter Clarke Bloomsbury, 211pp, £16.99 Andrew Gamble is professor of politics at the University of Cambridge. His latest book is “The Spectre at the Feast: Capitalist Crisis and the Politics of Recession" (Palgrave Macmillan, £14.99 paperback)

Ceelgaras, Nov, 30, 2008 (COL) Waxaa farxad weyn inoo ah in aan halkaan ugu soo gudbino dhammaan bahweynta Dooxa ee dalka iyo dibadiisaba ku dhaqan ee ka qeyb qaatay horumarka deegaankooda, gaar ahaan dhismaha isbitaalka weyn ee Siyaad Dheryo-Dhoob sawiradii ugu dambeeyay oo muujinaya dhammaadka Qeybta Guud ee isbitaalka. In kastoo aysan tani la macno ahayn in uu dhammaaday dhammaan dhismihii isbitaalka, haddana waxa ay tusaaleyneysaa in aysan ummadi u baahneyn in ay tujaar wada ahaato oo dad yar oo dan yar ah oo isu tagay ay wax weyn qaban karaan ama ay is bedel weyn sameyn karaan. "Waxaa Eebe noo fududeeyay in aan dhinac iska marino qeybtii ugu weyneyd isbitaalka" ayuu yiri mas'uulka dhismaha isbitaalka Maxame C. Iidow. "Waxaanse rajeyneynaa in aan iyana xooga saarno qeybaha inoo haray walow ay howsheennu ku xiran tahay dhaqaalaha inasoo gaara." Guriga labaad ee ah Qeybta Hooyada iyo Dhallaanka oo iyana lagu wado dhisme ayaa ku dhow ****ol-saarkii. Kadibna sidii qeybtii hore oo kale ayay in muddo ah qaadan doontaa in la dhameystiro. Mar uu Guuddoomiyaha Hay'adda Samafalka Dooxa Bashiir Ilkaweyne nala xiriiray ayaa waxa uu inoo sheegay in qeybta Hooyada iyo Dhallaanka loo qabo baahi weyn. Dumarka iyo carruurtuna ay yihiin kuwo u nugul dhibaatada caafimaad ee ka jirta deegaanka.

September 08, 2009 (QOL) Caalamkan aan ku noolnahay hadii aad u kuur gasho ayaad ka dheehan kartaa in ay aad u kala duwan yahay dhulkiisu waayo dhulbaa amoos ah oo abaar iyo jilaal daran kajiraa duunyada iyo dadka ku noolna haraad iyo gaajo la il daran yihiin sidaa daraadeedna aan geed cagaaran laheyn halka dhul kale ama qeyb kale oo ku dhaw dhulkaa abaarta ah aad ku arkeeysid Ubax kala nooc ah aadna u udgoon badan indhuhana doogsigooda aysan marnaba ka caajisin isla markaana barwaaqada taal dartii dhulkaa ayaa Onkodku iyo Hilaaca roobka iftiinkiisa meel walba laga dheehan karaa uumiyaha kunoolna nimco iyo baraare gadi cad ugu seexdaan. hadaba hadaan dib u milicsano mowduuca qormada oo ah Qab qablihii hore iyo kan maanta maxey iska shabahaan maxeyse ku kala duwan yihiin taa oo jawaabteeda qof walba oo wadaninimo kujirto durbadiiba la soo boodaayo waa kuwa dilay habel iyo hebel isla markaana dhacay agoontii ilma heblaayo sidaa daraadeed wali ma is weydiisay kuwii dadka leyn jiray ee ka talin jiray koonfurta Soomaaliya sanadihii sagaashamaadkii ilaa 2006dii aaway halkee ka baxeen yaase badalay qab qablihii hore maxuu qaban jiray haduu saaxada dagaalka kabaxay aaway cududiisii ciidan ee masaakiinta ku gumaadi jiray kan hada joogana muxuu hada qabtaa yaase ciidan u ah intaa oo su’aal qof walba haduu is weydiiyo si sahlan oo aan daah ka saarneen ayuu ku heli karaa jawaabteeda. 1. Qabqablihi hore dadka waxa uu u leyn jiray ama u dhici jiray waa reer hebel iyo waa looma ooyaan laakin hada waxaa soo baxay qab qablayaal kadawan ayaga oo dadka u laaya waa murtad sidaa ay tahayna aan la ogeyn meesha oo dhibanaha diinta islaamka uga baxay. 2. Qab-qablihii hore waxa uu isbaaro dhigan jiray meelaha nacfiga leh ay shacabka adeegsadan sida baraha koontaroolada iyo ayaga oo furta garoomo iyo dakado sharci dara ah si ay ugu noolaa ayaga iyo maleyshiyaadkooda lakin kuwa hada jooga kuwaa way kadaran yihiin oo waxa ay ku dhax jiraan dadka waxeyna la qaxaan shacabka ayy ayagaba wax ka qixiyeen. 3. Qabqablihii hore waligiis damaciisa siyaasad xumo ee kursi doonta ah kuma uusan raadin diin iyo cimaamad lakin hada waxaa yimid kuwo dadka rido ku tilmaama oo hadaadan isku fakir aheyn meel walba kugu dila isla markaana aan u arag in ay dambi ku tahay dhibanahaa ay dileen sidaa oowgeedna sheegta in eey diinta islaamka u adeegaan. 4. Qabqablihii hore waligii lama uusan shir tagin qisaas ama xad ayaan fulinayaa maanta lakin waxa uu u qeybin jiray meelaha uu ka taliyo iyo inta ood wadaagta la ah hoobiye iyo madaafiic waa weyn isla markaana xertiisa ********ta u soo dhici jireen wax walba ay u gartaan in hogaamiyahooda ku qanci doono lakin kadaran oo dibi dhal waxaa la arkay sanadahan dambe wadaado sheeganaayo in sy xad oofinayaan inkastoo xadka oo la oofiyaa Alle nafarayo hadana loo wakiishay xaakim caadil ah xukunkiisa uu yahay mid nagaashiyo leh oo aan guur guurin lakin kuwa hada joogo waxaa la dhihi karaa waa sidii garab rarato beriba katagaayo meeshey xukunka ku oofiyaan. waligiin ma is weydiiseen gabadhii yareed ee dhagaxa Kismaayo lagu dilay yaa la galmooday ileyn qof kaligii ma zineestee oo kaligii oo qura xad laguma oofiyo oo falkaa waxa uu ka dhex dhacaa laba qof oo qangaar ah hadaba maxaa xad loogu oofin waayay qofkii ayada jaalkeeda ahaa mise waxa loo qaadan karaa saana waan yeeli karnaaa !. 5. Qab-qablihii hore xiligii uu amar taagleyn jiray majirin qax ama dhimasho inta aan hada aragno u dhaw lakin aminka dalkeeni waa ka bur bur iyo barakac badan yahay ayaga dabadii taana waxaa ugu wacan dadkeeni oo marba hogaanka u qabtaan isma dhaanto iyo dhasheedd. Sidaa daraadeed Shacabka Soomaaliyeed ayaa waxa ay noqdeen dad dhaxal u ah dhiig miirato aan is dhaamin Sheydaankooda iyo Wadaadkooda marnaba aan ka nixin dhimashadooda iyo dayacnaanto ku heystato meelaha ay u qaxaan inkastow ay jiraan wadaado magac leh oo ka dhiidhiya dhibka shacabka haysto, kuwaana aan dhag jalaq loo-siinin. waxaan alle uga baryayaa Bisha ramadaan fadligeeda in bishan bisheeda kale ay Soomaaliya la soo noqoto sharaftii iyo magacii ay ku laheyd aduunka Aamiin Aamiin Aamiin. Qoraa Sare Caaqil Anwar Diini Email: wardhigley55@hotmail .com Kuala Lumpur Malaysia.

By FRED MUKINDA and DOMINIC WABALA Wednesday, September 09, 2009 When the President picked up the phone to call Maj-Gen Hussein Ali on Tuesday morning to inform him that he was replacing him as the commissioner of police, it was on the back of intense lobbying for the job. Maj-Gen Ali was also fighting his own battle to defend his legacy at the helm and stay on until a time of his own choosing. But the writing has been on the wall and the former helicopter pilot had survived one fight too many. According to one Office of the President official with knowledge of the President’s thinking, the decision to remove Maj-Gen Ali was taken weeks ago and it was “just a matter of time and matter of timing”. Though Maj-Gen Hussein Ali’s exit from Vigilance House was expected, his soft landing as the post master general came as a surprise. Mr Mathew Iteere, an Israeli-trained commando, was eventually appointed from the General Service Unit (GSU) to take charge. Created despondency He beat Mr Francis Okonya who had been proposed by a section of the coalition government as a replacement but was appointed his principal deputy at Vigilance House. The OP official said there was a feeling at State House that had Mr Okonya been appointed, it would have “created despondency” in the force because he was “relatively junior”. Mr Okonya, a career detective, was called from the Criminal Investigations Department where he had been second in command. The quest for the position of top police officer, saw the main political players — ODM and PNU — take part in behind-the-scenes negotiations before the appointment was made. A meeting between President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga preceded the changes at Vigilance House. People familiar with the talks from both sides confirmed that it was agreed that the changes were the beginning of more sweeping reforms to be carried out in the police force. To signal the new determination for change, a top officer, described as “reform-minded”, was put in charge of reforms to the force. More appointments would also be made at deputy commissioner level to reflect the ethnic diversity in the country, said one official. Those privy to the reports said former director of police operations David Kimaiyo, who was dropped from the force in a reshuffle shortly after the 2007 post- election violence, was also touted as a potential candidate. At the same time, officers close to Maj-Gen Ali told the Nation that he had betrayed no signs that he would leave office that soon, after nearly six years in charge. The officers, who cannot be named lest they are seen to breach official procedures, said his office was preparing a series of activities that would see him appear in the media to argue against some of the recommendations made in the Justice Ransley report on police reforms. Last week, he appeared for interviews in two broadcast programmes. The debate on Maj-Gen Ali’s replacement gained momentum as the exit became imminent, following the release of the interim report recommending a purge on police leadership by the taskforce headed by retired judge Philip Ransley. It was the Ransley report, more than anything else, according to the OP official, that convinced Mr Kibaki of the need for immediate change. He said Maj-Gen Ali had “overstayed” and that the six years he had spent at Vigilance House was a “very, very long time” for a police commissioner in the multi-party era. Other changes in the force saw Mr Julius Ndegwa promoted two ranks up to become one of other police commissioner’s deputies in charge of operations. Mr Jonathan Kipkurui Koskei, who was in charge of North Eastern Province was also promoted to a senior deputy Commissioner of Police II, and appointed to oversee police reforms. The changes also saw Mr Bakari Omar Jambeni called from the police training college at Kiganjo, to take charge of logistics at Vigilance House. The position was held by Mr Levin Mwandi, whose fate is unknown. Mr Jambeni’s position was taken by Mr Peter Kavila, who until Tuesday had been the Director of Operations at police headquarters. Mr Peter Eregai, who was recently brought back to police from the National Focal Point on Small Arms, was deployed as deputy Director of the CID. Maj-Gen Ali described his tenure as tumultuous and noted that it would take a long time for the country to get an ideal police force. Mr Iteere on the other hand said he intended to reduce crime by 30 per cent, with public assistance. Maj-Gen Ali handed over to his successor at 3pm and said he took pride in what he did during his tenure. “I take pride that for the six years I have been at the head of the police force no financial scandal has been committed. I will walk with my head held high because I have served with loyalty. Even as I leave the police force, I hope I have left it a better place than I found it. I am proud to have served in the police force for the last six years,” the former police boss said. He said he initiated many reforms during his tenure including community policing in 2005, promotion based on merit and procurement and construction of housing for police officers countrywide. Dismissed reports Maj-Gen Ali said that during his tenure crime levels had gone down by 13 per cent compared to when he took over in 2004. The former police boss, who addressed journalists for more than 45 minutes before formally introducing his successor, dismissed the Waki, Alston and Kriegler reports that accused the police in general and him in person of extrajudicial killings and other misconduct, saying he and the force performed their duties in accordance with the law. He said the reports were not based on evidence. Mr Iteere has been the General Service Unit commandant for the last four years. He said his priority was to stop organised crime and traffic offences. He promised to reintroduce the Police Operations Procedure which he said would be followed to the book. Source: Daily Nation, Sept 09, 2009

by Mohamed Awaleh Tuesday, September 08, 2009 Spending two years and half of research in Djibouti - about Djibouti’s politics brought me the conclusion that the President of the Republic of Djibouti, Mr. Ismail O. Guelleh is wowing his wife as his next successor. For one thing: Mss. Khadra Haid is not an ordinary first-lady. She is very much in politics – and influential. She doesn’t shy away to actively compete with the Cabinet Ministers – for instance, there’s one incidence few years ago at the Djibouti University’s Students, who were striking against a fee the Ministry of Education imposed them; which over ninety percent of them complained that their parents could not be able to come up. Yet, the Minister publicly refused to back down, and even expelled the Students Organizers. When the negotiations between the Ministry and the Students did not go anywhere; her office immediately contacted the Students – and waived the fee for them and help re-instate the Students Organizers into their classes without consulting the Ministry. A reliable source, who wished to remain unanimous, recently, confided me that, the First-lady also exiled the richest man in Djibouti, Mr. Abdulrahman Borreh, while the President Ismail O. Guelleh was in Quebec, Canada. To further prove with her ambition, there’s as well a rumor flowing in Djibouti that the next target is the current Minister of Interior, Mr. Yacin Elmi Bouh; in attempt of eliminating with any future potential obstacles with her geol: the Presidency. With Respect of Mss. Khadra Haid, she becomes the center of her husband government. And certainly started already playing tribal cards: placing her Tribes, Issaq, the Habaar Awal, on higher positions. Though, some of them genuinely expressed disdain with this outdated political game, and worry this might eventually ignite hatred toward their community. Unfortunately, the First-lady’s objective is definitely aiming at creating a new class of Loyalist for herself in order to hold on the power when her times come: In the School of Machiavelli, its call building your own power-base. Will it work in Djibouti? I don’t know. But, I do know for one thing - it indeed infuriated the Djiboutian. After conducting serious polls, we came to realize, Madam Khadra is very unpopular to the Djiboutian Citizens. If election is held today; there’s a great possibility, she may end up getting 2% of the vote. The question is though; how’s she going to lull the Citizens - or- win their hearts and minds? Or will simply her Husband hand over the power to her. Allah knows - we just have to wait and see. But, there’s no doubt she’s for sure, eying for the higher office of the Land. In spite of what anyone would say - if Mss. Khadra persuades the Djiboutian to vote for her, and she gets their votes fairly. I will be the first one to congratulate her. But, the way her Husband and herself run the country doesn’t look like she has a chance: purging their opponents, parading fancy and expensive cars (Hammers) and throwing lavish parties in the eyes of the people, while half of them are without Electricity and Running Water, and could not even afford to have two meals a day. Either way, it doesn’t seem, the duet will just easily give up the power without a fight; even if it means taking the Country to the path of Somalia. With the Grace of Allah, I pry it will not come to that level. I hope the President will not leave behind a similar legacy of Ziad Barre. Mss. Khadra Haid already demonstrated, she will not be fair and just President. Therefore, I don’t think the Djiboutian with right minds will elect her as their next President. But at the end of the day, they have to decide for themselves. Mohamed Awaleh awaleh@consultant.co m

^^^^^ LOOOOOOOOOOOOOL Wing wizard artist weeyey He will be annoyed enough to send you to art school.

Not only that the next baby jesus has already been born in garowe. Petrol ki maxay ku dambeysey? I was expecting to find you retired into a life of mooching on the state? Misee you can only do that in one country at a time

new born su'aal weeydiiya ma puntland uun baad ku araktaay. Puntland the land of the talking babes.

^^^^^^ weli maad nooshahay

*ABDULLAHI YUSUF was a murdering brute who will burn in hell for the evil committed in the *2000's against innocent Somalis. Anyone who can't see that is living in an alternate reality and is deluded.

Punt land state canton of somalia

It is unbelievable the feudal mentality of Ethiopians I mean this just seems like feudalism 2.0 the 21st century version.

This is a glimpse into the inner workings of the TPLF Plc. - how the machinery has increasingly evolved into a business empire, corrupted by the convenience of power; lubricated by the decadent slogan that this is our historic moment to prosper and the reckless greed that breeds more insatiable and bottomless want. What is sad is that the TPLF Plc. Is engaged in entrenching itself as the next class of Ethiopian capitalist at the catastrophic expense of the poor Ethiopian people in a manner only a colonial conqueror sabotages its subject’s wellbeing and wealth. Aside from the addictive nature of corruption, the bottom-line for TPLF’s brazen exploitation emanates from two mistaken beliefs: firstly, now that the Amhara system had been dismantled now is our time and we shall make use of this opportune historic moment to lay the economic and political foundations that would transform us as Ethiopia’s future POWER brokers. The other self-serving excuse is that “We have been working hard to fight and come to power and what makes exploiting a country that has been (3000) years poor such a big deal. To show how the TPLF Plc’s embezzlement is so pervasive, aggressive, and heartless, we would delve into an ongoing corrupt incident that perpetrated by Meles Zenawi, Azeb Mesfin and Tedros Adhanom and other major TPLF Plc players. The incident occurred in the Ministry of Health, which is, supposedly, the keeper of the sick, the poor, and the disabled. The Ministry under Minister Tedros Adhanom is a place where the TPLF Plc’s money machine works with its savage teeth. As the ministry is the receiver and coordinator of a large (confounding) amount of money in foreign aid and assistance, the money involved is of high interest to TPLF Plc’s Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia’s strongman. For instance, the aid money supplied by the United States President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) was $48 million for FY 2004, $83.7 million for FY2005, $123 million for FY2006, $241.8 million for FY2007and $354.5 million for FY2008. This smooth flow of money is just the tip of the iceberg, compared to what Ethiopia gets in aid money from other programs such as the ones sponsored by Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria ($1,107,164,389) and another millions of dollars from the US Center for Disease Control and Prevention CDC. So when the funds and pharmaceutical and health equipment from these sources became even greater by the year, the TPLF Plc. was not short of ideas on how to exploit these funds that are beyond scrutiny.. As these funds were mostly related to health related issues, when the money that was being supplied by Global Fund, PEPFAR and CDC (and a host of other donors) became unmanageably huge, the first step to do was to create an agency as an offshoot of the TPLF Plc business empire that would be awarded unsupervised contracts to advance the business interests of TPLF Plc. Hence, what came to the scene was PLCU Plc. (Private Laboratory Consortium Unit), which is a key part of the business empire run by the TPLF plc’s Dejena/EFFORT conglomerate. Hence, what was surprising was not that the company was formed under the TPLF Plc, but the owners (board members) were none other than the wife of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, the wife of Minister of Health Tedros Adhanom, the wife of the Head of the Drug Administration and Control Agency (DACA) Hailesilasse Bihone and Mr. Markos Teklu, CEO of PLCU Plc. This company, just like the hundreds of other Dejena/EFFORT companies run by TPLF Plc, are favored with slingshot outsourcing/awarding (without bidding) of government projects and contracts with no transparent competition by citizens. (Aside from this corrupt exercise of political clout by the TPLF Plc, the companies are favored in terms of using the broader political and administrative machinery for garnering credits from government banks, easy access to customs’ clearance and shady and covert tax and account holding away from the public scrutiny.) The critical action that shades light on how, at the immoral cost of the Ethiopian people, Meles and the TPLF Plc milk aid money for the narrow interests of the Dejena/EFFORT conglomerate is the manner of how the regime uses its absolute power to corrupt public funds absolutely. After the usual drama of aid being given and ferenjis shacking hands with high officials who cutting ribbons, the real job would be schemed in the offices of the TPLF Plc. For instance, in 2006, after the CDC gave health, pharmaceutical, laboratory and medical and technology equipment in aid, the PLCU Plc. run amok to swindle these materials. This was what happened.. On this occasion it is the officials named above who give the PLCU the green light to control and/or sell those aid materials. Hence, PLCU Plc, of course was awarded the contract to handle the materials. Over a course of some period, the CDC materials that PLCU was supposed to bring for the Ministry of Health and the regional/Kilil Health Bureaus vanish. Yes, vanish into thin air. Imagine - these are millions of DOLLARS worth of state-of-the-art pharmaceutical, laboratory, medical and technological equipment. These equipment were reportedly sold in Ethiopia and throughout East Africa - that is, after PLCU Plc was equipped with these embezzled wealth and transformed into the only pharmaceutical and laboratory giant. Now the PLCU Plc. is one of the major components of the Dejena/EFFORT conglomerate. After these public wealth was embezzled and siphoned by TPLF Plc’s top officials by way of one of its companies –the PLCU Plc - a scapegoat had to be fabricated. What comes next is everybody’s guess. If you have absolute power and control all components of the three branches of government both at the federal and in all the state levels (absolute power), you are not short of ways and means. Hence, the federal police apparently opened a file to “investigate” a huge fictional “robbery” of the warehouse of the Ministry of Health, to cover up for the embezzlement. In a country that is administered by a strongman and not by independent strong institutions, you can definitely get your way out - whatever crime you commit – as there is no accountability and transparency. What struck us most was when, at one point, the sell of these equipment created a buzz in the country and a TPLF Plc. official inside the Ministry of Health sought to put a temporary hold to the swindling, it was Prime Minister Meles himself who gave orders that they should be left alone with their scheme of enriching TPLF’s conglomerate. By the same token, most also agree that the “independent” HIV/AIDS Prevention and Control Office, which was run by a national secretariat was pushed into the Ministry of Health as the money was better handled under ministry run by Tedros Adhanom. Similar issues of corruption are also occurring in DACA and PHRAMID that has become a hallmark of the TPLF Plc. This instance of how TPLF companies get their capital and how aggressively they work for swindling and siphoning money shades light on the creation of, in Sebhat Nega’s admission, the biggest and the richest business empire in the history of Ethiopia - Dejena/EFFORT conglomerate. This exposition is the tip of the iceberg and the purpose is to let the public know what is being done with the aid money that is being received in its name. Even if we the writers are classic “beneficiaries” of the present system, we have found it essential to expose this as a moral calling as well as with the firm belief that any system that is built on a rusting foundation is doomed to end when people come to know more about its hidden activities. This exposition also makes clear the reason behind the shrilling and insistent noise behind the demand for aid and the tact of not outlining sensible land and economic policies that would significantly improve the lives of Ethiopians. It also answers the reason for weakening the NGO realm and to condition aid money to flow through the government instead of directly to the people or through NGO’s. The corruption and tyranny President Obama talked about are these kinds of reckless and greedy acts of the strongmen of our country. Our people have the right to know the truth and advance their thoughts based on these facts in order to fasten the solutions. By Azmera Tesfaye The writer, Azmera Tesfaye can be reached: azmera_tesfaye@yahoo .com

no only the above sentence.

lool Waar arinta ka jawaba misee caruurti puntland baan idhin kusi dayaa? Ileyn baadh baadh kodhaa ba forumka dumiyee.

It is in the headlines almost everyday. Foreign fighters, beheadings, explosions and other senseless acts of violence against the Somali people by Al-Shabab terrorists. Somalia watchers have almost become num to the violence, but for children of the soil, every report brings with it a sense of dispair followed by a memory of what once was in a land so endowed with natural beauty and wealth. To fight is human, for it to continue without end is madness. Almost all nations in their evolution have gone through some form of armed conflict be it justified or not. Lessons have been learned and shattered lives rebuilt. Not so in Somalia. When it appears to be beyond repair, it simply gets worse. Now, after all the years of civil war, after all the lives lost and all the dreams shattered, a new nightmare has emerged in the form of Al-Shabab. The beautiful blue flag hugging a bright white star at it's center has no meaning to them. Our dreams of what once was is a distant dark period for them when the masses had no faith. Al-Shabab and their masters, most of whom have never seen Somalia, look upon our beloved homeland simply as a strategically placed staging ground. A launching pad to be used along with all the people in it and they sense that they are close to making their vision come true. A nomad was once asked, who is your worst enemy, the clan to the north, the one to the south, the one to the east or the one to the west. He replied by saying, "my worst enemy is like the desert sand, it shift and changes shape, never looking the same or blowing towards me from the same direction. My worst enemy is therefore the one that threatens me the most at this moment". As it is true for the nomad, so is it true for the Somali collective. Our worst enemy is the one that threatens our collective sense of who we are the most at the moment. Our worst enemy is the force that seeks to eradicate our identity. Our worst enemy is the one most in conflict with our dignity, our nationalism and love of country. Our worst enemy is Al-Shabab and their ideological brethren. As the storm clouds of the Al-Shabab henchmen stretches across our beloved homeland, we bear witness to the unmistakable recolonization of Somalia by alien forces, this time using those that speak our own language and share our lineages to do their dirty work as they pull the strings of their deadly puppets from a safe distance. It is a brutal cleansing where the graves of respected religious men are desecrated, traditions are overturned, the youth are brutalized and the elders are sidelined. As the storm spreads, it brings with it pain and suffering, brutality and enslavement and leaves in its path shattered lives, mothers left with no more tears to shed and children confused about what there faith is really all about. As the storm clouds of the Al-Shabab spreads, those who fear Somalism bear a public face of concern but privately rejoice in what they see as the final elmination of nationalist fervor so great it was once thought to be unstoppable. What better set of circumstances could there be for those who fear Somalism. They merely need to sit back and watch Al-Shabab destroy Somalism before the world destroys Al-Shabab which it will. What better outcome could there be than killing to birds with one stone for them? While the alien and destructive forces of Al-Shabab are sure to fail, the question is will they be stopped before them completely eliminate every last sign of Somalism, will their reign of terror be brought to an end before a whole generation of children grow up with no loyalty to our beloved blue and white flag. The question is will true patriots continue to shy away from pointing out what Al-Shabab really is as they hope in silence that this is merely a phase that some day shall pass. As the storm clouds continue to gather will we continue to watch, saying nothing out of fear of being called "un-Islamic" or a "stooge" or "agent". Since when did Al-Shabab determine who is a patriot or not. Since when did those who throw our flag to the ground become the determinants of who is a loyal son or daughter of the soil? As the storm clouds of the Al-Shabab spreads, the Somali nation is slowly colonized, brutalized and cleansed of any sense of collective consciousness other than that offered by this groups of so-called "youth" executing the deadly instructions of their foreign masters. The State is threatened, the Republic is denied a rebirth. Any other group of people would recognize this as a direct threat to their homeland. They would mobilize and organize to confront this threat. They would do all within their power to protect and defend the homeland. Any other groups of people would not shy away from calling these new invaders what they are. There would be no confusion or guilt about what needed to be done. Any other groups would recognize that your brother or sister shares more than a biological link with you. They share a common identity and if they are in direct conflict with your collective identity then they are not your brother or sister. They are the brother and sister of others not of your own. As the storm clouds of the Al-Shabab spreads, the nation is at a critical moment of truth. Either abandon the Somali nation forever or rise in defence of the ideals and principles that shaped its founding. The brilliant white star resting in a brilliant blue means something. It was raised for a reason. There was a logic to it. There was an aspiration behind it. There were those who shed blood and died for what it represented. There was a pride that went with it. There was a identity it gave us. There was strength associated with it's meaning. It is for all of those reasons and more that we must do all that we can to awaken the Somali consciousness once again. We must rekindle that sense of hope and belief that despite all the despair and failures of governance that we witnessed, we can save our nation. It is still ours. We did not abandon it for others to take and do with it what they please. It still has value for us. We still love it. We are still Somali. We are still patriots and we are still one nation, free, proud and slaves to no one !! By Samaale Omar (Somali Patriot) The writer, Samaale Omar can be reached: samaale.omar@gmail.c om