A GRANDMA's final act was to save her two grandchildren from a suspected arson blaze which then claimed her life. The entrance to their top storey maisonette was blocked by a raging fire and Amina Ali tried to get the children to safety from a window 50 feet above the ground at the flats in Mount Street, Sharrow. Passer-by Ndeka Richard Lufuluabo managed to catch the baby boy, who escaped unscathed. His six-year-old sister, who plunged to the ground from the same window, was in Sheffield Children's Hospital recovering from a head injury today but police said it was not thought to be life threatening. After getting the children from the flat, 56-year-old Mrs Ali sank from view and her body was found by firefighters who battled through the flames. Her husband, aged 61, and another man, 35, managed to climb from the maisonette and cling to a narrow ledge before being pulled into neighbours' homes. The younger man had superficial burns to his arms. A man, in his mid 30s, was arrested almost immediately and was still in custody today awaiting questioning over alleged arson. The older man who es-caped was identified by neighbours as Mohammed Mahmood. Their injured grandaughter is called Najma, according to people living nearby. Her father was contacted at work to be told of the tragedy, said onlookers who gathered at the scene. Neighbour Denise Boler, who called 999 after spotting the fire, said: "That poor lady had the baby dangling by one arm. She wanted someone to catch it." Police have launched an investigation but said there were no immediate indications of any racist intent, though the motive remained unknown. They set up a communications centre with an interpreter to allow members of the strong Somali community to ask questions. Head of CID in South Yorkshire, Det Chief Supt John Hudson, said: "A man has been arrested on suspicion of setting fire to the flat." Community leaders had been asked to attend so they could be kept informed of developments. Mr Lufuluabo said: "I was walking past and the woman was hanging the baby out. She passed the baby to a man on another floor but he could not hold it and I caught it." Neighbour Adam Yusuf said: "It is a terrible tragedy but I am concerned because there is only one door to the maisonettes and the windows are old and don't open wide." 03 February

deleted [ February 06, 2004, 06:19 PM: Message edited by: Admin ]

S/W Since the backstabbing of Abshir Farax and Deerow *****, Abdiqasim's former deputies and representatives to the Peace talks, Abdiqasim undertook a very aggressive diplomatic as well as political endeavour. Months of hard diplomacy had paid off in the last week's signing of the landmark peace agreement. And you can find your answer to the "how" question in the preample of Abdiqasim's splendid speech at commemoration ceremony of the talks on Friday 29/Jan. It is also worthy of mentioning that, during the ceremony, Abdiqasim sat next to President Kibaki's and other official participants including the representatives of the Int'l Comm, which in itself was a huge psychological advantage over his archrival Col. Abdilaahi Yusuf who was seated among the fanction leaders. With befriending the Kenyan leadership, along with the Ugandan leader Museveni, at the same time having Djibouti's blessings, Mr. Abdiqasim surely feels like he has courted Ethiopia in a corner. And that was exactly what happened in the last few weeks. The Ethiopians felt the pressure, and that was the reason why they didn't participate in any of the meetings. Now, Col. Abdilaahi Yusuf is only waking up to Abdiqasim Salaad's political coupe. more insider insights coming... keep writing...

Wasiirka arimah dibada ee Somaliland Adna Adan Ismaciil ayaa waxa aay ku sugan tahay dalka Faransiiska, ayaa warar rasmi ah oo aanu ka helnay Paris iyo xilo ogogaal ah oo uu ka mid yahay ergayga Somaliland u qaabilsan aoonsi raadinta Somaliland Dr Omr Diihood oo Qarannews u waramay ayaa isna waxa noo sheegay oo uu xaqiijiyay in waftiga aay wasiirka arimaha dabada ee Somaliland aay had ku sugantahay dalka Faransiiska oo si heer qaran ah loogu soo dhaweeyay wasiirada dalkaasi. Hadaba sabta aay Adna u tagtay Faransiiska ayaa ah laba arimood waa ta hore ee waxa lagu casuumay shir aad u balaadhan oo aay ku kulmayeen wadmada geeska Afrika taasi oo Somaliland lagu casuumay. Shirka ayaa si diiran Wasiirada aad loogu soo dhaweeyay iyada oo aay madaxdii geeska Afrika ee goobtaasi ku sugnaa aay fadhiga uga kaceen sacab xooglehna uu u dhacay oo aay lahaayeen soo dhawaada. Hadaba Adna ayaa shirkaasi iyadu wacdaro waawayn ka muujisay iyada oo ku qudbadaynaysay afka Faransiiska waxa aay soo bandhigtay sidoo kale oo aay madaxdii meeshaasi isugu timid ay daawadsiisay cajalado muuqaal ahaa oo ka turjumaayay marxaladihii kala duwanaa ee ay Somaliland soo martay shirarkii Sheekh, Boorama iyo kuwo kaleba. Waxa aad looga naxay markii aay soo bandhigatay dadkii reer Somaliland ahaa ee la gumaaday iyada oo tustay lafahii dadkii la laayay xiligii 1988kii iyo waliba iyada oo aay diyaaradihii dawladii Somaliya ee 1960kii la is raacay ay duqaynayaan magaalooyi ka mid ah Somaliland siiba duqayntii ugu cjiibsanyd ee ka argagaxisa dunida oo dhan oo ahayd diyaradihii Hargaysa ka duulaayay ee Hargaysa duqaynaayay waanan sheeko lagala yaabay shirkaasi intii aan ogayna aay ka ilmaysay. Waxa aay Adna halkaasi kaga hadashay sidii ay dawldii Somaliya ay u baabiisay dhamaan adeegydii bulshada ha u darnaadaan caafimadkii iyo waxbarashada iyo dhamaan noloshii asaaska ahayd oo dhan. Sidoo kale waxa aay maanta oo aay bishu tahay 3/2/04 ay la kulmaysaa oo xafiiskiisa ku qaabilay dhigeeda dawlada Fransiiska waa wasiirka arimaha dibaa ee Farnsiiska oo isagu muujiyay in uu aad iyo aad u dananaayo qadiyda Somaliland iyo sidii labda dal ay u lahan lahaayeen cilaaqaad saxiibtinimo, sida ay wararku nagu soo gaadhayaan waxa aay kulankaas ka bacdi ay Adna u socdaalaysaa Burssels halkaasi oo aay iyana ka heshay casuumd rasmi ah. Lakiin xaga xukumada ilaa hada wax war ah oo rasmi ahi kama soo bixin oo ku saabsan socdaalkeeda, hase ahaatee warar kale oo aanu meelo kala duwan ka helanay ayaa sheegaaya in ay u sii gogol xaadhayso socaal aan la shaacin oo laga yaabo in uu madaxawyne Riyaale uu ku yimaado qaarada Yurub, warar aan lagu kalsoonayn ayaa iyna noo xaqiijiyay in madaxwaynaha Somaliland laga casuumay dalka Boqortooyada Britan (UK) Iyo dalka Sweden lakiin wax war ahi kama aay soo baxin xukumada Somaliland oo wararkaasi sheegaaya wixii war ah ee ka soo kordhan xagan ayaanu idinkala socdsiin doonaa Qaranews.com

Somaliland Times, Issue 105 Jan.26-Feb.1, 2004 The following are excerpts from an interview conducted by the Addis Ababa-based the Sub-Saharan Informer with the South African Scholar Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay as published in the newspaper’s issue of Jan 16, 2004 SSI: What are the major implications of recent development in the political contours of Somaliland? Prof. Jhazbhay: In analyzing many of the international developments and notably on the continent of Africa, we can see that within the Horn of Africa, the future of the African continent is being played out. It is here in the Horn of Africa that many of the key scenarios would determine the future of the continent. Let me give you specific examples; there is now a consensus amongst intellectuals and amongst policy makers, that the key requisite for development is peace and stability and what we are looking at is reasonable peace and stability. So, in the case of Somaliland, we see reasonable peace and stability has emerged. The question then becomes for the international community, for intellectuals and policy makers, is that when you have an area of the world, which is reasonably peaceful and stable that, then requires that the international community, the intellectuals and policy makers rise up to that challenge. People have toiled with their sweat, with their blood, we cannot let down the children of Somaliland, and neither can we let down the women of Somaliland. Because our humanity is linked to the humanity of others. By recognizing their humanity and their efforts, we are genuinely recognizing the humanity in ourselves. So, I get a firm sense when I look at South African foreign policy, we see no a creative move to recognize peace and stability, we see refreshing move to say that one of the goals of NEPAD is to encourage peace and good governance. If that is so, it means that principle has to be applied concretely, and fortunately South Africa has taken that type of approach when you analyze South African foreign policy, you find president Mbeki’s Director General for conflict resolution visited Somaliland in January 2003 to listen and to recognize the efforts of the people, the women and the men who have toiled to bring about peace and stability. Through their own indigenous conflict resolution methods, this is one concrete case where the future of humanity is being played out in the Horn of Africa and by recognizing the efforts of the women, children and men of Somaliland, we are recognizing our own humanity and we are giving concrete from to the NEPAD objective of supporting good governance, peace and stability. SSI: Why is it taking long for some countries to recognize Somaliland? Prof. Jhazbhay: In the past, when we turn to the case of Somaliland, you find that when the British arrived there, they needed Somalis to guide them through. Now the fact that Somaliland has attained stability, the irony is that there is a need of foreign interlocutors to interpret the peace and stability and make it known to the world. So, you see many well-known scholars, such as Professor Ali Mazrui, doing so. So, this is the first irony I would have to outline in unpacking the case of Somaliland. I think the real reason is the fact that information on Somaliland has not been forthcoming, the flow of information has been pretty restricted to certain Internet websites and it has a lot to do with the unenlightened approach at time on behalf of multilateral institutions. You find initially the UN, the OAU at the time, had taken a particular type of approach but now there are some encouraging sights. The AU is showing some positive signs. So I think, one is the flow of information. Those who have been informed are coming through very positively now. A good case in point is the South African media now. There is balanced reporting on Somaliland. A lot of institutions are reporting on Somaliland, institutions like the Africa Institute, South African Institute of International Affairs, the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa… and that has now brought about a more informed awareness. That has also made the local constituencies play a much stronger role. The same could be said about the United States. There has been a steady stream of reporting on Somaliland. The Washington Post ran a very enhanced article. In the UK, there have been regular delegations to Somaliland. So I think it is very much a fifty, fifty situation. More countries now have a more informed sense and there are also many countries that do not have an informed sense. Those who do have an informed sense, have taken positive steps in analyzing the situation in Somaliland. It makes the point that once again, newspapers like the Sub Saharan Informer, and other world wide newspapers have a big role of informing world opinion about the reality in the horn of Africa. The type of balance here is a non-partisan approach. There is also another reason. There are powerful blocks, whom I believe don’t have an interest in peace and stability. Their main concern may not be the waters of the Nile River. The main concern is democracy. You are familiar; in the Horn of Africa, there have been some successful experiences in democracy. I have described Somaliland’s emerging democracy in an article earlier on. I described it: “as a success story, Somaliland is Africa’s best kept secret”. And sometimes you find a deliberate attempt to suppress information because of the emerging democracy. It has had successful local and presidential elections. Ethiopia is now going to have democratic elections emerging. The others will have it too. So there are key blocks in the Horn of Africa, who are afraid of democracy. The waters of the Nile River is one issue but the “huge threat” is democracy. So it is in the interest of those who do not have an interest in democracy to block the emerging democratic movements. I think there is a consensus amongst key international pro-democracy movements like the International Crisis Group, which described the experience of Somaliland as one of the most successful experiments of democracy in the Horn of Africa. So, to my mind, those are the key reasons why you see this block of information, a deliberate attempt to suppress information and democracy. SSI: In this regard, according to a discussion with Mohamed Hussein Idid, who clearly told me that it is encouraging, Somaliland is a stable government but it would be to the whole advantage of Somaliland and the horn of Africa, if they remain united to Somalia. Do you think there will be a danger if the international community goes ahead and recognizes Somaliland? Prof. Jhazbhay: I subscribe to the view held by Professor Ali Mazrui. This is a view held by many well-known specialists of the Horn of Africa. The view is that, when you have a peaceful and reasonably stable part of the horn of Africa, it should be allowed to grow and should not be pulled off. The view of Professor Ali Mazrui is that Somaliland has the resources alone to develop its institutions. One day when the rest of what was empirically known as Somalia comes back to shape Somaliland can possibly re-join Somalia. My related remark to this issue is that the international community has to find a balance between idealism and realism. The reality on the ground is what was empirically known as Somalia, does not exist anymore. The related reality is that 14 peace conferences and a huge amount of effort have gone into trying to bring the South of Somalia together. In the efforts of last year, some 9-12 million has been spent in the reconciliation talks in Nairobi. There does not seem to be much light at the end of the tunnel. Which suggests that a creative approach has to come through, which says that half a loaf of bread. That was the conclusion also of the well-known Professor Ian Louis, doyen of Somali Studies. That is, to encourage half a loaf. In the future we may have full one loaf. I think the big question, which I raised earlier, is what signal are we sending when we do not want to recognize the efforts of the people towards peace and stability. What message are we sending when we do not want to recognize the efforts of people towards good governance? They would say they have done everything possible to meet the requirements of peace, stability and governance. What more do they need to do? That’s an answer we have to give them, because it is the future of the African child. The children in Somaliland, who are under 20, have no memory of unity with Somalia. I think at the end of the day Somalis are very keen to maintain contacts and co-operation but given the fact that Somaliland went through what is known by human rights organization as a genocidal experience in 1988, where the city was flattened into rubble. The fact of the matter remains sound. Many of those leaders who are now on the ground in the south have not come up with any mechanism to show remorse for what they have done in 1988. And the feeling on the ground in Hargeisa, you ask the elders in Somaliland, their view is that they will not and never join the South. They are willing to cooperate, share experiences and trade. But in terms of the political experience the wounds are very fresh. It was captured beautifully by one of the political leaders of Somaliland. He said, you can see the walls here and you can see the bullet wounds. In Somaliland, the bullet wounds are not only fresh in their minds but they are still fresh on the walls. So there are some powerful arguments, which emerge from the ground. So I can foresee the future emerging where you would see a lot of NGO cooperation, you would see a lot of trade cooperation, a lot of sharing of experiences. But clearly when political unity is raised, the pains of 1988 are too fresh in peoples’ minds. ------------------------- *Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay is a senior lecturer at the University of South Africa and a well-published researcher. He is a Director of the Board of Johannesburg-based Institute for Global Dialogue and is also convener of the Middle East study group at the South African Institute of International Affairs. He also serves on the African National Congress’s (ANC) Commission for Religious Affairs

****PLEASE STOP USING QABIIL NAMES ON OUR WEBSITE. THIS IS A WARNING. ********* Admin Somalia Oline [ February 03, 2004, 04:44 PM: Message edited by: Admin ]

The ongoing Somali conference in Kenya has indeed reached a turning point. If it were anything, the signing of the peace agreement in Safari Park was a landmark. For the first time, all of Somalia's warlords and faction leaders came to the platform and put their hands on the pen to reach peace. Apparently, at a time when the Somali refugees in the Kenyan camps are jubilant about the deal, cracks are eminently appearing between the different warlords. Col. Abdilaahi Yusuf, who feels like he has been left out, politically that is, as he put it in his own words "Maan akhrinin waxaan saxeexnay, Waa nala siray!". The SRRC, the brainchild of the Ethiopian government, is itself in dissarry. Key players in this grouping, are divided over Col. Abdilaahi Yusuf's new tactics. Hussien Aided, along with Mohamed Omar Habeeb had reportedly told the colnel that he was on his own, if he doesn't obey the peace agreements reached. On the other hand, Gen. Morgan the warcriminal aka butcher of Hargeysa (A cheerleader for Col. Abdilaahi Yusuf) along with other politically insignificant toy-figurines including the deposed Hassan Abshir and Col. Shaatiguduud have sided with the colnel. With the Ethiopians not as close as they once were, because of Col. Abdilaahi Yusuf's recently developed relations with the terrorist organisation ONLF. Analysts are fortelling that Col. Abdilaahi Yusuf has bitten the dust in this latest developments.

Yvette provides a moving account of her work with SONYO, Somaliland's youth federation: Working with the first national youth federation (or umbrella as they call it here in Somaliland) with a structure that represents various regions of Somaliland, a structure that requires collective decision making and follows the majority rule policy is new to the youth leaders and to Somaliland. There is no other structure that gathers representatives of various regions coming from different organizations and allows a bottom up flow of decision-making process. This in itself proves to be a great challenge to the umbrella and its leaders. [...] My office was full of youth leaders tonight, we started the meeting at 7pm, I was surrounded with mainly young men and a few women. They debated, discussed, threw accusations at each other, raised the clan issue, raised issues such as manipulation and domination among others. I was in the company of SONYO leaders from Galbeed region attended by almost 20 leaders. Mostly with strong personalities, loud voices some have perfected the art of throwing sarcastic remarks. It is not easy when you are caught in the middle and you act as the facilitator. [...] "Democracy is new, this is democracy at work" those words served as my mantra all throughout the meeting. In a short discussion with my boss prior to the meeting, I told him, democracy is not only taught in lecture halls, this is democracy in action, one has to experience it. True enough, after 4 gruelling hours they agreed, we summarized the decision points and left the room with everyone satisfied. “We killed 2 last National Council meeting, and another 2 last National Executive meeting and now the Galbeed Regional committee meeting, so how many lives did we kill tonight?” asked Mohamed. I just smiled and retorted “No you didn’t kill me tonight.” What they do not know however, is that every time the group resolves a conflict and end up peacefully I become energized. My tired body is comforted with the thought that however hard it is, we are making progress, change do not happen overnight. I hope that other African leaders - not to mention the American occupation authorities in Iraq - are taking notes. Somaliland has already accomplished an enormous amount by building a functioning state from nothing, but it is youth leaders trained in democratic decision-making who will ensure the country's future. Read more about it on Yvette's blog, which also features Ming Sing, Hargeisa's only Chinese restaurant, and some street scenes including one of the capital's new Internet cafes.

Jean-Jacques Cornish reports on a memorandum from the South African Department of Foreign Affairs supporting Somaliland's case for independence: "It is undeniable that Somaliland does indeed qualify for statehood, and it is incumbent upon the international community to recognise it," read the report that was recently commissioned by Minister of Foreign Affairs Nkosazana Dlamini- Zuma. The government’s lawyers agree that "any efforts to deny or delay would not only put the international community at the risk of ignoring the most stable region in the Horn [of Africa], it would impose untold hardship upon the people of Somaliland due to the denial of foreign assistance that recognition entails." [...] "The interest of world peace and stability require that, where possible, the division or fragmentation of existing states should be managed peacefully and by negotiation. But where this is not possible, as is the case with Somalia, international law accepts that the interests of justice may prevail over the principle of territorial integrity." The South African memorandum follows a report by the Brussels-based International Crisis Group recommending that Somaliland be granted observer status on the UN and African Union pending a final determination as to recognition. In addition, other signs of cooperation between South Africa and Somaliland have emerged recently, including a visit to Hargeisa by South African businessmen and an exchange of senior officials. Cornish theorizes that these moves might ripen into recognition in the near future now that South Africa has "vacated the chair of the African Union... [and is] freer to step out of line on controversial issues on the continent." If South Africa recognizes Somaliland, then it is likely to be followed quickly by Ethiopia, which already has extensive unofficial relations with the breakaway republic but is unwilling to be the first to grant it formal recognition. This might, in turn, result in a domino effect, particularly in light of South Africa's leading role in African politics and diplomacy; recognition by South Africa will carry credibility that other nations will find difficult to resist.

This story is from The Head Heeb Blog, one of the most famous blogs on the net. The case for Somaliland Talks on the reunification of Somalia are continuing in Nairobi, but they will take place without the Republic of Somaliland . The breakaway republic in northwestern Somalia has declared that the negotiations are simply not its concern: According to a statement issued on Sunday by the region's information minister, Abdullahi Duale, Somaliland was not a party to the Somali conflict. "There are no Somaliland military forces operating on Somali territory," the statement said, adding that Somaliland had "refrained from interfering in Somalia's internal affairs despite numerous provocations". Somaliland, which occupies the territory that was known as British Somaliland during the colonial era, is under increasing international pressure to join the Nairobi peace talks. Ironically, this pressure is occurring at a time when Somaliland is solidifying its position as an independent state. The Republic of Somaliland "declared unilateral independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991," although the hard part was probably finding something to declare independence from. The past decade has actually been Somaliland's second experiment with independence, having been an independent nation for five days in 1960 before uniting with Italian Somaliland pursuant to a dubious referendum . After the collapse of Somalia following the Siad Barre era , a convocation of clan elders met at Hargeysa ; on 15 May 1991, they declared the establishment of an independent republic. Throughout the 1990s, Somaliland was governed by the Council of Elders and Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, a president elected by the council. Democratization was delayed by a civil war during the mid-1990s, but a transitional constitution was adopted in 1997, and parliamentary elections were subsequently held. A constitutional convention continued to meet with the goal of facilitating Somaliland's transition from a tribally-based republic to a democracy, and the final draft of a permanent constitution was completed in 2000. In May 2001, the constitution was approved by 97 percent of the voters in a referendum that was generally regarded as free and fair by international observers, although there were some reported irregularities in the Sool region and the vote may have been more an endorsement of independence than the constitution as such. The Somaliland charter creates a constitutional regime that bears some resemblance to Iran. Although religious freedom is guaranteed, Islam is the state religion, and Article 33(1) of the constitution states that "promotion of any religion in the territory of Somaliland, other than Islam, is prohibited." Other provisions of the constitution entrench some aspects of shariah as Somaliland law. The constitution provides for democratic multiparty elections, but these are subject to a religion-based vetting system. Candidates for office are required to be Muslim and "of good moral character" in addition to being secondary-school graduates, and the political parties law of 2000 prohibits parties that do not affirm a commitment to shariah. An electoral commission, of which all members must be Muslim, has responsibility for ruling on applications for registration by political parties and examining candidate lists. The House of Elders also continues to exist as a concession to the clan-based roots of Somali society. Members of this house are required to be 45 years old - an advanced age in a country where life expectancy hovers around 48 years - and must be "[people] who [have] a good knowledge of the religion or an elder who is versed in the traditions." It is understood that most of the members of this chamber, which can initiate "legislation relating to religion, traditions (culture) and security" or review non-financial laws enacted by the House of Representatives, will be traditional clan elders. Article 115 of the constitution also creates an ulema, or religious council. Unlike the Iranian Council of Guardians, it does not appear that the ulema has direct veto power over laws or candidates for office. Nevertheless, it is empowered to provide opinions to the government, legislature and courts as to whether a particular law or administrative act violates shariah, and can do so on its own as well as when requested. It is likely that in a traditional country like Somaliland where the judicial system is still in the early stages of development, the ulema will wield considerable influence. Within these limitations, however, Somaliland has made great progress toward democratic rule, especially at the local level. Local elections in which the ruling UDUB party faced stiff opposition were held in December 2002 , and national elections are scheduled for later this year. A lively press, including the independent English-language Somaliland Times, has developed in Hargeysa, and the country's first universitywas inaugurated in 2000. The human rights record of Somaliland has been mixed, especially during the civil war of 1994-96. According to Amnesty International , there have been scattered allegations of torture, politically-motivated prosecutions and official intimidation of judges and journalists. Nevertheless, Amnesty gives the Somaliland government credit for improving human rights: In Somaliland and Puntland , where central governmental administrations have been re-established, the human rights situation is markedly better than in other regions of former Somalia. Somaliland went through a period of localised civil war in 1994 to 1996, but has largely avoided the bitter factional fighting to which Mogadishu and parts of the south have been subjected. The Somaliland administration in Hargeisa has made significant progress in rehabilitating political, social and physical infrastructure. The international position of Somaliland is more problematic than that of Puntland, a district in northeastern Somalia that has declared its intention to participate in a future federal Somali state rather than declaring independence. Somaliland has thus far not been recognized by any other country, although there has been informal cooperation with Sudan and Ethiopia. Relations between Ethiopia and Somaliland are particularly close, with each country maintaining a liaison office in the other's capital, but Ethiopia has been reluctant to be the first nation to recognize Somaliland's independence. Britain and the EU have also sent informal missions and aid to Somaliland, with the EU using the Somaliland port of Berbera to ship food aid to Ethiopia. The case for international recognition of Somaliland is a strong one. It is an imperfect democracy, but it has provided a functioning state to its citizens for the past twelve years, which is more than can be said for anyplace else in Somalia. Most residents of Somaliland have no apparent desire to reunite with Somalia, and an argument can be made that their consent to unification was never properly obtained in the first place. Nor is there any compelling reason to reconstitute Somalia in its pre-1990 form, which is a demonstrably failed state united by little besides language and colonial borders. The future of Somaliland may be as an independent state or as a constituent part of a federal Somali republic. That choice, however, should be up to Somaliland's people. UPDATE: A blog from Somaliland!

I couldn't recently loggin to the forums. I don't know but my home IP address was banned . I mean, this is not the first time, they had banned me a couple of times before, with no reason whatsoever. Come on guys, why is this?

more pix....

These are new pix from Hargeias...

Samurai Warior, Listen my friend, Somaliland, unlike in Puntland where Abdilaahi Yusuf kicks that ball any corner he wishes, is not a one man thing. Somaliland is a cause believed by the average people, like me and my fella Somalilanders in the diaspora or backhome. Somaliland is not the creation of elders, but it is the creation of the people, it is them that have the final say. Very hard for you to understand I assume, since that kind of power by the people, never exist in Southern Somalia. You talked about so called "Issims" who had a secret meeting in UAE... When you are saying "Isims", I presume you are talking about Somaliland elders. If that was the case and the meeting really took place. My poor friend, that will change ZERO in Somaliland's affairs. Any elder that participates in such anti-Somaliland conference, where the Somaliland people oppose, will end up like the Jama yare and Kaluun, and will spend the rest of their short lifes in exil. You also talked about a discusion you had with "Silaanyo's" advicer or whatever. My friend, I think you were mistaken, you had a discusions with an imposer . My poor friend, Silaanyo's toughest moment was when in the president elections he was told that his party lost the elections with mere 80 votes. It is an open secret that when we are telling the real truth, it was Silaanyo who won the elections, but with very small number. So, some elders interfered and gave the benefit of the doubt to Dahir Rayaale Kahin, since Silaanyo didn't lead a substantial number of votes to clearly show that he won. It was a very tough dicision but at the end Silaanyo accepted the calls by prominent figures including elders and clan leaders of Somaliland. What am saying is that, if Silaanyo had to start trouble within Somaliland, he could have easily done so at that time, because he had morale rights to not accept a lost something that he had won. But he is a true patriotic leader, who I have every inch of my confidence that he will stand on and difend Somaliland whereever he is. So, in conclusion, my poor friend, Somaliland is not like South, where one man just goes out and does what ever he wishes. On the contrary, in Somaliiland if one takes such steps, he has to pay a very hefty price. Have in mind, every Somaliland elder has a "name" and "figure" not in Mogadishu or MBagathi, but in Hargeisa. That is the difference. You might indulge yourself into nonsesense, or you might open your eyes and see the real world.

Smith, Respect to you for at least reading the full texts. How ever you seem to be attacking the messinger more than the message, there are problems with Somaliland today and Faisal Warrabe and others seem nervous, we are trying to understand why. That is a mere drooling, did you expect me to read it? I am wondering what kind of problems? Let me think; you mean the burning of the school, or maybe the killing of the italian nun? or perhaps you are talking about the fake suldaans going to mogadishu? Let me see how that compares with the office equipments of an NGO in puntland which were stolent by violent gangs? or perhaps the arresting of the former police cheif? or might be the recent developments of difference between top puntland leadership. You got the drift? Anways, you can indulge into a debate worthy of the cause and time, but what happens when you try to debate the words of a misguided fool? you become a foolish fool too. It seems you had found this mere drooling something of your taste, in my corner however, it represents nothing but some rabish propaganda, by fools. In a nut shell, the arguments of the author of that nonsense drools, is based on fake foundation. When had President Dahir Rayaale and the house of elders/Guurtida (not to be mistaken with Golaha Salaadiinta, as this fool did, they are very different), say there we going to Mogadishu?? The fool, think by Somaliland opposing any outcome from MBegathi, we are aligning ourselves with the TNG other faction in Mogadishu. He is turning a blind eye that Somaliland has always opposed not only this conference but the countless others before it, and will do so any that is after this failing conference too.