Gar_maqaate;988141 wrote: ^^^ I see two beggars!, Don't tell me you haven't noticed the common denominator?. I don't see two beggars. I see one loser beggar and one who is doing his own responsibility with his own development plan (NPD) with or without international community. I see recognition on way

Gar maqaate hold on do some search and understanding before you reply. Dhagayso waxa ay saancadalaha noo yimid uu sheegayo iyo sababta ay lacagta u bixinayaan. This is their own words “Our visit represents today here in Hargeisa reiterates the continued commitment of the UK and Denmark to support Somaliland. We recognise the efforts the government is making to strengthen governance, and providing access to equitable basic services for all citizens of Somaliland” said British ambassador Mr Wigan “The Somaliland Development Fund will ensure that ordinary people in Hargeisa and across Somaliland will benefit from improved services. For example 500,000 men, women and children will soon have access to a clean water supply” added Ms Reid. Danish Ambassador Mr Geert A. Andersen said, “Having visited Somaliland on several occasions, I am truly impressed by the progress seen in so many areas. Our support to SDF and other areas is based on a close partnership with Somaliland having demonstrated leadership and ownership. SDF is the New Deal in practice.”

One picture can tells more than 1000 words. Two pic's one from Hargeisa and one from Brussels :cool:

Waan garanayay inay meesha ka guurayaan, narkaad eegtid siday deegaanka u dayacaan iyo wax qabad xumidooda inay meesha loo joogo ku meelgaadh ama transit. yay noqonayaa qolada ugu horeysa ee raadkeena soo raacda

One thing is clear that majority of Somali politician doesn't understand about new deal and how they can get pledge many. First of all they need public finance management and an accountability system after that they should come plan with clearly peacebuilding and statebuilding goals according the new-deal goals: The five goals are: Legitimate politics: Foster inclusive political settlements and conflict resolution. Security: Establish and strengthen people’s security. Justice: Address injustices and increase people’s access to justice. Economic Foundations: Generate employment and improve livelihoods. Revenues & Services: Manage revenue and build capacity for accountable and fair service delivery. Any plan which is not targeting this goals will not channeling any many from new-deal. Hassen and his team should do their homework again instead loosing their energy into conflict

Xaaji Why do you disturb her dream quickly

good start shaxshaxley odayasha busta ka hurguf lol

Dalmar isku dayi maayo inaan beeniyo ama aan rumaysto qoraalkagan balse waxaan kaaga bahanahay faahfaahi dhawr suaalod: 1- ma noo sheegi kartaa meel cadayn aad u haysid oo lagu fuliyay (implementation) qorshaha ay warqadani xambaarsantahay. Sida hubkadhigid, burburin dhaqaalahooga, dabargoyn, riixid iyo sifayn IWM 2- maxaa jabhaddii sidaa u fikiraysay bishii Mart 1991 ku kalifay inay bishii xigtayna ay isagu yeedho dadkii deeganka wada daganaa oo ay bilowdo shirkii Burco ee turxaan bixinta.? 3- Luqada jabhada SNM ma English bay ahayd dadkeega maxay English wax ugu qoraysaa? 4- Maxaa jabhaddii sidaa u fikiraysay ku kalifay 2 sano kadib inay xilkii iska wareejiso kuna warejiso bulshada rayidka ah uuna madaxwayne noqdo nin sidan u fikiraya. Daawo last 3 min

Fanny of this is Khatumo group was trying character assassination to president and they received contra effect :cool:

Che and burn: different between sl and pl oil exploration is. PL they make already conclusion and they ware talking about billions of barrels, before they make any Seismic data collection. Without seismic operation 2D or 3D how can you talk about nr of barrels. In Somaliland they are talking about exploration and they never said we found oil just watch 1 min this video

Che it is true hire is the video and their is 177 heated comments (halve somali)

Genel Energy To Spend $500M Exploring In Five Countries by Reuters|Friday, November 22, 2013 ISTANBUL, Nov 22 (Reuters) - London-listed oil firm Genel Energy is planning to invest $500 million for exploration activities in Ethiopia, Somaliland, Ivory Coast, Malta and Morocco in the next two years, the company's president said told Reuters on Friday. "We will spend $250 million of this in 2014," Mehmet Sepil said on the sidelines of Atlantic Summit in Istanbul, adding that the company currently has around a cash balance of $900 million, which will cover this investment budget. - See more at: http://www.rigzone.com/news/oil_gas/a/130271/Genel_Energy_To_Spend_500M_Exploring_In_Five_Countries#sthash.7exZR3pc.dpuf

Before you make hard conclusion and jump to reply try to understand his point of view.

By: Henry Johnson CMC '14 Somalilandsun - A hundred Somalilanders turned their eyes to me as I took the microphone from the woman next to me. I tapped her shoulder and waited for her to finish hurling accusations at the President of Somaliland, who nervously shifted in his seat at the front of the room. "There is killing happening everywhere in that region, please stop!" The event moderator anxiously tapped his pen on the table. He gazed at me and twitched his head in the direction of the woman before cutting her off in his booming voice. "Ok, do you have a question please," he asked. She ignored him and could not stop, like a brake less car rocketing downhill. "People—women and children—are dying, anyone want to fact check, please come to me!" I mustered the courage to face her. In her glassy eyes, I saw wells of sadness and rage. I gently touched her arm holding the microphone and she surrendered it with a teary look of exhaustion. She sat down in a swirl of emerald green silk and her blue hijab no longer poked above the seated crowd. I snatched her free speech. Most of the audience looked on at me approvingly, but I was not sure if I approved of myself. Everyone now waited for a response from the president. The president retorted, "It is absolute lies that there has been any killing in that area. People in that area live in peace; their leaders are in my government, in my ministries. It is people like you on the outside—I don't know what your motivations are—who cause the problems we are working to solve." Even without a microphone, the woman responded contrarily. The president shouted, "Well just keep quiet then!" and nervously laughed. Her accusations roiled the audience, many young Somalilander men rose from their seats to point at the woman, calling her a liar and calling for respectful discourse. Her stand ruptured the upbeat tenor of the press conference for the President of Somaliland and his delegates. They argued why the U.S. should recognize their state, which lacks international recognition. I was assigned to run microphones at the event, hosted by my employer, the Atlantic Council—a foreign policy think tank in Washington, DC. Her searing comments, although dramatic in the setting, sprang from a basis of truth. Somaliland is locked in a tribal struggle over territory pregnant with oil. Moments before I took her microphone away, she stated her specific allegations against the Somaliland government, which separated from greater Somalia during the upheaval following the outbreak of the Somalian civil war in 1991. She accused the president of catapulting a region in eastern Somaliland, known as Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn (SSC), into bloodshed and ethnic strife. The family of clans that predominate SSC compose only a minority demographic nationwide and many of them seek independence. Since voting patterns largely reflect tribal affiliation, most SSC clansmen wind up on the losing side of a winner-take-all system of democracy. Accordingly, they resist the domination of their homeland by an alien clan. In early 2012, clan and political leaders from SSC declared the making of a new semi-autonomous state named Khaatumo, which Somaliland has refused to recognize.[1] In addition to confronting this irredentist movement, Somaliland faces military contest for SSC from neighboring Puntland, another mini-state that broke off from Somalia in the 1990s. Puntland claims a right to SSC based on kinship ties with the tribal minority there. Somaliland, on the other hand, argues these territories fall within the former borders of British Somaliland, the former colonial protectorate used as its territorial model. The new Khaatumo state rejects the authority of both, however, and established itself in Cayn with plans to dislodge occupying armies and militias from Sool and Sanaag. "Mr. Silanyo, since you took the office three years ago there was 1,500 people killed in Puntland, Sool, Sanaag, Cayn. That people were innocent civilian nomadic people, just like the lady here, lady Hamiya," her thickly accented voice quivered as she held up the picture of the six-year old girl she was eulogizing. "She was killed in last November when election was done in Khaatumo in Hudun. I'm pleading you today that you have to tell the truth. There's two reason why killing is happening, first you are forcing them to come with you and they say, 'No, we want to be part of Somalia.' And oil, the gas and oil that you're talking about is in Sool. I'm speaking to you now, there is killing in Hudun. I'm telling everyone here this is little Hamiya, you killed her." With some background research, I corroborated many of the woman's claims. Sool and Sanaag lie on top of a large reservoir of oil, known as the Nugaal block, estimated to contain over four billion barrels of oil.[2] Control of this lucrative property has led to simmering hostility between Puntland and Somaliland for years. In late 2010, triangular fighting erupted between Somaliland armed forces, militias sponsored by the Puntland administration, and independent SSC militias. By the time all sides agreed to a cease-fire, over 100 people were reported killed and over 150,000 displaced according to a United Nations report.[3] The rise of the non-aligned Khaatumo administration has goaded Puntland and Somaliland into an alliance of convenience against Khaatumo, which threatens to seize their respective sales of the oil-rich land. In June 2012, both administrations coordinated an attack on Khaatumo political leaders and security forces.[4] She also correctly assessed that fighting coincided with elections in the SSC territory. The Khaatumo-controlled town of Hudun, which is in Sool and on top of the Nugaal oil block, became the target of a series of offensives launched by Somaliland starting in November 2012. This is the same town where she said little Hamiya was killed. Somaliland sold the land underneath Hudun to the oil company Genel Energy the previous October. Initially, President Silanyo's administration ordered attacks on the town, leaving six dead, because "local gangs" hampered its officials from distributing ballots for local elections.[5] In a press statement, a Somaliland general claimed that the army repulsed Khaatumo militias aimed at intimidating voters.[6] More likely, Somaliland used the elections as a pretext for asserting martial law over the town. Somaliland attacked the town over nine times in the span of three months, but still has not captured it.[7] Video of the Atlantic Council meeting was uploaded on YouTube. It garnered over 29,000 views and a slew of hateful comments. Both sides of the debate turned the YouTube commentary into a virtual bloodbath. For example, one user wrote of the president: "You dirty lier you will not take our land from us you filthy **** slave. we will go to war and drag your bodies on the streets of somalia." The **** clan is the numerically largest one in Somaliland and its members hold majorities in the electorate. These YouTube users, most likely from the disenfranchised tribes in SSC, illustrated the galling fear of **** domination. From the opposite side, someone wrote, "All those ****** haters and that ******* ****** khaatumo ***** Siilaanyo kicked your *** and he will do it again." The word "******" was first used as a term denoting regime collaborators and loyalists. It carries an ethnic meaning as well. Somalia's former dictator, Siyaad Barre, coopted the support of minority clans in the 1980s to suppress the **** clans from rebelling. "******" replicated the sound made by Barre's troops walking through mud.[8] In today's context, the term refers derisively to proponents of reunification. This ethnically charged language provides cause for concern; escalating competition for the Nugaal oil block could lead to outright ethnic cleansing. No foreign government has diplomatically recognized Somaliland, leaving it hard pressed for economic and security support. Its diplomatic isolation drastically increases the value of land such as the Nugaal block and also reduces the costs of abusing ethnic minorities. In spite of its flaws and also because of them, the United States should recognize Somaliland. With recognition, the U.S. could potentially put an end to the conflict in SSC and utilize Somaliland's strong track record in combating regional terrorism and piracy. The U.S. could benefit from these security policies and assist them by training the Somaliland army in counterterrorism, coordinating anti-piracy measures, and using the country's ports. Recognition would also strengthen the state's efforts at stamping out financial crime and arms trafficking. Lastly, the U.S. might hope that recognition will clear roadblocks in Somaliland's path toward vibrant democracy; in 2010, outside observers deemed Somaliland elections free and fair.[9] With a mutually beneficial act of diplomacy, the United States could bring justice to little Hamiya and ratchet up pressure on Somali terrorist groups like al-Shabaab.

Source The wall street journal

Former BP Chief's New Quest: Wildcatting on the Edge of Danger When London's Genel Energy GENL.LN +1.32% PLC decided last year to search for oil in Somalia, it didn't negotiate with the country's internationally recognized government in Mogadishu. Instead, Genel Chief Executive Tony Hayward flew to a city about 500 miles north: Hargeisa, the dusty capital of breakaway Somaliland. He visited the separatist president at home and told the resources minister that Genel could spend about $100 million prospecting there. "We will find oil," said Mr. Hayward at the July 2012 meeting, according to him and the resources minister, Hussein Abdi Dualeh. Somaliland gave Genel permission to prospect. Mr. Hayward, BP BP.LN +0.29% PLC's chief during its 2010 Deepwater Horizon disaster in the Gulf of Mexico, has joined a breed of wildcatters who deploy a risky and sometimes lucrative strategy: Look for oil in politically or geologically fraught lands after cutting deals with governments that claim the lands, even if those claims are in dispute. These oilmen operate on what the 56-year-old Mr. Hayward calls "the political frontier." They sometimes defy the wishes of Washington and the United Nations, which say companies can amplify conflicts and foment instability by entering disputed lands. Genel executives Tony Hayward and Mehmet Sepil hope to find oil in Somaliland. Bloomberg News In Somaliland, Mr. Hayward is stepping into a decadeslong conflict. The northern-Somalia region declared independence in 1991. But Somalia still claims it, and the U.N. doesn't recognize its independence. The breakaway Somaliland's oil agreements are particularly contentious because they sometimes overlap leases that the central Mogadishu government negotiated years ago and that are held by companies such as BP, Royal Dutch Shell RDSB.LN +0.07% PLC and ConocoPhillips. COP +1.51% A U.S. State Department official says that without a resolution between the central and regional governments, oil deals "are going to create conflict." A July U.N. report says making oil deals in fractious Somali regions could "constitute threats to peace and security." Somalia believes Genel's deal could "destabilize" the nation, the Mogadishu government told Mr. Hayward in a 2012 email The Wall Street Journal reviewed, alleging that Genel is "in search of more profits by creating more problems in this part of the world." Mr. Hayward says he disagrees. Since BP replaced him in 2010 after the Deepwater Horizon explosion and spill, he has staked his future on the notion that finding oil will not only make money but also make people stop fighting. "If people have the opportunity to earn money and buy a BMW, rather than run around the hills with a Kalashnikov," he says, "they'll do it." Somaliland's Mr. Dualeh says oil will help win recognition and generate income for his stable but extremely poor region. Workers drilled for oil at a Genel well in Iraq's Kurdistan region. Justin Scheck/The Wall Street Journal Because small companies have less money, "by definition they have to go to the frontier, either the technical frontier or the political frontier," says Mr. Hayward. "There's no point in them following the big guys." Mr. Hayward was drawn to Somaliland because it seemed a promising place to repeat Genel's success. Genel was founded in 2002 by Mehmet Sepil, a Turkish construction magnate. He says current Iraqi president and longtime Kurdish leader Jalal Talabani phoned that year with a proposal: Develop Kurdistan's neglected oil fields. "At the time, the political risk was very, very big," says Mr. Sepil, now Genel's president, from his Ankara office. (The Che Guevara portrait on his wall shows, he says, that he is an "old leftist.") The U.S. was preparing to invade Iraq, and relations between Turkey and the Kurds were "very sensitive." Mr. Talabani, who suffered a stroke, couldn't be reached for comment. Mr. Sepil and a partner agreed with Kurdistani leaders to spend at least $35 million prospecting, he says. Unable to hire a drilling contractor—none could get insurance—he spent $14 million for a used rig he trucked into the hills, he says. He eventually struck oil. The Baghdad government told Mr. Sepil his Kurdistan leases weren't legitimate, he says. In 2004, he met Baghdad officials to negotiate approval, documents reviewed by the Journal show. They never reached a deal. Baghdad adheres to its long-standing position, says an Iraqi Oil Ministry spokesman, that contracts signed in Kurdistan aren't valid if the central government hasn't approved them. He says Baghdad is open to negotiating with Kurdistan. A Kurdistani-government spokesman says its deals are legal. Genel continued drilling despite the controversy. At the dinner, Mr. Hayward, who dresses like a London banker, told the long-haired Mr. Sepil he wanted to move into politically or geographically risky Mediterranean and African regions. They agreed they could use Turkish and U.K. diplomatic contacts for access. "I said, 'Let's use our relationships like I used it in Kurdistan,' " Mr. Sepil says. Mr. Hayward's firm acquired Genel in a deal that took it public in 2011. One technically challenging region they began exploring was off Morocco's coast, Mr. Hayward says. Genel also consulted an in-house geologist with knowledge of Yemen's oil deposits. Such deposits, he told Genel, should also be present across the Gulf of Aden in Somaliland. Somaliland fit the profile Mr. Hayward and Mr. Sepil sought: geologically promising, too risky for big companies and with diplomatic ties to their home countries. Like Kurdistan a decade ago, Somaliland is self-governed and more stable than Somalia's south. The capital, Mr. Hayward says, "is very, very poor—as Kurdistan was when it all started in Erbil." Turkey and the U.K. support Mogadishu but also support oil development in Somaliland, say diplomatic and oil-company officials. "We welcome inward investment into Somalia, including Somaliland," the U.K. foreign office says. As in Kurdistan, oil seeps from the ground. Yet big oil companies aren't prospecting. Shell and others had leases in the 1980s to explore in Somalia, including parts of Somaliland, but suspended operations amid growing violence. In the past decade, wildcatters began seeking local Somali leases. London's Ophir Energy OPHR.LN +0.51% PLC entered Somaliland in 2004 by acquiring an interest in a company that was granted a concession there in 2003—one that overlaps with a lease BP holds from Mogadishu. Ophir says its lease is legitimate. Its partner, RAK Gas LLC of United Arab Emirates, in September acquired a controlling stake in the lease; RAK Gas didn't respond to inquiries. BP says its Somali leases are valid and that it is discussing them with Mogadishu. Mogadishu says it considers leases by regional Somali governments invalid. The constitution "doesn't allow any federal states to enter any agreements, whether that's Somaliland or any other region," says Somalia's natural-resources minister, Abdirizak Omar Mohamed. In July 2012, Genel chartered a plane to Hargeisa. Somaliland's Mr. Dualeh says he was thrilled to see Mr. Hayward—whom he knew from TV newscasts—arrive at his ministry building. After Somaliland announced the Genel deal, Mogadishu objected: "There is no 'Independent Republic of Somaliland,' " federal oil adviser Patrick Molliere wrote in an email to Mr. Hayward, reviewed by the Journal. "You were the BP CEO, and you know that you cannot sign with a local federal government." Mr. Hayward says he was unfazed: "It's not dissimilar to the experience in the Kurdistan region of Iraq." Genel says it believes the regional government has jurisdiction. Genel's block overlaps with a ConocoPhillips lease from Mogadishu. ConocoPhillips isn't exploring in Somalia, but "we have not relinquished our interests there," a company spokesman says. Mogadishu has decried other such deals. "Companies like yours are creating potential possible instabilities," Mr. Molliere wrote in May to Chairman Bijan Mossavar-Rahmani of Norway's DNO International AS DNO.OS +4.12% A, which has an exploration agreement with Somaliland. Mr. Mossavar-Rahmani says the lease is valid. Lane Franks, president of Phoenix-based Liberty Petroleum Corp., formed a company that agreed last year with Somalia's Galmudug state to explore an area there that Mogadishu had awarded to Shell. He negotiated with Galmudug President Abdi Hassan Awale, he says. The U.N.'s July report called Mr. Awale a "warlord" who fought U.N. peacekeepers in the 1990s. Mr. Franks says he is aware of Mr. Awale's history but believes he has changed. He "seemed to be a man who really wanted what was best for his people," he says. Mr. Awale, by phone, said: "I don't know what you mean about, with the 'warlord.' " He declined to comment further, requesting contact by text message; he didn't answer subsequent texts. Mogadishu and Shell officials say they objected to the leases. Somalia's supreme court approved Galmudug's right to sign leases, says a Mogadishu official, adding that the central government expects to appeal. Shell CEO Peter Voser says Shell is discussing returning to Somali offshore sites. At a March meeting in the Netherlands, Shell officials told Mogadishu officials they "should take responsibility and action" on leases that overlap Shell's, according to documents the Journal reviewed. Shell and Mogadishu officials confirm the meeting. Genel teams this year began seismic tests in Somaliland. They pulled out this September after a security threat. "Discussions continue with the Somaliland government in order to facilitate a resumption of activity," Genel said last month. Somaliland's Mr. Dualeh says it may create an armed "oil protection force."

Presposterous;986728 wrote: Hey best believe I have a better education, better jobs, better car and better house, and better wife and actually worse child than you ( I must admit I have a ******* child). Therefore your argument have no basis can you share pic's with us ( better car and better house, and better wife) seen is believing.

Article 4: Citizenship 1. Any person who is a patrial[10] of Somaliland being a descendant of a person residing in Somaliland on 26th June 1960 or earlier shall be recognised as a citizen of Somaliland. more info http://www.somalilandlaw.com/citizenship_law.htm

Xaaji I agree about he is not ethnic lander. Anyone who support what happened in west gate must remember what happened in Hargeisa 2008

I agree he deserve to be locked for open support for terrorist, but other side we should aware that our freedom of speech article 32 in constitution must be respected, we can go back to "Car Juuq dhe"

How far can go freedom of speech and opinion :confused::confused:

Hargeysa: Maxkamada Gobolka Hargaysa oo xukun ku riday Abwaan C/waaxid Cali Gamaadiid Maxkamada Hargaysa ayaa saaka xukun ku riday Abwaan ka mid ah Abwaanada da’da yar ee Somaliland laguna magacaabo Abwaan C/waaxid Cali Gamaadiid. Abwaan C/waaxid ayaa dhawaan maanso uu curiyay ku taageeray weerarkii khasaaraha badan dhaliyay ee lagu qaaday Xaruntii ganacsi ee Westgate Mall oo ku taallay Magaalada Nairobi ee dalkaasi Kenya, Dacwadan oo ka socotay maxkamadda gobolka Hargeysa, ayaa lagu soo eedeeyey Abwaanka inuu Baastoolad sharci daro ah sitay iyo inuu taageeray weerarkii ka dhacay xarunta Ganacsi ee Nairobi. Abwaanka oo mudo ku xirnaa Xabsiga dhexe ee Magaalada Hargeysa ayaa saka Maxkamadu Hargeysa ku xukuntay hal sano oo xarig ah iyo hal Milyn oo Shilinka Somaliland ah oo Ganaax Lacageed ah, sida ay xaqiijiyeen dad ku ag dhow Abwaanka.

Hargeisa 16/11/2013) SDWO.COM - SomalilandNews.net) Caawa waxa magalaada London Berigeeda lagu qabtay xaflad balaadhan oo aad loo soo agaasimey oo dhamaan la iskaga kala yimid gobolada kala duwan ee dalkan Britain. Xafladan ayaa ahayd mid qaadhaan loogu ururinayey wadada isku xidha burco iyo ceerigaabo. Xafaladan ayaa waxa dadweynaha kala qaybqaadanyey masuuliyiin ay ka mid yahiin wasiirka madaxtooyada Xirsi, Wasiirka gaashaandhiga Cadami, wasiiru dowlaha maaliyada cadaani. Goobtaasi waxa dadweyne iyo shirkado badaniba kaga dhawaaqeen inay bixinayaan ama ay ku yabooheen lacago kala duwan. Iyadoo lacagta ugu badan uu ku dhawaaqay maalqabeenka weyn ee reer Somaliland ee shidaalkana ka baadheyey gobolada Bariga Maxamed Yusuf oo isagu ku dhawaaqay 300 oo kun, halka dad kale oo tiro badanina ku dhawaaqeen inta u dhaxaysa 500 ilaa iyo 10 kun qofkiiba ee lacagta ingiriiska. Total ka lacagaha caawa lagu yaboohay ayaa lagu sheegay inay dhamayd ilaa 540 kun oo doolar. halkan ka daawo sawiro tiro badan http://caynabanews.com/view.php?id=34343

Great song. I saw show last night live on SLNTV it was great event Taarikhdu Qarinmayso Ilaahayna qadinmaayo Qabya tiraha dariiqeena