Good step At lease their is anti corruption and good governance Agent’s which gave order to arrest three top officials . What about Bugland and corruption that is where they receive biggest part of their revenue (pirate, human trafficking, .

HARGEISA(Somalilandpress) Agent’s belonging to Somaliland anti corruption and good governance have arrested three top officials in president Silanyo administration. The agents raid the names of the officials in the early hours of Saturday morning among those netted in the raid was the governor of Maroodi Jeex Haji Abdillahi (Hamarji, the director general in the ministry of resettlement and rehabilitation Ahmed Elmi Barre and the personnel advisor to the vice president Osman Saeed Jama on corruption charges levelled against them. Soon after their arrest the presidential spokesman Abdillahi Mohamed Dahir (Cukuse) issued a press release which stated as follows: The president of Somaliland H.E Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud (Silanyo) has issued presidential decree dismissing the three officials with immediate effect pending investigation concern misappropriation of food aid. Meant for less fortunate Somalilanders. It’s rumoured that the arrest was prompted when the consignment of food aid was went missing and was later traced to private warehouse where it was confiscated by security force’s offer intensive investigation the traders bought the food from government official’s investigations are still ongoing. On during his campaign president Silanyo pledged zero tolerance for corruption. This is the first major arrest of prominent officials by the anti corruption commission since it’s formation.

This is good news. It shows how hard this government is working against corruption. At lease Somaliland have anti corruption and good governance agent which shows us how strong they are.

Waa yaabe qoryahii aaway ciidan bilaa qoryo ku gaardiya halkanuun baan ku arkay. Mise faroolaan aamini karay qoryahaa lala hormarayo

Djibouti is doing Better than neighbors Figures are speaking: Djibouti GDP (PPP) 2010 estimate - Total $2.105 billion[2] - Per capita $2,554[2] GDP (nominal) 2010 estimate - Total $1.140 billion[2] - Per capita $1,383[2] Somalia GDP (PPP) 2010 estimate - Total $5.896 billion[2] (158th) - Per capita $600[2] (223nd) Ethiopia GDP (PPP) 2011 estimate - Total $94.598 billion[4] - Per capita $1,089[4] GDP (nominal) 2010 estimate - Total $29.717 billion[4] - Per capita $350[4] Eritrea GDP (PPP) 2011 estimate - Total $3.625 billion[5] - Per capita $720[5] GDP (nominal) 2011 estimate - Total $2.590 billion[5] - Per capita $472[5]

This is second multinational company opens in office Hargeisa GlaxoSmithKline PLC to establish an office HARGEISA — GlaxoSmithKline, one of the world’s leading research-based pharmaceutical and healthcare company held a press conference at Mansoor hotel in Hargeisa on Sunday February 12, 2012 to inform the Somaliland market that their company will begin importing to Somaliland all their pharmaceutical products. Galaxo SmithKline Plc. or GSK as it is known was formed back in 2000 after GlaxoWellcome merged with SmithKline which saw the creation of the third pharmaceutical company in the world. The multinational company has offices in more than one hundred countries around the world. Glaxo SmithKline’s Djibouti representative Mr. Said Omar who is the owner of DANKALE Pharmaceutical will be country manager. Dr. Farah Liban Ahmed who is one of the top pharmaceutical product importers to the country will be the sole distributor of all Glaxo SmithKline products from asthma, cancer, virus control, diabetes and many more products.

General Mohamed Ali Samantar the former defence and Prime Minister of Somalia won’t contest war crime claims in US Ex-Somali PM won’t contest war crime claims in US By MATTHEW BARAKAT, Associated Press – 16 hours ago ALEXANDRIA, Va. (AP) — The former prime minister of Somalia on Thursday ended an eight-year legal battle by accepting legal liability for alleged war crimes and killings that occurred under the regime of dictator Siad Barre. But he denied wrongdoing and said he never approved any slayings. Mohamed Ali Samantar, 76, was a top official in the Barre regime serving throughout the 1980s as vice president, defense minister and prime minister, up until the months before the regime’s collapse in 1991. But for more than a decade, he has lived quietly in the Washington suburb of Fairfax, Va., surrounded by a large extended family. Samantar was sued in 2004 in U.S. District Court in Alexandria by several members of the ***** clan, who said they suffered brutal repression — including torture and mass killings — under the Barre regime. Samantar fought for years to have the case tossed out of court and was initially successful. In 2007, U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema ruled that Samantar enjoyed immunity from the litigation as a former official of a foreign state. But the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated the lawsuit. He tried to avoid a trial and filed for bankruptcy protection Sunday in the hope it would be postponed. But a bankruptcy judge allowed the case to go forward. On Thursday, as jury selection was about to begin, Samantar said he would accept a default judgment against him and would not contest the allegations. He made clear, though, that while he accepts legal liability he admits no wrongdoing. “I request to accept default, but that doesn’t mean I’m guilty,” he told the judge. The Center for Justice And Accountability, a California-based nonprofit legal firm that brought the case on behalf of the Somali plaintiffs, said the judgment against Samantar is the first time anywhere in the world that a court has held the Barre regime responsible for its actions. Samantar said he could no longer afford the costly litigation, and his failing health — he is on dialysis — make it harder for him to defend himself. He also told The Associated Press on Thursday that he believes the case is politically motivated and that rehashing allegations from more than 20 years ago would serve to divide Somalia at a time when unification efforts are under way. “I have a legacy in my country,” he said in an interview, speaking in Somali and interpreted for a reporter by family members. “I want to allow the reconciliation process to continue.” Samantar’s lawyer made a similar argument, and the judge said she would have dismissed the case if the State Department determined it could harm international relations. But the Obama administration said the lawsuit could proceed. Samantar told the AP he was fundamentally offended by the idea that an American court could pass judgment on a Somali dispute. “I worked 40 years for my country,” he said. “I was faithful to my country and abided by the law.” The judge began hearing evidence from victims in the case Thursday to help her decide what kind of monetary damages should be awarded, though Samantar was not present to hear that testimony. And collecting any money may be difficult because Samantar has filed for bankruptcy. The default judgment left mixed feelings for the four Somali plaintiffs — two of whom are now U.S. citizens — who brought the lawsuit. Bashe Abdi Yousuf, testified about the torture he suffered, followed by more than seven years of solitary confinement, after he and 20 others were convicted on what he said were trumped-up charges of belonging to a political party that was trying to overthrow the government. He testified that he was bound, suffered an electric shock, and beaten so badly that he could not walk for three days. But he said the torture was nothing compared to the mental suffering from seven years in solitary confinement. He said Samantar should be held accountable, even if he did not directly beat or torture him. “General Samantar was the vice president of the country. He was a commander of the highest rank … in Somalia,” said Yousuf, now a U.S. citizen living in Atlanta. “My ordeal was at the hands of the military people.” After testifying, Yousuf said that the opportunity to tell his story in court was important for him and that he felt vindicated by the default judgment. But he still wished that Samantar had been required to defend himself. “I really hoped for him to defend himself because I can’t see how he could defend himself,” Yousuf said. Another plaintiff, Aziz Deria of Bellevue, Wash., said he felt cheated by the default judgment, as Samantar could walk out of court without hearing the victims’ testimony. “I wanted him to sit there and personally feel the pain” that was suffered by the victims, said Deria, whose brother and father were killed during mass reprisals against the city of Hargeisa, an ***** stronghold.

Dr_Osman;794686 wrote: Gen.Maxamed Cali Samatar oo dacwadiisa la joojiyey February 24, 2012 // Warar Somaali Ra’iisul wasaarihii hore ee Somalia Gen: Maxamed Cali Samatar ayaa sheegay in la xiray dacwad loo heystay oo ka socotay maxkamada gobalka Virginia ee wadanka mareykanka mudo 8 sano ah. Just sit and wait charge in view weeks and than we will see how true could this lies be

Nacaybka idinka muuqda iyo wakhtiga badan ee aad ku bixiseen hawshan ayaa muujinaya inaydun ka naxsantahiin ka soo qaybgalka Madaxwayne Siilaanyo ee shirkan. Dhinaca kalana waxa muuqata inaan wax lagu midoobaa aanya meesha oolin dadka heerkaa ka gaadhay nacayb.

faarah22;793011 wrote: delusional as ever is it not. Waa yaabe yaa QALDAAAN ah ka wadankiisii dib u dhisay Ka waxbarashada caruurtiisa 300% sare u qaaday Wax ka qabtay abaaraha, gaajada iyo silica hooyada iyo dhalaanka Mise waxa QALDAAAN ah Ka 22 sano is cunaya dantiisa garan la hadana ku kale daba socda DADKAYGU HADUU TASHADAY MAXAA LOO DABA SOCDAA

Is their ling betweet Qaran and this news UN Security Council Committee on Somalia and Eritrea adds one individual to list of individuals and entities NEW YORK, February 20, 2012/African Press Organization (APO)/ -- On 17 February 2012, the... NEW YORK, February 20, 2012/African Press Organization (APO)/ -- On 17 February 2012, the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea added one individual to the list of individuals and entities subject to the travel ban, assets freeze and targeted arms embargo imposed by paragraphs 1, 3 and 7 of resolution 1844 (2008). (12) Jim'ale, Ali Ahmed Nur AKA: JIM'ALE, Ahmed Ali AKA: JIM'ALE, Ahmad Nur Ali AKA: JIM'ALE, Sheikh Ahmed AKA: JIM'ALE, Ahmad Ali AKA: JIM'ALE, Shaykh Ahmed Nur DOB: 1954 POB: Eilbur, Somalia Nationality: Somalia Alt. nationality: Djibouti Passport: A0181988 (Somalia), exp. 23 January 2011 Location: Djibouti, Republic of Djibouti Ali Ahmed Nur Jim'ale (Jim'ale) has served in leadership roles with the former Somali Council of Islamic Courts, also known as the Somali Islamic Courts Union, which was a radical-Islamist element. The most radical elements of the Somali Islamic Courts Union eventually formed the group known as Al-Shabaab. Al‑Shabaab was listed for targeted sanctions in April 2010 by the United Nations Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea (the “Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee”). The Committee listed Al-Shabaab for being an entity engaged in acts that directly or indirectly threaten the peace, security, or stability of Somalia, including but not limited to acts that pose a threat to Somali Transitional Federal Government. According to the 18 July 2011 report of the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee's Monitoring Group (S/2011/433), Jim'ale is identified as a prominent businessman and figure in the Al-Shabaab charcoal-sugar trading cycle and benefitting from privileged relationships with Al-Shabaab. Jim'ale is identified as one of Al-Shabaab's chief financiers and is ideologically aligned with Al-Shabaab. Jim'ale has provided key funding and political support for Hassan Dahir Aweys (“Aweys”), who was also listed by the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee. Former Al-Shabaab Deputy Emir Muktar Robow reportedly continued to engage in political posturing within the Al-Shabaab organization during the mid-2011. Robow engaged Aweys and Jim'ale in an effort to advance their shared objectives and consolidate their overall stance within the context of the Al-Shabaab leadership rift. As of fall 2007, Jim'ale established a front company in Djibouti for extremist activities called the Investors Group. The short-term goal of the group was, through the funding of extremist activities and weapons purchases, to destabilize Somaliland. The group assisted in smuggling small arms from Eritrea through Djibouti into the 5th region of Ethiopia where extremists received the shipment. As of mid-2008, Jim'ale continued to operate the Investors Group. As of late September 2010, Jim'ale established ZAAD, a mobile-to-mobile money-transfer business and struck a deal with Al-Shabaab to make money transfers more anonymous by eliminating the need to show identification. As of late 2009, Jim'ale had a known hawala fund where he collected zakat, which was provided to Al-Shabaab. Jim'ale also controls Hormuud Telecommunications (“Hormuud”). Hormuud Telecommunications is a company identified as being one of the single largest financiers of Al-Shabaab, which includes large lump-sum payments to Al-Shabaab in the hundreds of thousands of dollars and these payments to Al-Shabaab were facilitated by Jim'ale. Hormuud is operated by several former large shareholders of Al-Barakaat with Jim'ale being the largest shareholder. Hormuud Telecommunications was created by the former leaders of Al-Barakaat in an attempt to re-establish themselves as a dominant telecom provider in Somalia. In addition, Hormuud managers have provided Al-Shabaab leaders such as Hassan al-Turki, an Al-Shabaab-aligned military leader who was also listed by the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee, with personal communication networks. In addition to providing funding, Hormuud Telecommunications has provided key material and logistical support to Al-Shabaab to include weapons, private fighters and ammunition. Spokespersons for moderate Somali groups have warned the Somali people not to use Hormuud Telecommunications Company, because Hormuud personnel listen in on conversations for Al-Shabaab. Additionally, Hormuud has cut off telephone service during Al-Shabaab attacks against pro-Somali Government forces. The latest version of the list is available on the Committee's webpage at http://www.un.org/sc/committees/751/pdf/1844_cons_list.pdf. Provided by PR Newswire

Oodweyne;791096 wrote: ^^ :D See to it if you could find the word "analogy" from the dictionary. And, then, I believe that your breathtaking and ignominious daftness could be at end in here, dead lad,.. Oday ha dhagaysan jiq-jiqda caruurta golaha joogta it is indeed historic travel and we can insha ALLA expect the best it. Siilanyona ama dhagaxbaa lagu soo dhowayn ama ubax soo noqodkiisa isna waxa uu caawa leeyahay. Abidkayba waan jiray jab intuu dhacaayee, waan joogay dunidane, wixii amuure jiraye, jiilaalku ima karo iyo, jidin cadaadkuye, ma jilcamo ma jiifsado, mana jidhiidhicoodee, soo jiidh wanaaga jeeniga ku soo qaad, ama ooda soo jabi, dhaaxaan belo u joogee...

Nin tahriibay naagtu way ka furantahay ayay qabaan waa wax laga naxo in kasta oo qoraalkani uu dhan qudha wax ka sheegayo oo aanu waxba ka qurayn dhinaca naagta

Somalia;790771 wrote: Galmudug flag is right there, the Somali one and Taleex Town Council is not recognized for obvious reasons. But isn't it bright? Look at them in their habitat sxb. Dining on cheap plastic chairs in poring room without any decorative touch at walls, doesn.t mean that future bright is for Somalia. Better come with any constructional development.

Ceebey tacaal Prof qabiil ka hadlaya Ilaah baan idinku dhaarshee meeqa jeer ayuu carabka ku dhuftay magac qabiil labada video meeqaan hoose ayuu is geeyay waa nasiib daro Somali ku dhacday

Kuwan baaba la qaatay oo muuq dhaama

Wali cid warkaa sheegaysa ama baragtigaraysay, juus garaynta uu sheegayo maan arag ilaa wakhtigaa

Caadi maaha : Ma awrka ayuu ku kicisanayaa mise Whitney abtirsiin bay wadaagaan. Horto naagtu waa qoloma?

Mario B;788563 wrote: ------------ That's is just hot air from lobbyist group among British Parliamentarians who happen to have a large diaspora community from 'Somaliland Republic' residing in their constituency. [i.e. Croydon, Cardiff etc] :D Mario Hot air break the ice in this cold time :cool: :cool:

Yes Mr Oodweyne UK government position is contradict and they don't want take the lead. it is up to our government how they use this opportunity in London to target other key players from Africa.

Prof worlord ka isbadalka badan oo awal si kale u hadli jiray wax wayn muu sheegin ee waxa uu markan sheegay: Goosashada maanan ogolaan waligayana maanan sexeexin go'aan wax lagula wadaagayo SL. waxaan ka qayb galay shirkii Burco iyo kii Boorame oo ugaasyo nabad kaga tashanayeen. Waa yaabe shirarkaasi ma waxay ahayeen shir beeleedyo ay suladaano, ugaasyo, garaadyo iyo caaqilo kaliyihi isagu yimaadeen mise waxaay ahaayeen shirar siyaasadeed oo madax lagu dooranayay oo oday dhaqameedyada kasakow ay joogeen madax jabhadeed iyo siyaasiyiin wax ka hunguraynaysa maamulka la dhisayo. Haddii profisoorku uuna taageersanayn wixii ka soo baxay Burco muxuu ka doonay kii Boorame haddii aanu xil ka quudaraynayn? Profisoorku waxa uu ku guul daraystay inuu inoo cadeeyo inuu Khaatumo ka gooynayo Soomaliland (SL haddii ay go'day iyana waa laga go'i karaa) laakiin waxa uu leeyahay go'itaanka SL ayaanan ogolayn oo macnaheegu noqonayo Minority overrule wishes of majority and this is receipt of war hadana waxa uu leeyahay nabad baan raadinayaa. Waxa kale oo uu sheegay in goboladaas wax horumar ah aan laga samayn oo aan loo ogolaan NGO iyo kuwa horumarka iyo hay adaha caafimaadka ka shaqeeya inay caruurta talaalan ama biyo ka qodaan. Waa yaabe yaa NGO yada iyo horumarka ka hor taagan ma qoriga lala wareegayo iyo dagaal oogayaasha sidiisoo kale ah mise xukuumada Hargeisa. Haddii ay Hargaysa, Boorame iyo Burco ka nolol fiicanyahiin waa inta ay dadka meelahaas dagan iyo qurbajoogoodu ay u soo jeedaan nabada iyo horumarinta deegaankooga halka aqoonyahanka reer Laascaanod ay ka soo diraan qori iyo rasaas ayaa kuwa reer gabilay ay dhakhtar ka dhistaan ama dawo iyo talaal caruurtooda u raadiyaan.

The British Somaliland protectorate, now Somaliland, was part of the empire and of the Commonwealth. It has incredibly strong connections with the UK, and, although I fully understand the Foreign Office’s reticence, feeling that if Somaliland is to be recognised it must be recognised first within Africa, I do not think that we should ever forget, or for a moment be seen to be forgetting, Somaliland. I am very pleased that, of the development assistance that DFID now allocates to Somalia, a significant proportion goes to Somaliland, which has phenomenal potential. It has a fantastic port, at Berbera, with enormous potential, and its access to the sea could, if it were developed, be used by countries such as Ethiopia. But it has just been incredibly difficult for Somaliland to take forward any such developments without international recognition, and because international companies are reluctant to enter into contracts there, where they could never be sure what status in law, recognition in law and system of law they would experience if there were ever a dispute about an investment or contract. That makes life hard for Somalilanders, but Mary Harper, whom I quote simply because she has spent much more time in Somaliland than I have and has all the objectivity of being a BBC reporter, says: “The reason why so many Somalilanders have returned home and have been able to embark on such exciting projects for themselves and for the territory as a whole is that, unlike Somalia, Somaliland has since 1991 been rebuilding its economy, society and government. It has been doing this slowly, in its own way, with a careful progression from a clan-based political system to what should ultimately be a Somali-style multiparty democracy. Because western models of peacemaking and state-building have not been imposed from the outside, Somaliland has in many ways saved itself from the fate of Somalia. The example of Somaliland has demonstrated that, when left to themselves, Somalis can form a viable nation state.” I am therefore delighted that President Silanyo is coming to the London conference. It is excellent that UK initiatives are being taken by the voluntary and 9 Feb 2012 : Column 536 other sectors to set up a Somaliland development corporation, so that we here can give Somaliland whatever help we can with investment and job creation. They are all really good initiatives. However, those on the Treasury Bench need to understand that the Somalilanders are willing to give the London conference their full support, but do not want to prejudice their claim to be an independent state. They support it because they see themselves as neighbours of Somalia. Like Ethiopia, Kenya and other neighbouring states, they see that they have an interest in certain issues, such as in ensuring that piracy off the coast of Somalia stops and that the Mogadishu regime becomes more stable. They are coming to London co-operatively and supportively, but want to make it clear that they, like many others in the past in Africa, wish to assert their right to self-determination. I suggest to the House that they have international law and history on their side.

Tony Baldry (Banbury) (Con): I am very pleased to follow the right hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth (Alun Michael) because we, together with the hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn), are officers of the all-party group on Somaliland and Somalia. We have been working very closely on all these issues and very much welcome the initiative being taken by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister in organising the London summit later this month. This is a tale of two countries. In 2004, the Select Committee on International Development, which I chaired at the time, paid a study visit to see how DFID development assistance was being used in Ethiopia. On that trip, we had a free weekend, but ambassadors do not like it when Members of Parliament have a free weekend because they are never quite sure what the MPs are going to get up to, so they like to keep Select Committee teams busy. Myles Wickstead, our excellent ambassador in Addis Ababa at the time said that he had recently been to Hargeisa for Remembrance day for the Somaliland Scouts. We should remember that during the last war 9 Feb 2012 : Column 533 many from Somaliland served in the armed forces. There is in Hargeisa a Commonwealth graves war memorial to the Hargeisa Scouts, to which he had been. He said, “Look, no one has been to Somaliland for a very long time. Would you be interested in visiting it?” To be totally honest, with one exception I do not think that any of us on the Select Committee had ever heard Somaliland. We knew nothing about it, so we said, “Yes, of course, we’d be interested in going to Hargeisa,” and we flew there. We were the first parliamentary delegation to have visited Somaliland for many years and the scene at the airport was one of crowds the like of which I have rarely seen, holding banners saying “We love our Queen”, “We want to come home”, and “Support the Commonwealth”. It was amazing. From the airport to the hotel in Hargeisa, the crowds welcoming members of the Select Committee were about 10 deep. Mr Edward Leigh (Gainsborough) (Con): Does that ever happen in Banbury? Tony Baldry: Alas, the only time we see such crowds in Banbury is when the Queen comes to visit, and I am glad to say that when Her Majesty came to visit Banbury to celebrate our charter, we had similar crowds. The people of Hargeisa saw the parliamentary delegation as very much representing the UK, the Commonwealth and this Parliament. They made it clear that they identified with us, and wanted to identify with us. That caused me to look a bit at history. The crown of the British empire was of course India, and to protect the sea routes to India the British occupied Aden, and to protect Aden we occupied what became the British Protectorate of Somaliland. Interestingly, the British Protectorate of Somaliland, unlike many other countries in colonial Africa, had well defined boundaries that in the last century the United Kingdom negotiated by treaty with Ethiopia, France and Italy, and there has never been any dispute about them. Indeed, some fantastic British Protectorate of Somaliland postage stamps from the reign of the late King George VI show the map of that territory, which is now Somaliland, clearly marked by treaty. Its boundaries are clearly marked and defined. To the south of the British Protectorate of Somaliland was what was called Italian Somalia, practically the only legitimate Italian colony in Africa. After the second world war and the defeat of the axis powers, responsibility for Italian Somalia fell to the United Nations and a UN mandate. Understandably, the UN was keen to release itself from the mandate at the earliest possible opportunity, and so in 1960 it was agreed that Italian Somalia would be given independence. As the right hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth has already explained, the Somalis generally hoped to see a greater Somalia, involving Italian Somalia, the British Somali protectorate and Somalis living in Djibouti, Kenya and Ethiopia. The British Protectorate of Somaliland was given independence on a Sunday, and for a number of days it was an independent de jure state. Later in the next week, what was the British Protectorate of Somaliland, which had been granted independence by the United Kingdom, joined Somalia to become what is now known by the international community, and recognised by the United Nations, as de jure Somalia. 9 Feb 2012 : Column 534 What had been the British Somalian protectorate and Italian Somalia sought to work as a single sovereign state. However, it floundered as a consequence of the activities of the Government of Siad Barre, and things become so desperate that in 1991 the Government of Siad Barre actually bombed Hargeisa. As BBC journalist Mary Harper comments in her recently published book: “The authorities’ response to the rebellion was extraordinarily vicious; Siad Barre’s ground and air forces carried out such heavy bombardment of the regional capital, Hargeisa, that it was known as the ‘Dresden of Africa’. Barely a wall was left standing and almost every roof of every building was blown off or looted. The city was smashed and stripped; its population eventually left, walking all the way to Ethiopia in a biblical-style Exodus, as described by Mark Bradbury in his book Becoming Somaliland : The flight in 1988 was one of the fastest and largest forced movements of people recorded in Africa.” If one goes to Hargeisa, one still sees the bomb damage inflicted on the city, which it has been impossible to rebuild. I also think that it would be impossible to rebuild the trust between the Somalilanders and Somalia, between Hargeisa and Mogadishu. The people of Somaliland want independence. They have now been independent for more than 20 years. They have had contested parliamentary and presidential elections and, in contrast with many other African states, peaceful and democratic transfers of power without any difficulty, as with the recent transition from President Rayale to President Silanyo. Somaliland is in exactly the same position as the Gambia. For a while the Gambia was part of Senegal, but that did not work and the Gambia decided that it wished to be independent again. It was granted independence and recognised by the international community. I suggest that Somaliland is in exactly the same position in international law. If so, that prompts the following question: why has Somaliland not been recognised as a de jure state? I think that it has been really bad luck for Somaliland that some of the key players in the region, for their own reasons, have not wanted to recognise First, one would have expected the other Arab nations in the region to support Somaliland, because it is primarily a Muslim and Arab nation. However, Egypt has for a long time been in dispute with Ethiopia over the Nile waters, and I think that it has suited Egypt for there to be as much uncertainty, difficulty and turbulence as possible on Ethiopia’s borders. As Egypt has not been prepared to recognise Somaliland for that reason, neither have other Gulf Arab states. Secondly, I think that many other African Union member states regard Somaliland as being a long way away; it is not a sub-Saharan nation, and they see it primarily as an Arab nation. It really has not been sufficiently high up the agenda in African Foreign Ministries, such as that in Pretoria. One of the things that will be good for the Somalilanders about the London conference, and for others, is that it will for the first time bring together in the same place all the key players, including the senior representatives of the African Union. It is a matter of fact that President Silanyo has so far not met the key players in the African Union, so the conference will be a good opportunity for that. Having visited Somaliland on a number of occasions, as I am sure the right hon. Member for Cardiff South and Penarth has, I can report to the House that, notwithstanding the lack of international recognition,

Indeed it was interesting debate Some interesting punts are: Alun Michael (Cardiff South and Penarth) (Lab/Co-op): What the Foreign Secretary says about the situation in Somalia is absolutely true, and his interest in it is greatly appreciated not only in this country but, I am sure, worldwide. Will he take the opportunity to clarify the situation with regard to Somaliland, about which there is sometimes misunderstanding? As he said, there has been no effective central Government in the former Somalia for more than 20 years, but there has been a very effective Government in Somaliland, albeit that it has not been recognised as a separate state. Will he take the opportunity to acknowledge that difference between the situation in the north and the south? 9 Feb 2012 : Column 510 Mr Hague: Yes, of course. The right hon. Gentleman has been a great expert on, and friend of, Somaliland for a long time, and we can indeed make that distinction. I spoke to the President of Somaliland last week to encourage him to come to the London conference, and my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for International Development has visited Somaliland. We give it a lot of assistance in many ways and welcome the fact that it has become a more stable area within Somalia, and we will welcome its participation at the London conference. I will come back to Somaliland later. I have been giving a general introduction to Somalia as a whole, but the right hon. Gentleman is certainly right to make that distinction. I also welcomed the Foreign Secretary’s acknowledging, following my earlier intervention, that the situation in Somaliland is different. I understand the reasons for his policy of not formally recognising Somaliland as a separate country. The last Labour Government looked at this issue on a number of occasions, and my right hon. Friend the Member for South Shields, as Foreign Secretary, took the same view not because he lacked sympathy for Somaliland or did not respect the wishes of its population, but because, if recognition is to come, it must start in Africa and come from Somaliland’s neighbours, rather than from a former colonial power. The Foreign Secretary was of course right to put the main emphasis on tackling the disastrous state of affairs in the south-central regions of the former Somalia, because that is where the threats lie to the local people—for whom the situation is truly disastrous—and to the international community. Again, that situation has been underlined by the International Committee of the Red Cross. However, it is understandable that people in Somaliland feel they are being ignored. The newspapers and the media in general cover the problems; it is not a headline to say that a country is living at peace and nothing excessively exciting is happening. However, I welcome the fact that the Foreign Secretary underlined that distinction. Such a distinction could be made on the Foreign Office’s website without compromising the Government’s position—for instance, by indicating that security is greater, or that the dangers are less, in Somaliland than in the south. It would be like making the distinction that London was not subjected to regular violent incidents when such things were taking place in Belfast. We got pretty annoyed when, on occasion, some Americans did not make that distinction. The Indian Government certainly got irritated when, after the bombings in Mumbai, the problems were treated as if they were the same right across that very large country. The Foreign Secretary’s emphasis is right, but I make no apology for wanting to say a few things about the situation in Somaliland in particular. I summed it up a few years ago by saying that “Somaliland has not been recognised—but it has become respected—as a beacon of democracy.” That remains true, and in fact those words have been used by the Prime Minister. Following the elections in Somaliland, I asked the Prime Minister his views on 7 July 2010. In effect, he said that Somaliland has earned respect through elections. A transfer of power had taken place from the outgoing President to President Silanyo, after a fairly narrow election victory. The new Government took a mature view, saying that they wanted to be recognised but their top priority was meeting the needs of their people. Engaging with the international community, trying to work with neighbours on things 9 Feb 2012 : Column 530 such as economic development, and seeking the development of parliamentary institutions, education and health were even more of a priority than recognition, which they prize greatly. It is worth while highlighting the history. In 1960, the former British Somaliland gained its independence and shortly after joined the former Italian Somaliland to form Somalia. The early hopes had been that Djibouti, the former French Somaliland, would join to create a single Somali nation, but that did not happen. Sadly, the rule of President Siad Barre became increasingly oppressive towards the north, leading to the emergence of the opposition Somali National Movement, which became increasingly successful in the late 1980s. The fighting mainly took place in the north and there was little international coverage of it, but the coverage increased as the civil war progressed and affected Mogadishu, where most of the diplomats and foreign correspondents were based. Thus, as has happened so often in the past, the concentration in the international diplomatic and media spotlight was on events in the south. As the civil war progressed, the south descended into instability, with increasingly vicious conflict between various war lords. We all know how unsuccessful the international attempts were to intervene and support the development of proper government in the south. In the north, without any great help from the international community, Somaliland has developed over the past 21 years to have local government elections, parliamentary elections and presidential elections. They are not perfect but, given that it is a country without international recognition, they are certainly remarkable. The creation of an independent electoral commission, which played a considerable part in leading to the presidential elections, was very important, as was the support that we have given in trying to work with the Somalilanders, Parliament to Parliament. It is also worth remembering the history because there have been Somali communities in the UK for more than 150 years, and Somalis have made a particular contribution to the merchant navy, the Army and the Royal Navy, and to our traditional industries. The roots of my constituency’s Somali community are in the north and sentiment is strongly in support of Somaliland; there is increasing strength in the plea to Britain and to the international community to recognise Somaliland. That requires a process, as I think it is in the “too difficult” box for the African Union and for individual African countries, many of which fear precedent. The precedent of having a democracy for 21 years without recognition would be a pretty high hurdle for anyone else to imitate, but those fears nevertheless exist. Recognition requires a process that will allow the people of Somaliland to say whether they wish to continue to assert, as they do now, their right to independence or whether they wish to enter into a loose confederation or some other arrangement. This should be for Somalis to decide and I simply plead that we continue to recognise—perhaps I should say “acknowledge”, given that “recognition” is so difficult—the success of Somaliland in maintaining a democracy over a period of time. I wish to make one point about this, which is that they have the legal right to independence. There is nowhere they can assert it, because that is not the way things work in international diplomacy, but as this country was once independent, however brief the In the meantime, the Government of Somaliland chose not to spend all their time arguing about constitutional issues, but to look to development. I want to make two points. The first is about the encouraging fact that President Silanyo has taken the unprecedented step, which I welcome, of deciding to attend the conference in London. I believe that the Minister for Africa’s willingness to engage directly in understanding the sensitivities has played a great part in making that happen. It would have been unthinkable to have had this conference and for it to have been successful without having Somaliland at the table, but the process has been difficult and risky. Somaliland was left out of the Djibouti process and felt unable to join international processes that would have given it a seat only on the assumption that it came under the aegis of the Government in Mogadishu, so agreeing to be at the table involves considerable risks for the President. It is a tribute to his leadership that he has agreed to do so and that he has involved the two opposition parties, as well as his own, in saying that it is the right thing to do. That in itself demonstrates a strong willingness to co-operate in seeking a solution to the instability in the horn of Africa. It is also to the credit of the Somaliland Government that they have provided humanitarian aid to the south. Again, that gives one hope for a period of proper engagement. That is important because the Somaliland model of peace building, based on people sitting down and working out what they want in a constitution,

SomaliNationalist;788166 wrote: Somaliland is dead soon inter SNM wars will return If Somaliland is dead Maxaad ka dheefi adigu 20 ayaad dead tahay ma nololbaa sidaa kugu soo gali duli nimo iyo gumaysiga cusub ee laguu jeexayo ee AU/UN ay kuugu heshiiyeen baa ku haysani abidkaa.