Will the US invade Iran Yes and NO Yes as they would be financial and miliatary backed by Arab regimes. Saudi would pump money and the propaganda(Clerics) needed to sustain the operation. Egypt will definatly join in and provide mercenaries just like what they are doing in Iraq. Jordan 2. Kuwait will also finance it. So its simply easier than Iraq as the ywould need less manpower and finance. No As they know that the masssive shia support in Iraq qould dwindle. As they also know the best way to sustain the middle east chaos is to beef up animosity btw Sunis and Shias which is effective.

Check out this website. http://video.google.co.uk/videoplay?docid=-7373201783240489827&q=illuminati Every worldy event has been preplanned.

^^ You know till the TFG changes the 4.5 system i dont think their is something known as being fair & Just in their dictionary.

WCS. Red sea. Lets be rational here have you ever heard of the Quraan verse "Allah does not change the condition of the people till they mend their ways" Well if 95% of people of somalia are Qabilist then i dont think you guys would prevail against Xabashi. So these guys fighting would just be shuhada while the situation in the ground would not change as even nobody would want to shelter them. As for the Qabil thing its not bad if it is used in the proper manner. just like The prophet used it to invite & entice Various Arab Qabils to Islam and a chief or a pious person would make an entire Qabil to be Muslims. So you propagating Jihad in Somaliaonline would be of no use. the best approach is to give Dawah to your close one. Red sea i could say the most racist Qabil in Somalia is from Woqoyi. Their Culama failed to teach them about the evil of Nazism I have seen teenagers from that area with poisonous minds. Their parents,elders preach to them hate! hate! and separatism as they see this is the only short cut to some form of recognision . and know the people of that area are sufering from the consequences of their actions. 1.The Ethiopians own berbera port . 2.They created animosity with their breathrens in Somali galbeed to the extent that even trade has greatly diminished and thus has had great impact in Woqoyi Galbeed economy. 3.The have also created animosity with their southern brethrens. So keep your piety to yourself and cleanup your house.

^^^Dude no one is garaac,everyone meel buu Kasoo firacmey. What am simply stating is if Somalis do not want cost sharing then why should my people be overburden with somalia responsiblity? As for ICU i never said they hailed from one community nor should the battle ground be confined to specificaly my enclave. Somalis are worse than Xabashi. They would back stab you when you need them most. Know it seems that after the ICU retreated we are specificaly targeted most thorughout the country. Even in mogadishu,Somalis would be plundering and selling my folks to Ethios. Red sea lets be open minded here if you saw one of my folks in Hargeisa being exploited you wouldnt even raise an eye brow. ragyahow waan isbaraney. ICU dhacaad umatihin you just hate TFG. Enjoy the occupation and kill each other with Kalashnicov. Its been 16 yrs anaa reer hebel baad kabaxiweydhen Xabashi haidhin Karbashto.

One thing is if the news turn out to be true as reported then they should vacate the land. My people will not be the sacrificial lamb for liberating Somalia. they have gone through alot of hardship(US carpet bombardment,posioning of water sources,TFG, Ethiopian and Kenyan forces looting plundering,raping and ethnic cleansing Thus if 95% of folks in Somalia prefer occupation then i dont see why they should be liberated. Few bombs exploding in Mogadishu will not make Ethiopians leave Somalia. Ethiopians are here to stay. Sheikh Sharif whose status has been raised to sainthood for his charming speeches was infact betrayed by his own community who ushered in Ethiopians and mutinied during the decisive battle between ICU & Ethiopians. The Game in Somalia is more of petty tribal rivalry(Somaliland Vs Puntland,Puntland Vs Mogadishu community) and most of the Somalis that supporte ICU only support them theoratically but practicaly they would sell them alive to safe guard their tribal affiliation.

The Release of 15 US soldiers in southern Somalia underway--Yemen paper Aweys Osman Yusuf Mogadishu 08, Feb.07 ( Sh.M.Network) - Reports that more than 11 US soldiers were seized by Somalia’s routed Islamists in southern Somalia are once again surfacing. According to Al-nedaa, a newspaper based in Yemen, the Islamic Courts Executive Council leader, Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed, has told the newspaper that his release by the Americans and Kenyan authority in Nairobi came after negotiations were made over the discharge of 15 US marines in the hands of the fugitive Islamists in south of the country. Islamist groups based in some unidentified Arab countries are reportedly arbitrating the US agents in East Africa and the Union of Islamists over the release of the American soldiers. Sources close Sheik Sharif say that Sheik Ahmed stipulated the discharge of US captives with the condition that he should have his own freedom on which the, sources said, the US agreed. The sources said at least 15 American soldiers were seized after they landed on the ground around Raskamboni near the Kenyan border where the US warplanes were striking. The paper said during the capture, four US soldiers were wounded. Sheik Sharif said the deal he made with the US would be implemented next week. The Americans were also convinced that the leaders of Islamists should be given the chance to play affective roles in the national reconciliation conference due to be held in Somalia to achieve a broad based government. The US resorted to the Islamist groups in Arab countries which had links with Somalia’s Islamists after it found out US soldiers were captured in southern Somalia. Al-nedaa said Yemeni government is also mediating the US and sheik Sharif. Yemen would hand over Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed back to US in Nairobi if negotiations to release the soldiers fail. Shabelle Media Network Somalia I call this bullshit

I dont think tha news is credible. One thing is if he was really captured. It would be great victory for the TFG. The TFG would 24/7 publicise on how they captured one of the 'fugitives'. He would also give credit to TFG if he was hospitalised as this would boost the soveregnity of the TFG. In conclusion the news if it is credible has no effect on the grounds. As the Ethiopians are indescriminatly looting and plundering that region while recently the Arrest of the elders has infact plunged the crediblity of the TFG into tatters.

And what does that imply? you know plegiarising history will not suit your propaganda. where is your supposedly patriach origin isnit it not Mait? There is still debate over the ethnic composition of the kingdom. "The Conquest of Horn of Africa" by I.M Lewis states, Somali forces contributed much to the Imam’s victories. Shihab ad-Din, the Muslim chronicler of the period, writing between 1540 and 1560, mentions them frequently. (Fatuh al-Habasha, ed. And trs. R. Besset Paris, 1897.). The most prominent Somali groups in the campaigns were the *********, ********, and ******* --all ******* clans. Shihab ad-Din is very vague as to their distribution and grazing areas, but describes the ********* as at the time in possession of the ancient eastern port of Mait . Of the ******* only the ********* clan seem to have been involved and their distribution is not recorded. Finally several ********* clans also took part. The effective participation of these pastoral nomads, renowned “clutterers of roads”, in the Muslim victories indicates something of the power of leadership, spiritual as well as temporal, of the Imam. _______________ Baliis do not bring or write clan names on here. [ February 05, 2007, 12:31 AM: Message edited by: Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar ]

^^ what did you say little Nazi

why dont the mercenaries from Hargeisa cross the border to reclaim 'Haud'. We will just see how many seconds they may last

I belive we should get back hawd and reserve area and add it 2 somaliland becous etnic somalilanders live there I also believe action speaks louder than words

Abyssinian Invasion: Reminder of a Seven Century-Old Animosity Said Alinuri 17 Jan, 2007 When some concerned Ethiopians are asked why do they have a problem with political developments in Somalia, usually they refer to security issues or the political events in the Horn of Africa over the last four decades. Most of the analysts of the problem in Somalo-Ethiopian relations, however, consider over a century-old antagonism. But some others go beyond that and point out older events. This paper is a humble attempt to provide a picture for the roots of an age-old conflict between Christian Abyssinia and Muslim Somalia at general, and the ongoing invasion at particular. But before I plunge into the subject, let me give some background the Islam in Somalia. The Spread of the Islam in Somalia Within a few decades of its birth, Islam reached Somalia. Documents from Zayla’a (Awdal) and Banadir, both ancient centers of civilization, indicate that migrants from western Arabia settled in these regions in the period of khalifa Umar bin Khattab (A.D. 634-644) and khalifa AbdulMalik bin Marwan (A.D. 688-708). Moreover, Arabic inscriptions from Muqdisho (Mogadishu) refer to the death of four Muslims from A.D. 719 to 767, at least two of whom had immigrated from Hijaz. After this initial advent, Islam became stronger in the coastal centers and gained substantial footholds in the interior during the period of 850-1000 A.D. The Jabarti community, a Muslim Somali, expanded from the northern coastal regions of Zayla’a and Sanāg around the middle of 9th century. Zayla’a became a well known place by outside Muslims after 850, a sign of Muslim presence in the city. In fact, the Awdali document, written around 1290, states that descendents of one of those settlers in the period of khalifa Umar founded the Emirate of Shawa in A.D. 896. The Emirate of Shawa appears to have been an offshoot of the Empire of Awdal, variously known as Jabarti or Zayla’a. Few decades later, however, Al-Masâudi wrote that there was a Muslim community in Zaylaâ, albeit of a minority status. The regions of Zaylaâ, Sanāg and later Harar, were the centers of dispersal for the founders of many Muslim communities to further reach out to outlying provinces. As a result, the indigenous populations of the vast land between Ras Aseyr (Guardafui) in the east and Shawa and Bali in the west embraced Islam as their religion. A chain of political units by ethnically related communities evolved in this belt throughout the first quarter of the second millennium. As regards the regions of Shawa and its eastern neighbor, Awfāt, accounts recorded from the 12th century onwards show that, besides the Jabarti sub-clans of Harla, Gidaya-Geri, and Walasmaâ, the indigenous Awdali clans of Warjeh, Wargar, Gabal, Hagar, Shawa, Hargay and Argobba had been converted to Islam. In the south west, many Arabic inscriptions commemorating the deaths of individual Muslims from A.D. 1000 to 1267 make clear the early existence of Islam in the area between Harar and Hadiya. In addition to the linguistic evidence, the tradition of the region adequately corroborates these historical accounts. A sizable section of the current population of Hadiya, Gurage, and Arusa regions of southern Ethiopia, are descendents of Somali settlers. In fact, many of the inhabitants of these regions trace their ancestry to sub-clans of Guardafui-Harar prominent in the early period of the Awdali Empire. The Somalis, along with the two small Semitic-speaking communities of Adari and Argobba, constituted the Awdali population. Bali, the southernmost province of greater Awdal, was a meeting point of the northern and the southern strongholds of ever-growing Islam. Besides the Awdali substratum of present-day population in that historical province, the 12th century coming of legendary Sheikh Nur Hussein of Bali from a Muslim family in the Banadiri city of Marka serves as a testament to Bali’s role as the cultural link between Awdal and Banadir. In fact, genealogical traditions connects this family to the founders of the state in Muslim Awdal, and relatives of the founders of Shawa sultanate are also found in Banadir region, as a further indication of connections in the North-South developments at that time. Early Islam in the southern coast, had been reinforced by gradual local conversion and waves of migration, leading to the evolution of Muslim city-states in Banadir. In the 8th and 9th centuries, about five of these of migrations swept from both sides of the Arabian/Persian Gulf and settled in Somalia, particularly Banadir. Still further south, a mosque was built in A.D 1050/75 in a settlement of historically Somali-inhabited Lamo archipelago, now the SE coast of Kenya. The century between 1150 and 1250 marked a decisive turn in the role of Islam in Somali history. Al-Hamawi and, later, ibn Said note that the Berber (Somalis) were a Muslim nation during that period. In the north, Awdal proper (Zayla-Hawash-Shabelle region) now is a center of commercial empire from Ras Aseyr to Hadiya. In the south, similarly, the powerful commercial city-state of Hamar (Muqdisho) took the lead. Townsmen from this Somali coast spread Islam along the East African coast and laid the foundations of the Sawahili civilization. As a source of civilization, Islam developed the state formation, trade activities, and coexistence among different communities. Within this difficult process of cultural transformation, Islam spread in the Horn of Africa through peaceful means: trade, migration, intermarriage, etc. There is no sign of violence associated with this process of Islamization except for isolated incidents in few places. Even different communities of Sunnis and Shiites co-existed in peace in the regions of Awdal and Banadir. A new Threat, the Amhara Expansion (C. 1270) That golden era of Islam in the region, particularly in Awdal, had been disturbed by the expansion of Amhara in the last quarter of 13th century. The Amhara dynasty was founded in 1270 in the present-day region of Wallo, north-central Ethiopia. The Amhara dynasty’s establishment coincided with a period that the Muslim communities in Shawa and Awfat had been undergoing an internal conflict. A time-to-time regular struggle for power among the leaders of Shawa sultanate, finally developed into a civil war in 1262 in Shawa and related parts of Awfat. Awfat was a powerful city and province that was even claiming the political leadership of greater Awdal at those times. In efforts to end the conflict, the Awfat-based Umar Wali-asmaâ Dunyahur Jabarti began to interfere it militarily in 1276, removed most of the contending amirs from the power in 1285, and fully integrated the area in 1289. But before he did so, Amhara authorities had already been taking advantage from this prolonged civil war. The new leadership of Amhara, had immediately started an expansion towards Muslim-inhabited Shawa. There is no doubt that these southward Amhara movements had finally touched the sense of security and sovereignty of these Muslims. As an introduction for protracted conflict between the Amhara-led Abyssinia and Awdal-led Somalia, some confrontations had been reported from 1280 onwards and about 1298. A further sign for the growing tension and the anger among the frontier Muslims, a local leader organized Awdali communities in Northern Shawa for a jihadic campaign against Amhara in 1299, but an actual encounter was just avoided by concluding uneasy truce between the two sides. The forty-five years after the advent of Amhara dynasty was, however, the beginning of a period of retreat and shrinkage for the Somalis. Never again will Somali enjoy peace at his interior borderlands. The happy period of conducting the long-distance trade and procuring the well-demanded African products from vast inland to the international merchants through the Somali ports, was finally disrupted and replaced by a troubled period of conflict with an ever-expanding power. Break out of the Big War The hostility between the Christians and Muslims took an escalating direction after Amda-siyon (1314-44) acceded to the powers of Abyssinia. This negus (king) adopted an aggressive policy of territorial expansion towards all neighbors of Amhara and prepared his people for continuous crusading campaigns. Of all these invaded or endangered lands, Awdal was the only relatively organized state that could potentially challenge the newly reorganized Abyssinian kingdom. The struggle between the two had a unique nature in the region, as shown by its scale and span. Before 1322, Amda-siyon conquered Hadiya and Damut, the source of gold and slave trade for the Awdalis, and he continued to expand over Muslim districts of northern Shawa. Besides this comprehensive frontal assault, Hadiya appealed for help to Awdal. Convincing himself that the Awdal is the only power obstacle to his empire-building program, and expecting a reaction from the awakened state, Amda-Siyon pillaged in a surprise attack the lands of Shawa and Awfat. As a sample of his typical raids at the time, Amda-siyon was himself reported to say: “… my army arrived, and it destroyed utterly the land which is called Ifat. And I took from it gold and silver and bronze and lead … and many garments. Then I sent my army into all the lands of Muslims … into all the land of Shawa. And they made war on them with the point of the sword. They burned also their great and strong cities; they took much livestock as booty, and countless prisoners”. The Awfat-led parts of Awdal, which was headed at that time by Haquddin Walasma’i, grandson of Umar Dunyahur, decisively counteracted and overrun the Amhara-conquered districts in northern Shawa as far as the eastern side of Blue Nile around 1325. Throughout the next few years, however, Amda-Siyon managed to consolidate his power in the previously acquired territories and penetrate deep into frontier or vassal states of Awdal. Responding to this continuous Abyssinian menace, the successor and brother of Haquddin, sultan Sabruddin, retook the neighboring Amhara bases and converted to the Islam the Christian settlers. Yet, he declared a jihad on Amhara and set up an ambitious plan to conquer it, according to Abyssinian chronicle which is the only source for this war. But before any further Muslim action, Amda-siyon pre-empted whatever plan they had in mind, and he once again attacked Awfat, sacked the city and even crossed over Hawash river. Having alarmed by this serious development, reinforcements from other provinces of Awdal, including the remote ones such as Zayla’, Mille, Jinasane, Harar, Nogob and Bali, had haphazardly rushed to the battlefields in Awfat. But, the Awdalis were defeated in a difficult war that lasted for 10 months because of the weakness of their internal organization. As a result, Awdal lost the provinces of western Awfat, Shawa, Fatagar, Dawaro, and later western Bali; and its interests in Hadiya and Damut. Consequently, the morale of the frontier Muslims was seriously damaged. Amda-siyon and his successor exploited the situation and applied a policy of ‘divide and rule’ towards these shaken Muslims. The political organization of Awdal provided an opportunity for the warrior kings of Abyssinia to interfere the internal affairs of these frontier areas. Although the authority of Walasma’i sultan was generally recognized by the different provinces and sheikhdoms, these local entities were also largely operating independently. Amhara kings also made use of individual Muslims who had been doing a profitable business with them. The intervention was particularly directed to the ruling families to divide them into contending members and to support those could be used as Abyssinian agents at the expense of more legitimate ones. Even the Walasma’i ruling house had faced this family feud. Some members crossed the line and looked for their interests at the Abyssinian court, while others were in a firm determination to resist. The sultan of this era, Ali Sabruddin (1332-62) attempted to wage war against Amhara, but he was undermined by the disunity of his people. Individual interests had dealt had blow to the Muslim unity and Western Awdal faced a sad condition of subordination in the invasion and resultant intervention. Those 30 years of Ali’s reign, had been branded as an era of differences, weakness and humiliation. The First Revolution Encouraged by eastern parts of Awdal apparently, the Awfatis had finally run out of patience and exploded to the situation. Their immediate problem was the unpatriotic stand of their own incumbent leaders. Eventually, a civil war broke out between the Amhara-blessed ruling group and a nationalist opposition group. Ironically, the nationalist movement had been led by two grandsons of sultan Ali, who once lived at the Abyssinian court because their father was a good friend of the negus. A faction-fighting flared up amongst the ruling family around 1362. The two young brothers, Haquddin and Sa’duddiin who were not previously in politics but busy in education, considered the ruling relatives as an Amhara puppet. Because of their uncompromising nationalistic spirit in a critical moment and their charismatic leadership, the new leaders easily obtained the public support. The Abyssinians supported the incumbents and reportedly reinforced them by an army of 30,000 men. However, the two brothers and their followers had finally defeated the alliance. Their uncle, Malasfah, who was an assistant of his father, sultan Ali, was killed at the battle; and their father, Ahmad-harbi, was previously killed by his subjects. They assumed the powers of the state, but left their grandfather as a titular sultan. After this internal victory, they could not avoid to conduct a jihadic campaign against the Abyssinians to restore fully the sovereignty of western Awdal. The Past events and the continued threat, turned out the Awdal leaders to be intransigent militants and led Awdal to a period of bloody struggle with Abyssinia. As revolutionary leaders, Haquddin and Sa’duddin revitalized the power of Awdal. According to Awdali chronicle, Haqquddin ‘was the one who established the way of jihad’. Maqrizi added that Sa’duddin had improved the army and administration built by his brother. However, the primary factor that strengthened the political and military position of the new leadership was relocation of their traditional political center to a more secured place. Awfat was forfeited and the center was transferred, probably by Sa’duddin, from this vulnerable province to Harar plateau, the very heart of Awdal Somali, and eventually a source of inexhaustible manpower. In their continuous expeditions against Amhara, it is not clear if the strategy of the Awdal leaders was to recover the lost territories or to stop any further Abyssinian expansion towards Awdal proper. However, they failed the first option but achieved the second one. Although Awdali forces was persistently disturbing and occasionally destroying the Abyssinian military garrisons in eastern Shawa or western Awfat, Fatagar, Dawaro and western Bali, these garrisons were carefully deployed in these provinces on parallel defensive outposts. Thus, on one hand, it was difficult for Awdalis to take all of these provinces at one time or to keep one of them at all times. On the other hand, Awdalis deprived the Abyssinians to relax in these Muslim territories and forced them to remain under state of emergency. More importantly, a risk of Amhara conquest from any part of the predominantly Somali-inhabited Awdal proper was eliminated, and from now on, Abyssinia should stay mostly in a defensive position. More over, Awdal maintained to exercise power and influence within the occupied provinces, and “the kings of Adal were in regular contact with these frontier areas and they always encouraged the spirit of independence of the Muslim inhabitants.” According to Maqrizi, Haqquddin had been attacking Amhara more than twice a year before he was killed in 1373 at a battle in Shawa. However, Amhara response to the Muslim resistance, before and after the raise of Haqquddin, was cruel and catastrophic. The Awdali Somalis, describing the situation of the affected Muslims to the sultan of Egypt, told him: “The king (Sayfa-ar’ad, 1344-71) of Habasha destroyed the Muslims: Some of them he killed, and some he made Christians.’ Even so, Awdal was militarily victorious at that time and Sa’duddin continued same kind of incursions for thirty years. But, Abyssinians finally afforded to reverse the military superiority of Awdal. In a desperate encounter, at unknown site, the Awdalis were considerably defeated and Sa’duddin was killed in action in 1403. Seemingly, the Abyssinians prioritized to kill the sultan at any cost. Traitors, or God’s disobedient, in the Maqrizi’s expression, took advantage from this national loss. They assisted Abyssinians to pursue the sultan as far as Zayla and finally showed them his last refuge, a barren island, where he was executed. Disappointed by this atmosphere, ten sons of Sa’duddin left for the Yemeni city of Zabid, across Zayla, where a strong community of Somali Awdal origin had been living in. Soon afterwards, the Awdali public managed to control the effects of the panic situation. The 10 sons of Sa’duddin returned to Awdal through Siyaro, a local outlet near Berbera, and they were welcomed to replace their father and to lead the country. Sabruddin II (1413-22), Mansur (1422-25), Jamaluddin (1425-32) and Ahmad (1432-45) had followed-up the successes of their father and uncle. But the Abyssinian counteractions were also decisive. Sultan Mansur, for instance, and one of his brothers were taken in 1425 as prisoners at a battle in western Awfat. This was the very same time that negus Ishaq claimed that he subdued the ‘Somali’, and Abul-Mahasin reported that Ishaq “massacred the Muslims, destroyed their mosques and invaded the land of Jabarti.” But after five years, he himself was killed in action in a period that Jamaluddin had been exporting thousands of captured prisoners as slaves to the Arab countries, Persia and India. The political center of Awdal at the time was Dakar, near Harar, specifically for Ahmad (Shihabuddin) who recovered western Bali and resettled a thousand Muslim families around 1434. It was this sultan that the Abyssinians considered him that he brought support as far as from Muqdisho for his intensions to conquer whole Amhara before he was killed by negus Zara’a Ya’qub (1434-1468) at the battle of Ay Faras, in Dawaro province, about 80 miles SE of mount Entotto (modern Addis Ababa). It seems that, in the next 25 years the hostility was slowed down and even sultan Kheyruddin (1445-71) concluded a temporary truce with negus Bayda-Maryam (1468-78), who was busy a war with Afar-Saho. But, at the beginning of the reign of sultan Shamsuddin (1472-88), another round of bitter conflict began, at a time that the Awdali clans in Awfat were still in striking position to the Amhara bases in Shawa. Up to 1480, the two sides were exchanging disastrous raids within which one of them Dakar was burnt dawn. The invaders were themselves routed and defeated. After this operation the Abyssinians could not invade any more. But, there was no more difficult one with Abyssinia than the able general of Awdal, garad Mahfud, who even overshadowed his sultan. In a series of far-reaching forays, he put the Abyssinians under desperate defensive position. Besides the traditional targets of Awdal, he shook Hadiya and southern Amhara from 1491 to 1517. Negus Na’ud (1494-1508) was killed at one of the hopeless battles to defend his empire, while thousands of its defenders were taken into slavery. It was necessary to take these defenders violently always. In fact, Awdal was not only helped by relations with the occupied provinces, but also by its ability to affect “even the Christian military colonies stationed along these frontiers.” Although “…unlike most other non-Christian provinces, Ifat, Dawaro and Bali were placed under the direct rule of the court [and] governors of these areas were carefully recruited from among the most loyal warriors, and they were often closely related to the royal family … there were many cases of defection to Adal, and, sometimes whole units of the Christian frontier troops deserted en masse.” As usual turn, Awdal was badly defeated in 1517 at the battle of Dalmida, near Ay Faras, because of differences among the Muslim army leadership. The popular general, Mahfud, was killed at there, but sultan Muhammad (1488-1518) managed to escape from the battle. It seems that the sultan got blamed for the battles’ failure, and divergences between the supporters of the two leaders had developed. The sultan was himself assassinated in 1518. Renewing the State The country entered a period of confusion, and civil war sparked off between two contending factions. Walasma’i ruling family, supported by most of the clans, led a conservative traditional faction; while the warrior garads and young amirs in the army, which had been called many names like Askar-bahar, Malasay, Heegan and Geesi, led a new revolutionary faction. Three sons of sultan Muhammad struggled for the power one after another with the leaders of the opposition. Besides undermining the authority of young sultans, these leaders first fought among themselves until garad Abun (1520-25) took the leadership. He reconciled and shared the power with sultan Abubakar, deal that helped to stabilize the country. Together, they transferred the political center to Harar in 1520 by unknown reason. Arab-faqih reports that, the country was in chaotic situation of corruption, highway robbery and other evil deeds; but whenever the reformists took over the authority, they had been restoring the law and order, and the prosperity. The respected elements in the society arranged reconciliation at several times, but the mistrust between the two factions wrecked their agreements. After many leaders, a teenage called Ahmad Ibrahim from west of Harar assumed the leadership of the revolutionary group in 1526. And after many battles with the sultan and his supporters, this group finally won in 1527. Their target was not the sultan’s post but to gain the second position. A powerful premier-like position was created by Mahfud for the hawkish wing in the state to deal the Abyssinian threat seriously. Even after Ahmad defeated and killed sultan Abubakar, he accepted his brother, Umar-din, as a head of state, but Ahmad had assumed full powers of the country. (Ahmad, a son in-law of garad Mahfuzh, was not a member of Walasma’i sub-clan but a distant relative of them.) Abyssinians has been watching this political strife and did not miss to exploit it. They surprised the internally embattled Muslims with two attacks, devastating and looting the districts west of Harar. Once again, a civil war and a new Abyssinian threat made the Awdalis ready to welcome a new uniting and uncompromising revolutionary leadership. Ahmad was a right person at a right moment. Despite his young age, his unique and charismatic personality let him to lead. He united the people, reformed the army and administration of the state. Differences were forgotten. Even his many former opponents, were wisely turned out to be his remarkable supporters. He surrounded himself by able lieutenants, generals, garads and well trained knights. Comparing to the Abyssinian forces, his army was very small. But their motto was ‘a victory or paradise’. Equipped with these improvements, he started in 1527 unparalleled jihad to defeat Abyssinia once and for all. Whilst Suleyman of Istanbul was retreating from Vienna, a miracle move that helped the survival of Christian Europe, Ahmad of Harar broke the backbone of Abyssinian military power in March 1529 in the battle of Shimbira Kore, about 40 miles SE of Etotto. In a more unprecedented bloodshed, he completed the conquest of all regions controlled by Abyssinians in 1535. He ruled Habasha until the Portuguese machine guns had killed him at the eastern shore of lake Tana, the watershed of the Blue Nile. Contrary to current Christian beliefs, the jihad of Ahmad was not inspired by a religious motive or a territorial expansion. Obviously, it was a self-defense that was forced to go. Apart from the traditional hostility, Ahmad witnessed a fresh Abyssinian offence while his country was in a civil war. Meanwhile, Abyssinia was conspiring with Portuguese to destroy Awdal. (In fact, the Portuguese destroyed Zayla’ in the same days that the battle of Dalmida took place.) The fact that he limited his campaign only to the areas ruled by Abyssinia, adequately proves that his preoccupation was merely the Christian threat. After he conquered the southern colonies inhabited by Muslims, he was not interested to go beyond and reach out the eastern Cushites of south of Bali; and vulnerable peoples of the Omo region, west of Gojam and west of Tigrey; while he spent a great amount of time and lives to subdue a powerful Amhara and Tigrey, the Abyssinia proper. After the crisis caused by the death of imam Ahmd, Awdalis attempted to hold on the frontier provinces of Awfat, Dawaro, fatagar and Bali. But negus Glawdiwos (1540-59), with some technical Portuguese support, strove to make sure that Awdal will never come back and devastated the frontier Muslims. This challenge re-energized the Awdalis and united them around Nur Mujahid Suhe (1551-1567), a nephew of Ahmad. Nur reorganized the state, defeated and killed Glawdiwos in Fatagar. But, he was distracted from pursuing more victories revitalization by an Oromo attack who from this period onwards had been invading Awdal after they started to emigrate from the south of Bali around 1520. Amir Nur deceased in 1567 while he was fighting against both Amhara and Oromo. Awdal fall down and After Nur was succeeded by his Abyssinian slave, Usman Habashi. Usman was blamed in misconduct and corruption. Eventually, he was opposed by a group led by garad Jibril Geri and garad Magan, his lieutenants, who first recognized Usman’s legitimacy as a sultan. A brother in-law of amir Nur and distant relative of both Nur and Ahmad, Jibril attracted many followers including the relatives of imam Ahmad. But these efforts to correct the sultan only divided the Awdal community into warring factions. It is not clear if Awdal has already been in a process of decline or if this disagreement was a beginning of the political crises. But what is clear is, after Jibril’s move, the country underwent a devastating civil war. And it was this civil war and the Oromo invasion that caused the final collapse of once powerful Awdal in 1585. Before this historical breakdown that affected most of Somalia, Awdal-led Muslim Somalia and Amhara-led Christian Abyssinia fought one of the bloodiest wars in the medieval world, as we have considered above. The two centuries between 1363 and 1563, the peak time of the conflict and prior Oromo raise, five out of twelve effectively Awdali sultans and five out of twelve of their Amhara counterparts, lost their lives on a battle. In fact both paid much more price by the corrosive confrontation for they later succumbed under the expansion of a new conquering nation, the Oromo. Oromo did not only supersede the two decimated nations but separated one from the other from 1578 to 1886. At the end of this period, neither Ethiopia nor Somalia has had a central authority. But, the advent of the European colonists was the turning point of tilting the balance of power in the Horn of Africa in favor of Ethiopia. Ethiopia that we know today was formed in the last quarter of 19th century onwards by inspiration of old events and by a substantial assistance of Britain, France, Russia and Italy at the expense of unity of Somali nation (and others). Once again Somalis, and other Muslims in the Horn of Africa, were seen an obstacle for a program of building a Christian empire in the region, and they were victimized by this ideological misconception. The period of 1886-1927 was probably the worst chapter in the Somali history. In those 40 years, and again in 1948-54, the Somaliland was partitioned in unacceptable form and the Somalis were defeated and humiliated by a Christian coalition consist of Britain, Ethiopia, Italy and France. Ethiopia even openly opposed the independence of both Somali republic and Jabuti (Djibouti). So, many problems awaited the after-colonial new state of Somalia, and the bloody confrontations between Ethiopia and Somalia over the last four decades reflect that. (Ironically, some claim that the Ethiopian government supports the restoration of Somali statehood, although in the last 28 years, Ethiopia was the most generous distributor of weapons to the cursed rebellions and warlords that have been responsible the destruction of the Somali.). In conclusion, it has been rightly noted that the differences among the Somalis is the primary factor of their problem, and, in fact, it is clear that the worst enemy of the nation is within it. On the other hand, there seems to be no doubt that most of the Somalis are not interested to day to recall the past grievances and they would like to see a new era of quiet relations between the two countries. It is also understandable and appreciable that many Ethiopians oppose their government’s decision to invade Somalia. But, as the Somalis themselves say, ‘If homicide occurs (in a community), quarrel about other things ends at there.’ This invasion is homicide, reminding the old animosity and retrieving the painful memories from their mental records. There is no option left for the Somalis but a struggle to free their country from the invaders. Said Alinuri Email:xdgasm@yahoo.com ------------------------------------------------------------------- Reference: Enrico Cerulli, 1941, Il Sultanato dello Scioa, p. 1. Enrico Cerulli, 1965, Somalia, p. 236 (Kitabuz-Zunuj). Ali A. Hersi, 1977, The Arab factor in Somali History, p. 113; Cerulli, Somalia, 25-6. Sanāg or Makhir Coast is another historical region between Berbera and Bosāso. Al-Yaâqubi mentions Zayla’a in a text he completed in 872 without any reference to the presence of Islam. Cerulli, 1941, Il Sultanato dello Scioa. Awdal, probably the Awalit of Periplus around 60 A.D., means, in the classic Somali, ‘island’ or closed area, referring to the ancient port or its island on the present locality of Zayla’a. But the rise of Muslim Awdal state could be traced back to the mid 9th century. Al-Mas’udi, Muruj ad-dhahab wa Ma’ādin al-jawhar, ed. 1982, V. I, P. 340. Cerulli, 1941; Huntingford, 1965, The Glorious Victories of Amda Seyon. Huntingford, 1989, The Historical Geography of Ethiopia, pp. 76, 77. Ulrich Braukamper, 1980, Geschichte der Hadiya, Sud-Athiopiens, pp. 59, 60. Some people confused Awdal with Awsa or Southern Dankali, but Awdal and Dankali were always two different entities for two different communities. Most of the time, Afars were in a separate struggle with the Abyssinians, (Beckingham & Huntingford, 1961, The Prester John of Indies, pp. V. I, 178-80, V. ii, 452-3; Punkhurast, 1997, pp. 248, 254, 328, 297 (maps). However, Awsa was partially awdalized after 1578 when some of the forces and leaders of Awdal, disappointed by civil war in Awdal, moved to Awsa. These Awdalis, which were included by the relatives of imam Ahmad, became part of the rule in Awsa until 1672, (Cerulli, 1941). Braukamper, 1992, The Sanctuary of Sheykh Hussein and the Oromo-Somali connections in Bale, 156-7. Cerulli, 1967, pp. 235-9; Hersi, 1977, pp. 84-90; Strandes, 1968, The Portuguese Period in East Africa, p. 73; Freeman-Grenville, 1975, The east African Coast, pp. 83-4. Allen, James, 1993, Sawahili Origins, pp. 22-30, 130; Allen, 1984, Shungwaya, the Segeju and Somali History. Yaqut Al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan, ed. 1956, V. ii, 369-70, V. iv, pp. 109, 173; Abul-Hassan Ali, Ibn Said, kitāb al-Jughrafiya, ed. 1970, pp. 81-3. The existence of that kind of empire was indicated in different medieval Muslim and Christian documents. For Awdal-Hadiya connections, see (Al-Umari, Maqrizi and Huntingford, 1965); and Awdal-Ras aseyr connections see (F. Alvares, tar. Beckingham and Huntingford, 1961, V. ii, pp. 408, 453; O. Crawford, 1958, Ethiopian Etineraries, p. 95; Cerulli, Somalia, P. 113; Beckingham and Huntingford, 1954, Some Records of Ethiopia, p. 195). The rich traditions and linguistic/cultural links throughout the area accords well these isolated references. Amhara nation is a result of fusion of two elements: Semitic-speaking Abyssinian from Tigrey and indigenous Cushitic-speaking Agaw with the former is dominant by culture. The first known confrontation between Awdal and Amhara took place in 1128. The Awdali document reports that Amhara invaded the land of Warjeh and they defeated the invaders. Although this is an indication for the direction of eventual expansion, nothing else was heard from Amhara until 1270, another indication that there was no notable Abyssinian political or military activity in Shawa during that period. Muhammad H. Ismai’il, Śafahatun min Tarikhi Miśra: As-Suldtan Al-Manśur Qalawun, 1993, 99; The book of Ser Marco Polo, tar. Henry Yule, 1929, V. ii, pp. 427-31; R. Pankhurast, The Ethiopian Borderlands, 1997, p. 54. Enrico Cerulli, 1943, L’Etiopia Medievale in Alcuni Brani di Scrittori Arabi, pp. 281-2. Although mainly a pastoralist, Somalia was historically a mercantile nation also. From pre-historic times, civilizations of the known world could not avoid to have commercial links with the Somalis: Egyptians, Summer-Akkadians, Arabs; Phoenicians, Israelites and Sudanese probably; Persians, Greeks, Romans, Indians and finally the China, Bengal, Ceylon, Maldive, Sumatra and Malay all sent their ships to Somalia; and most of them noted the products and trade activities of the country, and some other aspects of its culture. Hadiya, which covered the territory between upper waters of Hawash and Shabelle, and river Omo, is inhabited by Highland Eastern Cushites and, in less number, by Semitic-speaking Gurage people. As a vassal state of Awdal before Amda-Siyon conquests, its population was mainly Muslim. Damut, which was the south of Blue Nile was probably inhabited by the same stock. Although it had commercial relations with Awdal, its population was not converted to Islam. Huntingford, 1965, p. 56. Huntingford, 1965, The Glorious Victories of Amda Seyon, pp. 56-108. Ahmad Yahya Al-Umari, Masalik al-Absar fi Mamalik al-Amsar, Ed. Musdafa Abu Deyf, 1988; Taddasse Tamrat, 1972, Church and State in Ethiopia. Ahmad Ali Al-Maqrizi, Rasa’il al-Maqrizi, chapter: Ilmaam, ed. 1998. Cerulli, 1931, p. 41. Tamrat, 1972, p. 300. In that century some Somali students and scholars went to Cairo. They learned that the bishop (Abuna) of the religion of Habasha is always picked up and sent out by Coptic-Egyptian patriarch through endorsement of Egyptian sultan in exchange of huge gifts from Abyssinian kings. Eventually, they approached the sultan and argued him to make use of these relations and take an action against his clients, the Abyssinians, in their cruel measures against the Muslims in the occupied territories. Tamrat, 1972, p. 149. Al-Maqriizi, 237-39; Ahmad Ali al-Qalqashandi, śubh al-a’asha fi śana’ati al-insha, V. 5, pp. 320-21; Tamrat, 1972, p. 151. Maqrizi, pp. 239-40. Awdalis did not only name the island after Sa’duddin but whole Awdal was renamed ‘the land of Sa’duddin’. Maqrizi, 233, 241. Cerulli, 1967, Somalia, pp. 111-2. Trimingham, 1965, Islam in Ethiopia, p. 75, n. 4. Maqrizi, 233, 241. Tamrat, 1976, Ethiopia, Red Sea and The Horn, in Cambridge History of Africa, p. 155 (v. iii); Tamrat, 1972, 263. One of the notable developments in this period was the upraising of the Hadiyan people. Encouraged by Awdal, Hadiya rebelled at large against the Amhara over lordship in Zara’a-Ya’qub’s reign. The freedom fighters were massacred by Amhara-supported local chief reinforced by huge colonial army. Dawaro and W Bali were prepared to be part of the rebellion (Perruchon, 1893, 59-64). Budge, 1966, History of Ethiopia, p. 314. J. Perruchon, 1893, Les Chroniques de Zar’a Ya’eqob et de Ba’eda Maryam, rois d’Ethiopie de 1434 a 1478, pp. 142-9, 150-3, 166, 180-81. Tamrat, 1972, pp. 299-300; for this, see also: Maqrizi, Alvares and Arab-faqih. Beckingham and Huntingford, 1961, V. ii, pp. 410-12. As a title, garad or amir means a head of district, army or clan. Beckingham & Huntingford, 1961, V. II, 410-12; Elaine sanceau, 1944, The Land of Prester John; Budge, History of Ethiopia, 1966, 314, 318, 321. Shihabuddin Ahmad Abdul-Qadir (Arab-faqih), Futuhal-Habasha, ed. Fahim Shaltut, 1974. Oromo is lawland Eastern Cushitic people, closely relates to the Somali. Louis FitzGibbon, 1982, The Betrayal of the Somalis; FitzGibbon, 1985, The Evaded Duty; J.G.S. Drysdale, 1964, The Somali Disbute. Madan Sauldie, 1987, Super Powers in the Horn of Africa, pp. 16, 71.

Somaliland traders have lost hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of property, and millions of dollars worth of trade and taxes between the two neighboring states (Ethiopia and Somaliland). Kudos to the new Somali galbeed admin + ONLF for ensuring that contraband and inferior goods do not flood the market. Somali galbeed does not need to trade with a Nazi state and prefer their breathrens Bosaso,Mogadishu & Djabouti.

DP

The greater xthiopia aim is a clever tactic to counter Greater Somalia. ^^^There is no such thing as greater Ethiopia, it already is a nation made up of nations. As for Ansaari's comment, its just nonsence, the type of logic employed by IndaCade. We do not need more war, but atime to rebuild all our institutions, thats the only way we can counter any real or percieved enemy. Well here is an article of Greater Ethiopia by Menelik the father of Modern day Ethiopia.

Ethiopians consider Somalia as part of their greater Ethiopia so they are just 'leaving' not leaving.

They have come to take the Hostages.

^^^I call it a fall of a Nazi State

http://waagacusub.com/16.01.07.9.htm

Oromo lagu qabqabtay Muqdisho Cabdullahi Yuusuf iyo Cali Maxamed Geeddi Tan iyo markii ciidamadii itoobiya ay soo galeen caasimadda muqdisho waxaa soo baxaya warar sheegaya in la qabqabanayo dad oromo ah oo lagu tuhunsan yahay in ay ku lug leeyihiin dhaqdhaqaaqa loo yaqaano xoraynta oromada OLF ama ay gacan saar la lahaayeen midowgii maxaakiimta Islaamka Qabqabahsada ayaa qaarkeed waxaa fuliyay ciidamada soomaali ah. Dalka soomaaliya waxaa in muddo ahba ku sugnaa oromo fara badan oo qaar qaxootinimo u yimaadeen soomaaliya toddobaatameeyadii, qaar kalena ay u yimaadeen in ay ka shaqeystaan ama uga sii gudbaan dalal kale, kuwaasoo qaar ka mid ah soo galeen intii dalku dowlad la'aanta ahaa. Guddoomiyaha qaxootiga Oromada ee ku sugan Soomaaliya, gaar ahaan Muqdisha, Maxamuud Sheekh Xassan, ayaa sheegay in afartan qof la xiray dhowr qofna la dilay. Waxaa uu sheegay in lala baxay taariikhda geeska Africa 3 nin oo Oromo ah oo Islaam ah, oo inta la qabtay la beec geeyay, waxaa ku xigay ayuu yiri sheekhii caalimka ahaa ee Oromada fiirsanaysay oo lagu dilay masjidka Dabaqaynka ee Muqdisho. Waxaa uu sheegay in wiil sagaal iyo toban jir ah oo aan dambi lahayn aan ka ahayn in uu xuruuf qur'aan ah dhigo, kaasoo xadgudub loo gaystay. Wuxuu intaasi ku daray in qaar si sharci darro ah loogu qabtay magaalada Jowhar, iyadoon maxkamad la gayninna la dilay, isla markaana ciidamada Itoobiya ay qaateen ilaa afartan Oromo ah oo ay iyagoon wax dambi ah gaysanin ay iska xirteen.

Bakhti wa Bakhti

I have received a report from the American side chronicling the targets and list of damage," Mr Abdirizak Hassan, the Somali president's chief of staff, told The Associated Press. "One of the items they were claiming was that Fazul Abdullah Muhammad is dead." So its reported non other than by your folks. ****************** coz i heard that Osama was hiding there. _______________ Hate-mongering jooji. They are your Soomaali brothers and your Soomaali cities. [ January 11, 2007, 03:06 AM: Message edited by: Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar ]

Maamulihii Schoolka Hoose Dhexe ee Kulbiyow oo ay ciidamada Itoobiyaanku gawraceen! Wararka aanu ka helayno duqaynta iyo dagaalada kasocda Koonfurta Somalia gaar ahaan deegaanada Jorre iyo Waamo ayaa sheegaya in xasuuq ba’an loo gaystay guud ahaan dadka shacabka ah ee aan waxba galabsan ee degaanada Jorre iyo Waamo! Wararku waxay sheegayaan in la xasuuqay dad shacab ah oo aan waxba galabsan oo ay kamid yihiin dumar, caruur, duqay iyo wax garadkii deegaanada Jorre iyo Waamo. Wararku waxay sheegayaan in khasaara lixaadle uu ka dhacay degmooyinka Kulbiyow, Afmadow, Raaskiyanbooni, Badhaadhe iyo Dhoobley. Inkastoo ay adag tahay in lahelo khasaaraha dhabta ah ee dhacay, hadana waxaanu ku mashquulsanahay ururinta khasaaraha naf iyo maal ee ka dhacay degaanada Absamaha, balse waxaanu ilaa hada helay khasaaraha dhimashada dadka ee hoos ku qoran: Dhimashada iyo dhaawaca degmada Kulbiyow: 1. Sheekh Murshad (Maamulihii school ka hoose dhexe ee Kulbiyow) – dhintay - waxaa gawracay Itoobiyaanka. 2. Sahra Jaamac ( hooyo 10 ciyaal ah dhashay) - dhimatay 3. Mohamud Shuuriye - dhintay 4. 2 nin oo aan magacyadooda lahaynin - dhimasho Dhimashada iyo dhaawaca degmada Afmadow: 1. Kuusow Balla - dhintay 2. Daahir Dhaqane - dhaawac 3. Adan Shiinow - dhaawac Dhimashada degmada Dhoobley: 1. Lama hayo khasaaraha dhabta ah … Dhimashada degmada Raskiyaanbooni: 1. Lama hayo khasaaraha dhacay … Sida ay wararku tibaaxayaan khasaaraha dhimashada ee Jubbooyinka waxaa lagu qiyaasay ilaa 300 oo qof, iyadoo dhaawacu uu kor u dhaafayo 1200. Fadlan kala soco GodeyNews waxii warar ah ee ka soo cusboonaada collaada iyo xasuuqa ka socda Koonfurta Somalia.