He made some good points the modern day Somali state ceased to exist 1991 it only existed for 31 years from 1960 till 1991 and the Sheikh dalxiis TFG imposed on the koonfurians created in Djibouti is a total failure, also on the Garowe clan administration its not a secret they are involved in piracy activities themselves.

PasserBy;733875 wrote: Awdal did exist during the days of ancient Ethiopian Emperors. Somaliland is a different story. But I like myths. So tell me more. Walashma Dynasty Later Adal Empire by the way they were not called Ethiopian Emperors they were the Abyssinian Christian rulers we hunted them down one for one. Ethiopia back then did not exist , Loool@ myths

A_Khadar;733869 wrote: ^^ People to defend their homes is voilency? Defending their home from who their own people ?

^^ The people existed and the land was known as ardu al Somaal meaning Somaliland.

No i was correcting your map as for awdal as i said its part and parcel of Somaliland its where we planned the destruction of your Ethiopian Emperors

Somalilands unique case for statehood cannot longer be denied by the African union , the African Union will lose further credibility if they continue to be indifferent about Somaliland quest for statehood as their fact finding Mission 2005 clearly stated that Somaliland case in africa is unique and will not open a pandora box for secessionist groups in africa. With south sudans gaining independence and the international community fully supporting eventhough they have a long way to go in state building and building their institutions dissarming the Militia the reshape of the new border the border dispute between north sudan and south sudan over the oil rich region of abayei. The west the EU and US in partcilary are really thinking of this lightly undermining the African union charter and the African union are quiet like little bois sitting still on the school bench and they are being lectured about their own AU constitutions by the likes of the EU ambassadors to the UN.

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – The African Union (AU) Observers have certified South Sudan’s secession vote “free, fair, credible and a true reflection of the democratically-expressed will of the South Sudanese voters.” In its preliminary statement on the conduct of the vote, which could lead to the creation of Africa’s newest country and pave the way for the independence for Somaliland, the AU said the referendum was conducted in a safe and peaceful environment. The words of the African Union

South Sudan Defies Africa´s Colonial Borders—Somaliland Accepts Them While South Sudan redraws Africa´s colonial borders and eagerly creates new ones, Somaliland keeps its original boundaries intact and simply reverts to them. Yet these two countries are not equal. That is, they won´t have the same status in the eyes of the African Union´s (AU) policy makers. The AU´s charter forbids changing the colonial borders that the Africa nations inherited, however; South Sudan not only redraws the boundaries but also succeeds as Africa´s 55th state, on July 09, 2011, with or without the AU´s blessings. On the other hand, Somaliland which obtained its independence, in June 26, 1960, before Somalia´s and voluntarily and hastily joined Somalia in the same year is not only repeatedly denied its independence, but it is also cruelly punished for seeking sovereignty and demanded to recommit itself into another emotional gunshot marriage with Somalia. For the past two decades, Somaliland remained politically and economically isolated. Although the AU boasts about having the last say in Africa, the truth is from its claims. Take as an example, it was not the AU that forced or persuaded the Sudan´s brutal regime to let go South Sudan, despite the South Sudanese people enduring over 51 years of oppression. In fact, the AU´s approval to the secession of South Sudan was not even important. Without down playing the commendable determination of the South Sudanese people to free themselves from the hands of a barbaric tyrant, their success was mainly due to the Western countries’ support. The United States and other Western countries played a major role in dividing Sudan into two countries. Neither the AU nor the Arab countries´ views had any impact on South Sudan’s independence. In reality, the AU´s charter which demands (verbally) to maintain the colonial borders intact counted as nothing more than toilet paper. Evidently, the Western countries pushed for South Sudan´s independence primarily for two reasons: for one thing, the idea of breaking up Sudan into two countries was irresistible; after all, the Western countries perceived Sudan as their enemy. For another, supporting South Sudan´s independence and managing its black gold (the oil) was a dream come true. Truly, the West killed two birds with one stone. Bingo! Therefore, what the AU said about South Sudan´s sovereignty was as meaningless as what the Arab regimes whispered to one another about Palestine´s independence, for the past six decades. Now, when it comes to Somaliland´s quest for statehood, although the West reiterates that it is an internal matter of the AU and it is up to the AU to take the lead, in the case of South Sudan, in fact, the AU was just shown where to place its signature on, never mind having a say or protesting against the creation of new borders. (Oops! There goes the AU´s charter—”the sacred cow”.) But the real challenge for the AU and the West is: South Sudan which didn´t have defined populations or borders when the colonials departed from Africa is let go; then, Somaliland´s case will be unstoppable. After all, Somaliland was a country with populations and defined borders when the colonials fled Africa. The AU and the West cannot permit South Sudan to gain its independence, under the pretext of protecting humanity—or more precisely: oil fields—while, hypocritically, denying Somaliland´s. Also, if the notion that the wealthy Arab regimes heavily armed the Sudanese tyrant, Omer Hassan Al-Bashir, to oppress South Sudan, therefore, it deserves its sovereignty, holds any water, the Arab regimes also armed to the teeth the former Somalia´s dictator, Gen. Mohammed Siad Barre, to crush Somaliland. And he did so. He pulverized it to dust, savagely butchering over 60, 000 civilians to death and obliterating every major city from the face of the earth, in late ´80s. And if the South Sudanese suffered over 51 years, so did Somalilanders—from 1960 to 2011. Therefore, what is good for South Sudan is also good for Somaliland. (Hello!) Additionally, the United States, Italy, former East Germany and other countries were major army suppliers to Gen. Barre when he was slaughtering the Somaliland people. Unlike, South Sudanese people, the Somaliland people not only suffered in the hands of a ruthless dictator, but also the Western governments, “the human rights protectors”, and former Eastern Block regimes provided him the killing machines. In the lat ´80s and early ´90s, Somalilanders begged for animal rights because human rights were unavailable for them. Thanks to the United States and its allies. In my vivid memories, as a little boy, in 1988, at the height of the Somali regime’s devastating onslaught against the Somaliland people, from the hills, adjacent to the beach, near Mogadishu airport, I watched as huge East Germany military planes, marked clearly with East Germany’s flag, landed at the airport. Also, the United States´ support to the dictator and possible bribes from the American oil companies were crucial, as he couldn´t have otherwise slaughtered over 60, 000 civilians in Somaliland. In return, Gen. Siad Barre gave exclusive rights to five American oil companies to undertake oil explorations in Somaliland. One report states, “Beginning 1986, Conoco, along with Amoco, Chevron, Phillips and, briefly, Shell all sought and obtained exploration licenses for northern Somalia [somaliland] from Siad Barre’s government. Somalia was soon carved up into concessional blocs, with Conoco, Amoco and Chevron winning the right to explore and exploit the most promising ones.” Again, it was oil that mattered, not humanity. Two decades later nothing has changed. Indisputably, the statement “protecting humanity” means “protecting oil fields” through the eyes of the imperialists. In another stunning development, the current Somali regime recognizes South Sudan as a sovereignty country in less than twenty hours after it celebrated its independence, but the Mogadishu regime holds Somaliland hostage for twenty years. What an irony! Now because Somalia is willing to recognize other countries while, on the other hand, it argues it will sit down with Somaliland only when it [somalia] becomes stable, exposes the Somali regime´s thuggish behavior. In fact, from now and on, whether Somalia is stable or not, Somaliland should press more than ever before to sit down with the foreign-imposed Mogadishu regime to end decades of holding Somaliland hostage. For Somalia, no more beating around the bushes! After all, Somalia is not mental, is it? Doubtless, the Somali regime will work around the clock to forge a close relationship with South Sudan, dissuading South Sudan to extend recognition to Somaliland. A new battle to win the hearts and minds of the South Sudanese leaders will rage between Somaliland and Somalia. But Somaliland must take the lead. The new South Sudanese President, Salva Kiir, already sent a sincere brotherly invitation to the Somaliland President, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud Silanyo, to celebrate with the hard-earned South Sudanese people´s independence. Mr. Silanyo and large delegations of Somaliland officials and reporters celebrated with the South Sudanese people on July 09, 2011. Now, Somaliland should invite Mr. Kiir to visit Somaliland, persuading him that Somaliland people suffered as much as the South Sudanese people endured atrocities. And Somaliland is a function government while Somalia is a playground for terrorists and pirates. Hence, Somaliland is the only authority in the region, which deserves its well-overdue recognition. History attests that the struggles for freedom and self-determination of the South Sudanese and the Somaliland people have a lot in common. As the Somaliland President, Mr. Silanyo emphasized while en route to South Sudan, the independence of South Sudan bolsters—a golden opportunity indeed—Somaliland’s case for statehood. The president stated , “As you know there are rigid restrictions on changing the colonial borders of Africa. The restrictions demand the old borders cannot be changed. Somaliland is not changing its old borders. And the independence of South Sudan changes everything…” Mr. Silanyo also reminded the public during the struggle of his rebel forces, a.k.a Somali National Movement (SNM), against Somalia´s dictator, he used to meet the founder of South Sudan, John Garang, in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, and were both on a mission to free their respective oppressed people. In short, let bygones be bygones. Today, a new peaceful dawn rises over Somaliland. And as the current Somaliland President, Mr. Silanyo, stated on May 18, 2011, Somaliland´s independence day: “Even if it takes another 100 years to regain our lost sovereignty, we will never give it up”. That is, Somaliland may not have proven-oil fields and may be unable to challenge the AU and the West´s shameless double standard towards Somaliland’s sovereignty, but, recognized or not, Somaliland is here to stay.

Indeed its about time. Well done mr president and welcome mr maxamad aw siciid

Somaliland’s President Silanyo pledges to work toward common objectives with the United Kingdom after meeting William Hague, British Foreign Secretary. July 11, 2011 President Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo met with British Foreign Secretary William Hague on Friday [8 July 2011] in the Ethiopian capital to discuss bilateral, humanitarian and regional issues. Mr. Hague praised the UK-Somaliland relations and Somaliland’s progress in the key areas of security, human rights, development and democracy. He promised to strengthen Somaliland and UK ties and expand cooperation in security and development. President Silanyo on his part thanked the Minister and urged him to help Somaliland gain international recognition. He lauded the two states ties and said Hargeisa is prepared to work with UK in common areas of interest. The historical meeting comes a day after President Silanyo met with senior British naval officers aboard a British warship at Berbera port. The two sides discussed regional security and stability in the region. They agreed to cooperate in the combating of maritime piracy off the coast of neighbouring Somalia and other security operations. This warship conducting anti-piracy operations in the region is the first British naval ship to dock at Berbera in 60 years. The president and his delegation left Addis Ababa early today for South Sudan to attend the independence ceremony in Juba on Saturday. A large delegation including the former President Dahir Riyale is already in Juba waiting to welcome President Silanyo and his delegation. The president also plans to meet with African heads of state, EU and U.S. delegations including Susan Rice, the US envoy to the United Nations. Somaliland hopes to be the newest African state after South Sudan.

Axmed Silanyo, has just confirmed a decision by his predecessor Dahir Rayale, awarding the firm Somcable headed by Mohamed Said Guedi the contract to connect the territory to one of the undersea optical fibre cables reaching East Africa. July 12, 2011 The businessman Mohamed Saïd Guedi (MSG) has purchased the old civil protection building situated in the centre of Djibouti City for the sum of FDJ 50 million (about €200,000). The civil protection service will move to its new barracks situated to a locality known as “sans-fil” (wireless) just opposite the premises of the national police force. Mohamed Saïd Guedi intends to renovate this building so that it can house the headquarters of his company Somcable. This firm has won the contract from the neighbouring government of Somaliland to connect this self-proclaimed independent territory to the undersea optical fibre cable that runs along the coast of East Africa (Read below). Work on laying the optical fibre is almost complete on the section between Hargeisa and Berbera. Somcable will supply optical fibre to Somaliland via the State-owned company Djibouti Telecoms. This may be one of the reasons behind the choice of replacement for Ali Abdi Farah from his post of Djibouti minister for information and communication. His successor since last month, Abdi Houssein Ahmed, is an Issak, as is the Djibouti First Lady and a fair number of Somaliland inhabitants. The new President of the self-proclaimed independent territory of Somaliland, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud known as Silanyo, has just confirmed a decision by his predecessor Dahir Rayale Kahin, awarding the firm Somcable headed by Mohamed Said Guedi the contract to connect the territory to one of the undersea optical fibre cables reaching East Africa. The work will require investment estimated at $30 million and Somcable has already contacted the firms Sagemcom and Alcatel Lucent France. The connection will probably be to the Seacom cable from Djibouti via a land link. Somcable had competed for this contract with another company, Dalkom Somalia owned by Mohamed Ahmed Djama, a businessman backed by the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). The latter had wanted the East African Submarine Cable System (EASSy) to land in Mogadishu. To be sure, Dalkom is a partner in the African consortium West Indian Ocean Cable Company (WIOCC) which owns a 28% stake in EASSy. But as the situation in Mogadishu was not conducive to the EASSy cable landing there, the head of Dalkom turned his attention to Berbera in Somaliland. Finally, both EASSy and Seacom landed in Djibouti. Another company called Small Globe Solutions unsuccessfully tried to convince the EASSy promoters to have their cable connect directly to Somaliland. This firm is linked to the British company Small Globe Ltd which was founded in April 2010 by several businessman of Somalian descent: Ahmed Nur Amin from Cardiff, plus AbdikarimAli, Mahdi Ahmed-Jama and Mahmoud Abdi from London. Giving Somcable his contract adds force to Mohamed Said Guedi`s trading empire, which already has the upper hand on importing cigarettes into Djibouti via its subsidiary Business Royal. He has good relations with Djama Mahamoud Haid, the governor of the Banque Centrale de Djibouti and the brother of Ismail Omar Guelleh`s wife.

Forget about Alshabaab and their cave ways of Misusing the religion but what about the aids infected ugandan troops do you now aids percentage rate of uganda?

Where is part two?

Thank you Mohammed

Since when is bulaxaar gabiley arasbiyo wajaale part of awdal province, Awdal is where the Modern Somaliland civilization started god bless and it will always remain part of Somaliland.

A khadar President Siilaanyos duty is to protect and to continue the hard work he is doing at the moment President Siilaanyo has been in office for one year and in that year he changed Somaliland for the better and that's what matters his visit to the Arab world was to strengthen the relations with the Arab world and the visit to south sudan is was to welcome this new nation to africa. Now why is your clan jabhad leader xaglatoosiye roaming between kenya ohio dubai getting welcoming parties at the international airports wasting money for doing what other than collecting money from the poor ladies from his clan in the diaspora. His Khusuusi leader is defecting due to his mismanagement its indeed sad .

In a series of interviews in Mogadishu, several of the country’s recognized leaders, including President Sharif, called on the US government to quickly and dramatically increase its assistance to the Somali military in the form of training, equipment and weapons. Moreover, they argue that without viable civilian institutions, Somalia will remain ripe for terrorist groups that can further destabilize not only Somalia but the region. “I believe that the US should help the Somalis to establish a government that protects civilians and its people,” Sharif said. In the battle against the Shabab, the United States does not, in fact, appear to have cast its lot with the Somali government. The emerging US strategy on Somalia—borne out in stated policy, expanded covert presence and funding plans—is two-pronged: On the one hand, the CIA is training, paying and at times directing Somali intelligence agents who are not firmly under the control of the Somali government, while JSOC conducts unilateral strikes without the prior knowledge of the government; on the other, the Pentagon is increasing its support for and arming of the counterterrorism operations of non-Somali African military forces. A draft of a defense spending bill approved in late June by the Senate Armed Services Committee would authorize more than $75 million in US counterterrorism assistance aimed at fighting the Shabab and Al Qaeda in Somalia. The bill, however, did not authorize additional funding for Somalia’s military, as the country’s leaders have repeatedly asked. Instead, the aid package would dramatically increase US arming and financing of AMISOM’s forces, particularly from Uganda and Burundi, as well as the militaries of Djibouti, Kenya and Ethiopia. The Somali military, the committee asserted, is unable to “exercise control of its territory.” That makes it all the more ironic that perhaps the greatest tactical victory won in recent years in Somalia was delivered not by AMISOM, the CIA or JSOC but by members of a Somali militia fighting as part of the government’s chaotic local military. And it was a pure accident. Late in the evening on June 7, a man whose South African passport identified him as Daniel Robinson was in the passenger seat of a Toyota SUV driving on the outskirts of Mogadishu when his driver, a Kenyan national, missed a turn and headed straight toward a checkpoint manned by Somali forces. A firefight broke out, and the two men inside the car were killed. The Somali forces promptly looted the laptops, cellphones, documents, weapons and $40,000 in cash they found in the car, according to the senior Somali intelligence official. Upon discovering that the men were foreigners, the Somali NSA launched an investigation and recovered the items that had been looted. “There was a lot of English and Arabic stuff, papers,” recalls the Somali intelligence official, containing “very tactical stuff” that appeared to be linked to Al Qaeda, including “two senior people communicating.” The Somali agents “realized it was an important man” and informed the CIA in Mogadishu. The men’s bodies were taken to the NSA. The Americans took DNA samples and fingerprints and flew them to Nairobi for processing. Within hours, the United States confirmed that Robinson was in fact Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, a top leader of Al Qaeda in East Africa and its chief liaison with the Shabab. Fazul, a twenty-year veteran of Al Qaeda, had been indicted by the United States for his alleged role in the 1998 US Embassy bombings and was on the FBI’s “Most Wanted Terrorists” list. A JSOC attempt to kill him in a January 2007 airstrike resulted in the deaths of at least seventy nomads in rural Somalia, and he had been underground ever since. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called Fazul’s death “a significant blow to Al Qaeda, its extremist allies and its operations in East Africa. It is a just end for a terrorist who brought so much death and pain to so many innocents.” At its facilities in Mogadishu, the CIA and its Somali NSA agents continue to pore over the materials recovered from Fazul’s car, which served as a mobile headquarters. Some deleted and encrypted files were recovered and decoded by US agents. The senior Somali intelligence official said that the intelligence may prove more valuable on a tactical level than the cache found in Osama bin Laden’s house in Pakistan, especially in light of the increasing US focus on East Africa. The Americans, he said, were “unbelievably grateful”; he hopes it means they will take Somalia’s forces more seriously and provide more support. But the United States continues to wage its campaign against the Shabab primarily by funding the AMISOM forces, which are not conducting their mission with anything resembling surgical precision. Instead, over the past several months the AMISOM forces in Mogadishu have waged a merciless campaign of indiscriminate shelling of Shabab areas, some of which are heavily populated by civilians. While AMISOM regularly puts out press releases boasting of gains against the Shabab and the retaking of territory, the reality paints a far more complicated picture. Throughout the areas AMISOM has retaken is a honeycomb of underground tunnels once used by Shabab fighters to move from building to building. By some accounts, the tunnels stretch continuously for miles. Leftover food, blankets and ammo cartridges lay scattered near “pop-up” positions once used by Shabab snipers and guarded by sandbags—all that remain of guerrilla warfare positions. Not only have the Shabab fighters been cleared from the aboveground areas; the civilians that once resided there have been cleared too. On several occasions in late June, AMISOM forces fired artillery from their airport base at the Bakaara market, where whole neighborhoods are totally abandoned. Houses lie in ruins and animals wander aimlessly, chewing trash. In some areas, bodies have been hastily buried in trenches with dirt barely masking the remains. On the side of the road in one former Shabab neighborhood, a decapitated corpse lay just meters from a new government checkpoint. In late June the Pentagon approved plans to send $45 million worth of military equipment to Uganda and Burundi, the two major forces in the AMISOM operation. Among the new items are four small Raven surveillance drones, night-vision and communications equipment and other surveillance gear, all of which augur a more targeted campaign. Combined with the attempt to build an indigenous counterterrorism force at the Somali NSA, a new US counterterrorism strategy is emerging. But according to the senior Somali intelligence official, who works directly with the US agents, the CIA-led program in Mogadishu has brought few tangible gains. “So far what we have not seen is the results in terms of the capacity of the [somali] agency,” says the official. He conceded that neither US nor Somali forces have been able to conduct a single successful targeted mission in the Shabab’s areas in the capital. In late 2010, according to the official, US-trained Somali agents conducted an operation in a Shabab area that failed terribly and resulted in several of them being killed. “There was an attempt, but it was a haphazard one,” he recalls. They have not tried another targeted operation in Shabab-controlled territory since. Source:thenation.com

In an interview with The Nation in Mogadishu, Abdulkadir Moallin Noor, the minister of state for the presidency, confirmed that US agents “are working with our intelligence” and “giving them training.” Regarding the US counterterrorism effort, Noor said bluntly, “We need more; otherwise, the terrorists will take over the country.” It is unclear how much control, if any, Somalia’s internationally recognized president, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, has over this counterterrorism force or if he is even fully briefed on its operations. The CIA personnel and other US intelligence agents “do not bother to be in touch with the political leadership of the country. And that says a lot about the intentions,” says Aynte. “Essentially, the CIA seems to be operating, doing the foreign policy of the United States. You should have had State Department people doing foreign policy, but the CIA seems to be doing it across the country.” While the Somali officials interviewed for this story said the CIA is the lead US agency coordinating the Mogadishu counterterrorism program, they also indicated that US military intelligence agents are at times involved. When asked if they are from JSOC or the Defense Intelligence Agency, the senior Somali intelligence official responded, “We don’t know. They don’t tell us.” In April Ahmed Abdulkadir Warsame, a Somali man the United States alleged had links to the Shabab, was captured by JSOC forces in the Gulf of Aden. He was held incommunicado on a US Navy vessel for more than two months; in July he was transferred to New York and indicted on terrorism charges. Warsame’s case ignited a legal debate over the Obama administration’s policies on capturing and detaining terror suspects, particularly in light of the widening counterterrorism campaigns in Somalia and Yemen. On June 23 the United States reportedly carried out a drone strike against alleged Shabab members near Kismayo, 300 miles from the Somali capital. As with the Nabhan operation, a JSOC team swooped in on helicopters and reportedly snatched the bodies of those killed and wounded. The men were taken to an undisclosed location. On July 6 three more US strikes reportedly targeted Shabab training camps in the same area. Somali analysts warned that if the US bombings cause civilian deaths, as they have in the past, they could increase support for the Shabab. Asked in an interview with The Nation in Mogadishu if US drone strikes strengthen or weaken his government, President Sharif replied, “Both at the same time. For our sovereignty, it’s not good to attack a sovereign country. That’s the negative part. The positive part is you’re targeting individuals who are criminals.” A week after the June 23 strike, President Obama’s chief counterterrorism adviser, John Brennan, described an emerging US strategy that would focus not on “deploying large armies abroad but delivering targeted, surgical pressure to the groups that threaten us.” Brennan singled out the Shabab, saying, “From the territory it controls in Somalia, Al Shabab continues to call for strikes against the United States,” adding, “We cannot and we will not let down our guard. We will continue to pummel Al Qaeda and its ilk.” While the United States appears to be ratcheting up both its rhetoric and its drone strikes against the Shabab, it has thus far been able to strike only in rural areas outside Mogadishu. These operations have been isolated and infrequent, and Somali analysts say they have failed to disrupt the Shabab’s core leadership, particularly in Mogadishu. * * *

Two months after Hassan was allegedly rendered to the secret Mogadishu prison, Nabhan, the man believed to be his Al Qaeda boss, was killed in the first known targeted killing operation in Somalia authorized by President Obama. On September 14, 2009, a team from the elite US counterterrorism force, the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), took off by helicopters from a US Navy ship off Somalia’s coast and penetrated Somali airspace. In broad daylight, in an operation code-named Celestial Balance, they gunned down Nabhan’s convoy from the air. JSOC troops then landed and collected at least two of the bodies, including Nabhan’s. Hassan’s lawyers are preparing to file a habeas petition on his behalf in US courts. “Hassan’s case suggests that the US may be involved in a decentralized, out-sourced Guantánamo Bay in central Mogadishu,” his legal team asserted in a statement to The Nation. “Mr. Hassan must be given the opportunity to challenge both his rendition and continued detention as a matter of urgency. The US must urgently confirm exactly what has been done to Mr. Hassan, why he is being held, and when he will be given a fair hearing.” Gutteridge, who has worked extensively tracking the disappearances of terror suspects in Kenya, was deported from Kenya on May 11. The order, signed by Immigration Minister Otieno Kagwang, said Gutteridge’s “presence in Kenya is contrary to national interest.” The underground prison where Hassan is allegedly being held is housed in the same building once occupied by Somalia’s infamous National Security Service (NSS) during the military regime of Siad Barre, who ruled from 1969 to 1991. The former prisoner who met Hassan there said he saw an old NSS sign outside. During Barre’s regime, the notorious basement prison and interrogation center, which sits behind the presidential palace in Mogadishu, was a staple of the state’s apparatus of repression. It was referred to as Godka, “The Hole.” “The bunker is there, and that’s where the intelligence agency does interrogate people,” says Abdirahman “Aynte” Ali, a well-connected Somali analyst who has researched the Shabab and Somali security forces. “When CIA and other intelligence agencies—who actually are in Mogadishu—want to interrogate those people, they usually just do that.” Somali officials “start the interrogation, but then foreign intelligence agencies eventually do their own interrogation as well, the Americans and the French.” Some prisoners, like Hassan, were allegedly rendered from Nairobi, while in other cases, according to Aynte, “the US and other intelligence agencies have notified the Somali intelligence agency that some people, some suspects, people who have been in contact with the leadership of Al Shabab, are on their way to Mogadishu on a [commercial] plane, and to essentially be at the airport for those people. Catch them, interrogate them.” * * * In the eighteen years since the infamous “Black Hawk Down” incident in Mogadishu, US policy on Somalia has been marked by neglect, miscalculation and failed attempts to use warlords to build indigenous counterterrorism capacity, many of which have backfired dramatically. At times, largely because of abuses committed by Somali militias the CIA has supported, US policy has strengthened the hand of the very groups it purports to oppose and inadvertently aided the rise of militant groups, including the Shabab. Many Somalis viewed the Islamic movement known as the Islamic Courts Union, which defeated the CIA’s warlords in Mogadishu in 2006, as a stabilizing, albeit ruthless, force. The ICU was dismantled in a US-backed Ethiopian invasion in 2007. Over the years, a series of weak Somali administrations have been recognized by the United States and other powers as Somalia’s legitimate government. Ironically, its current president is a former leader of the ICU. Today, Somali government forces control roughly thirty square miles of territory in Mogadishu thanks in large part to the US-funded and -armed 9,000-member AMISOM force. Much of the rest of the city is under the control of the Shabab or warlords. Outgunned, the Shabab has increasingly relied on the linchpins of asymmetric warfare—suicide bombings, roadside bombs and targeted assassinations. The militant group has repeatedly shown that it can strike deep in the heart of its enemies’ territory. On June 9, in one of its most spectacular suicide attacks to date, the Shabab assassinated the Somali government’s minister of interior affairs and national security, Abdishakur Sheikh Hassan Farah, who was attacked in his residence by his niece. The girl, whom the minister was putting through university, blew herself up and fatally wounded her uncle. He died hours later in the hospital. Farah was the fifth Somali minister killed by the Shabab in the past two years and the seventeenth official assassinated since 2006. Among the suicide bombers the Shabab has deployed were at least three US citizens of Somali descent; at least seven other Americans have died fighting alongside the Shabab, a fact that has not gone unnoticed in Washington or Mogadishu. During his confirmation hearings in June to become the head of the US Special Operations Command, Vice Admiral William McRaven said, “From my standpoint as a former JSOC commander, I can tell you we were looking very hard” at Somalia. McRaven said that in order to expand successful “kinetic strikes” there, the United States will have to increase its use of drones as well as on-the-ground intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance operations. “Any expansion of manpower is going to have to come with a commensurate expansion of the enablers,” McRaven declared. The expanding US counterterrorism program in Mogadishu appears to be part of that effort.

A Somali who was arrested in Mogadishu and taken to the prison told The Nation that he was held in a windowless underground cell. Among the prisoners he met during his time there was a man who held a Western passport (he declined to identify the man’s nationality). Some of the prisoners told him they were picked up in Nairobi and rendered on small aircraft to Mogadishu, where they were handed over to Somali intelligence agents. Once in custody, according to the senior Somali intelligence official and former prisoners, some detainees are freely interrogated by US and French agents. “Our goal is to please our partners, so we get more [out] of them, like any relationship,” said the Somali intelligence official in describing the policy of allowing foreign agents, including from the CIA, to interrogate prisoners. The Americans, according to the Somali official, operate unilaterally in the country, while the French agents are embedded within the African Union force known as AMISOM. Among the men believed to be held in the secret underground prison is Ahmed Abdullahi Hassan, a 25- or 26-year-old Kenyan citizen who disappeared from the congested Somali slum of Eastleigh in Nairobi around July 2009. After he went missing, Hassan’s family retained Mbugua Mureithi, a well-known Kenyan human rights lawyer, who filed a habeas petition on his behalf. The Kenyan government responded that Hassan was not being held in Kenya and said it had no knowledge of his whereabouts. His fate remained a mystery until this spring, when another man who had been held in the Mogadishu prison contacted Clara Gutteridge, a veteran human rights investigator with the British legal organization Reprieve, and told her he had met Hassan in the prison. Hassan, he said, had told him how Kenyan police had knocked down his door, snatched him and taken him to a secret location in Nairobi. The next night, Hassan had said, he was rendered to Mogadishu. According to the former fellow prisoner, Hassan told him that his captors took him to Wilson Airport: “‘They put a bag on my head, Guantánamo style. They tied my hands behind my back and put me on a plane. In the early hours we landed in Mogadishu. The way I realized I was in Mogadishu was because of the smell of the sea—the runway is just next to the seashore. The plane lands and touches the sea. They took me to this prison, where I have been up to now. I have been here for one year, seven months. I have been interrogated so many times. Interrogated by Somali men and white men. Every day. New faces show up. They have nothing on me. I have never seen a lawyer, never seen an outsider. Only other prisoners, interrogators, guards. Here there is no court or tribunal.’” After meeting the man who had spoken with Hassan in the underground prison, Gutteridge began working with Hassan’s Kenyan lawyers to determine his whereabouts. She says he has never been charged or brought before a court. “Hassan’s abduction from Nairobi and rendition to a secret prison in Somalia bears all the hallmarks of a classic US rendition operation,” she says. The US official interviewed for this article denied the CIA had rendered Hassan but said, “The United States provided information which helped get Hassan—a dangerous terrorist—off the street.” Human Rights Watch and Reprieve have documented that Kenyan security and intelligence forces have facilitated scores of renditions for the US and other governments, including eighty-five people rendered to Somalia in 2007 alone. Gutteridge says the director of the Mogadishu prison told one of her sources that Hassan had been targeted in Nairobi because of intelligence suggesting he was the “right-hand man” of Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, at the time a leader of Al Qaeda in East Africa. Nabhan, a Kenyan citizen of Yemeni descent, was among the top suspects sought for questioning by US authorities over his alleged role in the coordinated 2002 attacks on a tourist hotel and an Israeli aircraft in Mombasa, Kenya, and possible links to the 1998 US Embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. An intelligence report leaked by the Kenyan Anti-Terrorist Police Unit in October 2010 alleged that Hassan, a “former personal assistant to Nabhan…was injured while fighting near the presidential palace in Mogadishu in 2009.” The authenticity of the report cannot be independently confirmed, though Hassan did have a leg amputated below the knee, according to his former fellow prisoner in Mogadishu.

The CIA's Secret Sites in Somalia Jeremy Scahill The Nation July 12, 2011 Nestled in a back corner of Mogadishu’s Aden Adde International Airport is a sprawling walled compound run by the Central Intelligence Agency. Set on the coast of the Indian Ocean, the facility looks like a small gated community, with more than a dozen buildings behind large protective walls and secured by guard towers at each of its four corners. Adjacent to the compound are eight large metal hangars, and the CIA has its own aircraft at the airport. The site, which airport officials and Somali intelligence sources say was completed four months ago, is guarded by Somali soldiers, but the Americans control access. At the facility, the CIA runs a counterterrorism training program for Somali intelligence agents and operatives aimed at building an indigenous strike force capable of snatch operations and targeted “combat” operations against members of Al Shabab, an Islamic militant group with close ties to Al Qaeda. As part of its expanding counterterrorism program in Somalia, the CIA also uses a secret prison buried in the basement of Somalia’s National Security Agency (NSA) headquarters, where prisoners suspected of being Shabab members or of having links to the group are held. Some of the prisoners have been snatched off the streets of Kenya and rendered by plane to Mogadishu. While the underground prison is officially run by the Somali NSA, US intelligence personnel pay the salaries of intelligence agents and also directly interrogate prisoners. The existence of both facilities and the CIA role was uncovered by The Nation during an extensive on-the-ground investigation in Mogadishu. Among the sources who provided information for this story are senior Somali intelligence officials; senior members of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG); former prisoners held at the underground prison; and several well-connected Somali analysts and militia leaders, some of whom have worked with US agents, including those from the CIA. A US official, who confirmed the existence of both sites, told The Nation, “It makes complete sense to have a strong counterterrorism partnership” with the Somali government. The CIA presence in Mogadishu is part of Washington’s intensifying counterterrorism focus on Somalia, which includes targeted strikes by US Special Operations forces, drone attacks and expanded surveillance operations. The US agents “are here full time,” a senior Somali intelligence official told me. At times, he said, there are as many as thirty of them in Mogadishu, but he stressed that those working with the Somali NSA do not conduct operations; rather, they advise and train Somali agents. “In this environment, it’s very tricky. They want to help us, but the situation is not allowing them to do [it] however they want. They are not in control of the politics, they are not in control of the security,” he adds. “They are not controlling the environment like Afghanistan and Iraq. In Somalia, the situation is fluid, the situation is changing, personalities changing.” 'Essentially, the CIA seems to be operating, doing the foreign policy of the United States,' said a well-connected Somali analyst. According to well-connected Somali sources, the CIA is reluctant to deal directly with Somali political leaders, who are regarded by US officials as corrupt and untrustworthy. Instead, the United States has Somali intelligence agents on its payroll. Somali sources with knowledge of the program described the agents as lining up to receive $200 monthly cash payments from Americans. “They support us in a big way financially,” says the senior Somali intelligence official. “They are the largest [funder] by far.” According to former detainees, the underground prison, which is staffed by Somali guards, consists of a long corridor lined with filthy small cells infested with bedbugs and mosquitoes. One said that when he arrived in February, he saw two white men wearing military boots, combat trousers, gray tucked-in shirts and black sunglasses. The former prisoners described the cells as windowless and the air thick, moist and disgusting. Prisoners, they said, are not allowed outside. Many have developed rashes and scratch themselves incessantly. Some have been detained for a year or more. According to one former prisoner, inmates who had been there for long periods would pace around constantly, while others leaned against walls rocking.

..CIA using secret Somalia facility, prison: report AFP – ....tweet2EmailPrint......Related Content. ...Militants belonging to Somalia?s Al-Qaeda-inspired Shebab Islamists ride vehicles … ....The US Central Intelligence Agency is using a secret facility in Somalia for counterterrorism purposes as well as a secret prison in the Somali capital, the magazine The Nation reported Tuesday. The report said the CIA has "a sprawling walled compound" on the coast of the Indian Ocean which looks like a small gated community, with more than a dozen buildings behind large protective walls. According to the magazine, the site has its own airport and is guarded by Somali soldiers, but the Americans control access. The Nation said the effort is part of a focus on the Shebab, the Al Qaeda-linked group in the region blamed for a number of plots against the United States. It said the CIA seeks to build "an indigenous strike force capable of snatch operations and targeted 'combat' operations" against the Shebab. The report said the CIA also uses a secret prison buried in the basement of Somalia's National Security Agency (NSA) headquarters, where prisoners suspected of being Shebab members or of having links to the group are held. Some prisoners have been captured in Kenya or other locations, according to the magazine, which said the prison is officially run by the Somali NSA, but that US intelligence personnel pay the salaries and interrogate detainees. ...

Somalia iyo Somali ha isku qaldin Somali wa luqad dhaqan iyo Assal ma didi karo Laakin Somalia dee wa dal Like Djibouti.

The Government works hard day in day out going to juba kuwait Djibouti is not the only job they do they provide security do you know president Siilaanyos government doubled the salaries of the armed forces and civil servants free schools for the primary schools and highschools in the country building infrastructure Hospitals roads etc. So let me get this straight so xaglatoosiye asks funding from the single mothers from his clan and you say its oke for them to be ripped of and he chills some where in nairobi or dubai. Ninka u bahaan inu xishoodo wa xaglatoosiye iyo mr A khadar oo ku raacsan inu Xaglatoosiye dhaco Dumarka reerkooda .

NGONGE;733644 wrote: ^^ I will watch them when I get a chance at home insha allah. Xiin, dee adigu dadka kala saar. The guru speaks for himself and has his own unique way of expressing his own ideas. My bone of contention with you follows a clear pattern. I can see that there is an idea brewing in your head but that you're too hasty to let it develop and would rather rush into silly threads about Farole going to Juba or the sudden need to remind us of qiimaha qaranimada. Take a step back, saaxib. You're on the right track but are letting old habits get the better of you. It's good to scratch an itch every once in a while but when it gets too much it time for a second opinion. Waa hadaad i fahantay dee. Ngonge ma waxad leedahay faroole qaranka kama mid noqon karo eeg Xiin fanin Kitaabkisa yar eeh reerkooda wa siita mar mar na dee halkan bu ka sheekeynaya oo wuxu iska dhigaya yaxaas ooyaya