Xaaji Xunjuf

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Everything posted by Xaaji Xunjuf

  1. Careful carafaat many wars were fought because of woman that said a somaliland soldier from ceelafweyn and a somaliland soldier from yagoori fought over a girl we'll carafaat what if they both were inlove with the same girl the garaad woman are known for their beauty I will not be surprised at all.
  2. Yes the Cartoon is indeed interesting,
  3. Still, the Hirak leaders do appear to be getting their house in order. A group of prominent exiled leaders told a packed conference hall in downtown Cairo on Nov. 22 they had agreed on federalism as the best way to resolve the south's "unconditional right to self-determination," but warned that a lack of response to this solution would give southerners "the right to resort to all options." But a serious bid for separation at this point could spell disaster for Yemen. Saleh may be out of the picture, but both the ruling party and the opposition remain, at least overtly, staunch supporters of unity. The south lost its army after the 1994 war, and most of its experienced commanders are now elderly men hobbling around Aden with walking canes. The Hirak's military wing, meanwhile, comprising at most a few hundred men bearing light weapons, would stand little chance against Saleh's tanks and fighter jets. Moreover, a declaration of independence would likely lead to infighting and additional fragmentation within the south itself. Having followed the plight of the South Sudanese just across the Red Sea, the southern movement leaders are well aware of the importance of garnering international support. But their bid for Western sympathies is likely to be met with bitter disappointment. Western and Gulf nations continue to pledge billions of dollars to Yemen's central government, insisting that the stability and unity of the regime is paramount. Alarmed as they are by the growing threat of al Qaeda, whose regional branch has established strongholds in parts of the remote southern provinces, the idea of Yemen being carved back into two countries no doubt sends shivers down the spines of Western diplomats. With Saleh gone, the United States in particular will be seeking a strong partner in the north, fearing that a fresh bout of conflict between north and south would only create more elbow room for the militants. The Yemeni government, meanwhile, which has mastered the art of manipulating international military aid to use against its internal foes, continues to dismiss the movement as a small band of malcontents and has repeatedly accused its leaders of being affiliated with al Qaeda. Southerners accuse Saleh of deliberately fomenting conflict in the south in order to make the south seem unworthy of statehood. An unintended consequence of Yemen's Arab Spring has been the resurfacing of the southerners' grievances. The Hirak are currently pursuing two tracks -- a push for federalism by some and for complete separation by others. Which one prevails will largely boil down to how the ongoing political transition pans out in the north. As things stand, the appeal of independence is strong; if the emerging government of national unity fails to even recognize the movement's demands for greater equity as legitimate, that appeal will only grow stronger. And if the political transition degenerates into another power squabble between Saleh's boys and his rival-elites, the consequences could more drastic. It may embolden those southerners entertaining the prospect of declaring independence to take the plunge. In turn, secession will likely trigger a broader and bloodier conflict as northerners wage war to maintain the country's unity. With rising unemployment, grinding poverty, Salafi militants, U.S. drone strikes, and thousands of internally displaced people, the south is already basket case of problems. Yemen's uprising has considerably raised the price of inaction. http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/11/28/a_house_divided?page=full
  4. A House Divided President Saleh may be stepping down, but the threat of civil war is growing. BY TOM FINN , ATIAF AL-WAZIR | NOVEMBER 28, 2011 SANAA AND ADEN, Yemen – As Egyptians storm back into Tahrir Square and Libyans round up their remaining war criminals, Yemenis are praying that a power-transfer deal signed by President Ali Abdullah Saleh on Wednesday will prevent their nine-month civil uprising from descending into civil war. More... Saleh, 67, had survived months of mass protests, defections from within his army, party, and tribe, and a June bomb attack on his palace that left him bed-ridden for three months in a Saudi Arabian military hospital. But with the economy of the verge of collapse, armed factions of the military clashing in the capital, and the threat of U.N. sanctions and asset-freezes looming, Yemen's wily leader of three decades appears finally to have decided to take a step back. "This disagreement for the last 10 months has had a big impact on Yemen in the realms of culture, development, politics, which led to a threat to national unity and destroyed what has been built in past years," he told a flock of Saudi sheikhs, foreign ambassadors, and U.N. diplomats seated on gold-crested chairs in a lavish Saudi palace after singing four copies of the agreement. The deal, which had been initially cobbled together by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the United States back in April, requires an immediate transfer of power to Saleh's deputy, the relatively impotent Abd Rab Mansour al-Hadi, who will preside over a national unity government until early presidential elections scheduled for Feb. 21. In return for signing, Yemeni lawmakers will grant Saleh and his sons immunity from prosecution -- not a bad deal given the corruption allegations, and the hundreds of protesters shot dead in recent months by government troops. Yemenis, meanwhile, get a rare chance to push their faltering uprising into a new phase and search for a way out of the raging political turmoil. But with Saleh now entrenched in his palace, clinging to the honorary title of president, and his sons and nephews still holding key positions in the military and intelligence services, the regime remains largely intact. Irked by the shortfalls of the GCC deal and the thought of Saleh escaping prosecution, the tens of thousands of protesters who remain camped out in dusty squares across Yemen have pressed on with their rallies, marching daily. On Thursday, just a day after the agreement was signed, a mob of Kalashnikov-wielding balaatija, as the protesters call them -- plainclothes government thugs -- shot dead five demonstrators and maimed a further 30 as they stormed through the streets of Sanaa calling for Saleh to be put on trial. Despite the violence, the sight of Saleh finally signing the deal came as a relief to many. But despite the breakthrough, Yemen faces a flawed and failed political compact. The country's future, most notably the question of its unity -- the status of the South -- now hangs ominously in the balance. Saleh has long seen the unification of North and South Yemen in 1990 as the jewel crowning his 33 years in power. His ruling party, the General People's Congress (GPC), has banged the drum of unity so hard and for so long that anyone caught questioning the merger is seen as a turncoat and risks being labeled an "enemy of the state." In reality, Yemen's 21 years of existence have been wracked by internal wars, regional fragmentation, and mass protests. Yemen was, in many ways, the forerunner to this year's Arab Spring. A peaceful intifada has been in motion since the summer of 2007 in the southern governorates of the former People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, once the Arab world's only Marxist state, before state bankruptcy and the collapse of the Soviet Union hastened its merger with the north in 1990. The new republican state never achieved its goal of full territorial sovereignty and large parts of the northern and eastern regions remain under tribal control. A brief and bloody civil war in 1994 saw Saleh call in Salafi mercenaries -- fresh from anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan -- to crush the southern army. Flames rose from a government-owned beer factory torched by the Islamist mujahideen in Aden, the old capital of the south, as the Socialist leaders fled in fishing boats to Oman. Northern military officers and opportunist merchants then descended on the south, grabbing land, oil, factories, pensions, and governmental posts. Men deprived of their jobs and pensions and women stripped of the rights enjoyed under the old Socialist administration bristled under what they regarded as northern occupation. Oil revenues from wells on what had been southern soil flowed into the coffers of Saleh and his followers. The two parts of the country have irreversibly different cultures, many Yemenis believe. In the North it was common in the early years of unity to hear people referring to Southerners as "disbelievers" and describing their women as "loose"; in the South many saw Northerners as "ignorant" and "looters of state property." Ironically, it was the outpouring of dissent against Saleh this past February -- inspired by the uprising in Egypt -- that made the president's long-held dream of a unified Yemen look for the first time like a real possibility. Brought together under a broad, anti-Saleh umbrella, societal groups with previously nothing in common were suddenly cast together, now willing to die for the same cause. The fungal-like growth of a pro-democracy tented city in downtown Sanaa, later dubbed "Change Square," became the melting pot where jean-clad students from the capital mingled with northern Houthi rebels and gray-haired southern socialists camped in tents next to dagger-bearing tribesman from the east. Joyous chants such as "Our unity is a unity of hearts, no north and no south" captured newfound feelings of national solidarity. Youth coalitions in Change Square included members from Aden and Hadramout, both in Yemen's south. But the initial euphoria soon gave way to disenchantment. As Saleh clung to power and mass protests continued without result, frustration grew, along with southerners' doubts that events in the north would have a positive impact in the south. Today, many southerners feel that a revolution led by independent youth has been hijacked and transformed into a personal power struggle between elites in the north over power. In the southern port city of Aden, a former British colony built in the dusty crevices of an extinct volcano, leaders of the Hirak, a five-year secessionist movement, who have long seethed at the region's marginalization under northern rule, are now threatening to overturn the 1990 unification deal and declare independence. Years of intimidation, daylight floggings and midnight arrests by the regime's secret police had forced most of the Hirak's leadership abroad or underground. But with government troops now occupied in the north, they are able to move freely about the city, organizing weekly rallies and holding round-table discussions in coffee shops and restaurants. "We give the regime this ultimatum: either you acknowledge our legitimate demands to self-determination or you will soon find Yemen split once again into two countries," said Gen. Nasser al-Taweel, a prominent leader of the Hirak, delivering an anti-unity speech from a shabby bus stop turned protest podium in the rundown streets of downtown Aden. Despite brutal repression from Saleh's regime, the secessionists have proved remarkably resilient, deriving strength from a broad support as well as from charismatic leaders capable of mobilizing the population through a compelling narrative of injustice, marginalization, and a history of independence. But while the secessionist cry is loud, it is also fragmented. Its more radical leaders like Ali Salem Al Beidh -- the exiled former general secretary of the Yemeni Socialist Party -- demand "complete and immediate separation" while a more moderate faction headed by Haidar al-Attas advocate a federal system of two governorates for five years followed by a Sudan-style referendum for self-determination. Others just want an end to land expropriation and job discrimination and a greater devolution of power to the provinces. Their visions for what a future southern Yemen might look like also vary -- from a return to Marxism to a secular multi-party democracy to an Islamist caliphate.
  5. Dugsi ma leh qabyalaadi waxay dumise mooyane eh Suldaan Timma cade 1952
  6. No my politics my dear friend A khadar lets play the games
  7. Yaa la heshisinaya Puntland TFG iyo galmudug Amisom wa wada heshiis unless you are planning to invite Alshabaab?
  8. Eritrea Denies It Supports Militants, Demands Independent Inquiry Peter Clottey Photo: VOA Eritrea President Isaias Afewerki ® being Interviewed by VOA`s Peter Clottey ® in New York. Eritrea’s permanent representative to the United Nations has petitioned the U.N. Security Council to expedite an independent investigation into Kenyan allegations that Asmara is supporting the Somali militant group al-Shabab. Ambassador Araya Desta sharply denies the latest accusations, saying, “Eritrea has never supported al-Shabab or any other group in Somalia.” Asmara also asked the U.N. to reprimand Nairobi over the allegations. He said Eritrea welcomes an independent inquiry into Kenya’s latest accusation. “Definitely that is what we have requested the Security Council [to do]. We want them to send an independent body to verify and investigate these allegations and come up with the result. So that the truth will come out because Eritrea has not participated in anything like that,” said Desta. “We don’t have planes to go to Baidoa and there is no reason why we should send arms to al-Shabab.” Earlier this year, the UN Monitoring Group for Somalia and Eritrea said Asmara was financing the Somali rebels. Desta says the Eritrean government is seeking peace and stability in the region. “Eritrea wants Somalia to be peaceful, stable, and we want to see a government in Somalia,” said Desta. The only possible way to see this is that the military [intervention] should stop because militarily, there would not be any solution. Desta’s comments came after Kenya formally asked the Security Council to investigate Eritrea, after accusing Asmara of supporting the Somali militant group. Kenya alleges that Eritrea recently supplied planeloads of arms to al Shabab militants inside Somalia. But Ambassador Desta sharply rejects the allegation as an insult to the intelligence of the international community. “This is totally a fabricated lie. There is no evidence at all for things like that and there is no reason why Eritrea should send arms to al-Shabab,” said Desta. “We have drones in Ethiopia flying daily in Somalia.…They have several radars checking every flight going in that region, so how is it that Eritrea can go undetected to Baidoa?” Desta called for an enabling environment, which he said would encourage discussions among Somalis to come up with solutions to resolve their challenges. “This is what Eritrea believes and has been fighting for.” Analysts say the accusation and counter accusation between Eritrea and Asmara could complicate or thaw diplomatic relations between the two East African countries. Asked why Eritrea is often accused of financially and logistically supporting the Somali militants, Ambassador Desta said a border dispute with neighboring Ethiopia as the reason behind the negative campaign against his country. “Because of this, Ethiopia is fabricating lies to accuse Eritrea, to defame Eritrea and these are the issues which have been coming to the Security Council, as well as other parties,” said Desta. “So the solution has to be finalized in order to get peace in the whole region of Horn of Africa.”
  9. Please don't make it to personal it's just a cartoon
  10. This is not about me this is the work of Amiir Caamiir
  11. Madaxweyne Ku-xigeenka oo Furaya Ciyaaraha Goboladda ee ka dhacaya Burco Guddida iyo Wasiirka Ciyaaraha oo khilaaf culusi ku dhax maray qaabka loo mamulayo dhaqaalaha Ciyaaraha Hargeysa(Waaheen) Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Somaliland C/raxmaan C/laahi Ismaaciil Saylici ayaa la filayaa inuu furro Ciyaaraha Gobolada ee bisha Diisambar kowdeeda ka dhacay magaaladda Burco ee Gobolka Togdheer. Wasiirka Wasaaradda Ciyaaraha Somaliland Cabdi Siciid Faahiye iyo qaar ka mid ah Guddiyaddii ay Madaxweyne Siilaanyo iyo Saylici kala magacaabeen ayaa shalay u Ambabaxay Gobolka Togdheer kadib markii shalay Madaxweyne ku-xigeenku so oaf-jaray khilaaf Wasiirka iyo Guddidaasi ka dhaxeeyay oo ku salaysnaa Cida yeelanaysa Awooda Maamul ee dhaqaalaha ay Xukuumaddu ku bixinayso Ciyaarahaas. Sidoo kale dhaqaale meelo kala duwan ka yimi oo Guddida iyo Wasiirkaba Gacmahooda soo gaadhay ayaa iyana la isku qabtay waxaanu Madaxweyne Ku-xigeenku Go’aamiyay shalay in Wasiirku yeesho maamulkeeda isla markaan uu khasnaji u noqdo Maareeyaha Hay’adda Ilaalinta Tayadu Siciid Saleebaan. Waxa iyaguna shalay gaadhay magaaladda Burco Ciyaartoy-da labada Gobol ee Sool iyo Sanaag halka goboladdii kalena dhexda ku sii jiraan iyadoo sida la sheegay qorshuhu ka ahaa inay dhamaantood Ciyaaryahanadu ku xeroodaan Goobihii loogu talogalay in la dajiyo hase yeeshee sida ay wararka naga soo gaadhay dadka u dhuun daloola diyaaragarawga Ciyaaruhu sheegayaan inay caqabado kaga yimaadeen khilaafka Madaxda Xukuumadda iyo tabaabulsho xumo ka jirta maamuladda Goboladaasi.
  12. Duke why did he not visit gedo most of it is part of the TFG now or ahslu suna controlled areas The garowe clan enclave is the home of his clan Mogadisho is controlled by amisom
  13. Gooni diyaarado tiir adag bay ku tagantahay sxb
  14. So the fat guy is xiin loool
  15. Isniin, November 28, 2011 (HOL) − Madaxweynaha dowladda Soomaaliya, Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed ayaa sheegay in Itoobiya aysan doonayn in ciidamadeeda ay soo geliso gudaha Soomaaliya, sidoo kale wuxuu sheegay in ciidamada AMISOM la soo kordhinayo tiradooda ayna ka howgeli doonaan gobollada dalka qaarkood. Sheekh Shariif, ayaa hadalkan ka sheegay kulan dood-wadaag ah oo ay soo qaban-qaabisay hay'adda cilmi-baarista iyo wadahadalka CRD oo xalay ka dhacay xarunta madaxtooyada Soomaaliya. "Shirkii ka dhacay Addis Ababa, wuxuu ahaa shir saraaxad leh, waxaa looga wada-hadlay in madaxbannaanida Soomaaliya ay tahay muqaddas iyo in Al-shabaab lala dagaalamo, waayo dowladda haddii aysan awood lahayn waxay mas'uuliyadu ka saaran tahay sidii lagu heli lahaa tallaabo walba oo xal lagu gaarayo iyadoo madax-bannaanida dalka la ilaalinayo," ayuu yiri Sheekh Shariif oo su'aal ku saabsan shirkii IGAD la weydiiyay. Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya ayaa intaas ku daray in dowladda Itoobiya cadaadis lagu saaray inay ciidammo u dirto Soomaaliya balse ay madaxdeedu diidday, ayna sheegeen inaysan marnaba ciidammo u dirayn Soomaaliya. "Madaxda Itoobiya waxay nagu yiraahdeen marna ma doonayno inaan ciidammo u dirno Soomaaliya, balse ay doonayaan inay hagaajiyaan dirsnimada, ayna mar walba kala hadlaan dowladda KMG Soomaaliya sidii ay ula dagaalami lahaayeen Al-shabaab," ayuu yiri Sheekh Shariif. Sidoo kale, madaxweynuhu wuxuu sheegay in Itoobiyaanku ay diideen inay ka mid noqdaan ciidamada Midowga Afrika ee AMISOM, isagoo sheegay inay asbaabo ay ogyihiin ay ku diideen, taasoo uusan madaxweynuhu caddeyn balse wuxuu sheegay inay ahayd mid xikmad ku dhisan. "Ciidamada Itoobiya doorkoodu waa inay adkeeyaan ammaanka xuduudaha ayna tababarro siiyaan ciidamada DKMG ah," ayuu yiri Sheekh Shariif oo sheegay in ciidamada AMISOM tiradooda la gaarsiin doono 12,000, ayna ka howlgeli doonaan gobollada dalka qaarkood. "Ma doonayo inaan halkaan ku faahfaahiyo arrimaha milateriga, balse waxaa jira qorshe la doonayo in ciidamada AMISOM lagu kordhiyo si ay uga howlgalaan gobollada dalka qaarkood," ayuu yiri Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed. Kulanka dood-wadaagga ah ayaa waxaa ka qaybgalay boqolaal dad ah, iyadoo su'aalaha la weydiinayay madaxweynaha ay u badbaayeen dib u dhiska Muqdisho iyo ammaanka, isagoo su'aal walba si cad uga jawaabayay. "Mar walba waxaan ku celinaynaa inay albaabbadeenu furan yihiin kuwa nabadda doonaya, marka waxaan leennahay joogi dambiga oo u soo laabo jidka toosan," ayuu yiri Sheekh Shariif oo ka jawaabayay su'aal ahayd go'aanka dowladda ee ku aaddan Xarakada Al-shabaab. Ugu dambeyn, wuxuu sheegay in ammaanka Muqdisho la adkeeyay, isla markaana ay socdaan mashaariic lagu dayactirayo waddooyinka kuwaasoo ay qayb ka yihiin mashaariicda Turkigu ka fulinayo dalka, wuxuuna dhinaca kale ugu baaqay dadka Soomaaliyeed inay qayb ka qaataan dib u dhiska dalka.
  16. Madaxweynaha dowlada KMG Soomaaliya ayaa sharaxaad dheer ka bixiyey warar la isla dhax marayey maalmahan oo sheegayey in dowlada Itoobiya ay dib ugu soo laaban doonto Soomaaliya. Madaxweynaha oo xalay marki ugu horeysay su,aalo toos ah uga jawaabay dad lasoo xulay oo ka kala socday qeybaha kala duwan ee bulshada magaalada Muqdisho ayaa sheegay in dowlada Itoobiya ay si cad uga sheegeen shirki IGAD ee dhawaan lagu soo gaba gabeeyey magaalada Adis Ababa. Waxa uu qiray in aysan soo laaban doonin ciidamada Itoobiya balse ay difaacan doonaan xuduuda ay la wadaagaan Soomaaliya, sidoo kalana ay diyaar u yihiin in ay caawiyaan ciidamada dowlada KMG Soomaaliya iyo kuwa AMISOM. “Dowalada Itoobiya waxay si cad uga sheegeen shirki IGAD in aysan daneyneyn in ay soo geliyaan ciidamo, waxaan is leeyahay waa go,aan aad u fiican oo taariikhi ah, mar walbo oo aan is aragno Itoobiya waxay i dhahaan marnaba ma daneyneyno in aan soo galno Soomaaliya, dowladaha qaar waxay ku adkeeyaan Itoobiaya ay in ay qeyb ka noqdaan howlgalka AMISOM, laakin Itoobiyaanka arintaasi waa diideen, waxay laakin ilaashanayaan xuduudkooda taasina xaq ayey u leeyihiin,” ayuu yiri Madaxweyne Shariif. Dhanka kale madaxweynaha waxa uu ka hadlay arinta ciidamada Kenya ee jooga Soomaaliya isaga oo sheegay in Kenya ay xaq u leedahay in ay is difaacdo siday doontaba haku soo gashee Soomaaliya. Madaxweyne Sharif ayaa marki ugu horeysay si toos ah usoo hor fariistay dad weynaha oo fursad u helay in ay su,aalooyin soo weydiiyaan, barnaamij gaar ah oo ay soo abaabushay hey’ada CRD. Todobaadki hore sidaan oo kale waxaa su,aalooyin toos ah dadweynuhu weydiiyeen ra’isulwasaare C/wali oo isna ka jawaabay su,aalo dhowr ah oo ay weydiiyeen dad lagu casuumay barnaamijkaasi. Horseed Media
  17. ^^ Xiin wuxu yidhi Abtigis doodi oo dhan walaga soo xidhay imika marba gidaar cusub bu madaxa la dhacaya wa sidu hadalka u dhigay eh.
  18. Saalax;761825 wrote: Abdikarim? "information Minister Abdikarim Hassan Jamaa" kkkk. Come on The Zack you can do better than that. Abdikarim was just a different version of Xaabsade the other information minister in Somaliland from the Garaad, although with all due respect Xaabsade is more influential and has bigger support base in Sool. Yes indeed Haabsade is very influential among his subclan the clan chiefs cuqaasha from kalabaydh all support him including the southern laascaanood community i will not be surprised if he is still in contact with the young garaad jamac.