Xaaji Xunjuf

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Everything posted by Xaaji Xunjuf

  1. you are talking to a brick wall, the koonfurians think they have the upper hand and view that Somaliland is a gift given to them, there is nothing they view that Somaliland is part of of their predicement.. responsibility is the least the koonfurians are. Once u see that , u will see u should look for other altarnatives
  2. What would u rather half a respected Somaliland sovreign recognised Somaliland . Or a Somaliland under Ethiopia colonization or under the hegonomy of ethiopia i would never seek to join any other country and certainly not ethiopia a starvin marvin country ever , we didnt separate and fight to free our people , just to be under ethiopia are u crazy.
  3. masaaaridu kama daalaan isku dirida ereteriya iyo itoobiiyaa xita afewerki beri bu wuxu yidhi masaaridu may jeclayn inanu goosano 1993 sababtoo ah dagaalki ba dhamaaanayaa waxay rabeen inu dagaalku socdo socdo ila ay ka dhergeyaaan nilka he said that in the early 1990s
  4. no thats ridiculous Oromo are jus a few 10.000 people not more
  5. You are wrong MMA on this the awdal dynamics work differently As ismaaciil might be opposed to the deal for obvious reasons he wasnt so vocal about it. U SAW the igad announcement. ismaciil cant support the borama clan or arm. them against the Somaliland government.- or against other clans. the first target the Borama clan will do is fight the Jesus clan and cleanse them from their last remaining territories from Selel region. the ownership of zeila is contested really Ismaciil doesnt want to boost the boramae clan against his own clan that would be suicidal. Also another issue is he cant openly oppose Ethiopia since Ethiopia is his biggest client he cant antagonise Ethiopia for looking for other parts to get access to the sea. the Ethiopians might boycott him and he will be out of Bussines. and last but not least i dont think any one who sane cant qasab muuse to come under any one ma ninki afweyne diiday oo ka awood badna culuso ,, oo bunker ugandhees ah ku xaraysan.Ma isleedahay am ninkaasu ina bixii wax ka dhegeysanaya
  6. iskisa u baxay iskisa na uso noqday aad baan u qoslay meesha waba circus i thought ulusow was supposed to go to qaahira. Muu iska joogay
  7. jesus clan are small minority in Somaliland thee awdal clan are far more significant in Somaliland. Zeilicy will never resign he didnt resign when Xirsi took over his job during the heydays of siilaanyo. what makes u think he will do now . When muse gave him allot of things to do other then inaugarating new building and stuff. Muse allows him to run cabinet two times a week when muse is busy with other things like going to his farm.
  8. ofcourse it is not worth it cause u need more then one country to recognise u to be in the United nations. But it seems the SL policy makers seem this this can be done with little casualties. I hope they dont sign anything with Ethiopia . at all as long as we are weak and have no real army that can protect the Land. Its suicidal to make such a deal. And 20 km is so much. The other thing is Muse cant sell this deal to the public ,if recognition isnt on the table. The people have national obsession with Aqoonsi . Which led to this madnes. A better policy is to sit down with Somalia and use this as leverage against the Koonfurians to reach a final settlement . But sign nothing with the Ethiopians and the mad man abiye it will be a grave mistake. Iyado waxba la seexeexin bay gaala madowdi sidan u hadlayan imagine if they actually settle there.
  9. reer Mogadishu are hilarious are so cluless ahahah mid ba saxay kaasina wuxu ka yimid baydhabo ahaha
  10. Trust me Che i know my people this deal will not fly or no treaty will be ever discussed with Ethiopia .if Ethiopia doesnt announce the recogntition. Muse Biixi said that when the treaty is signed the recogntion will be clarified in there and stipulated in details. and Ethiopia will make it offficial to be the first UN member state that recognised Somaliland. if that isnt the case. And muse signs something like here is my sea and u can think about recognising Somaliland. Trust me Madaxtoooyada looogu dhacaya , oromada la raafayo ayuu muuse u raaacaya ila Nazareth and u can believe that.
  11. deport them all have them need to be deported as soon as possible
  12. Hamse meyd why does he behave like some jaariyaad who works in the kitcen of culusow i have to say , he is the weakest Prime minister Somalia ever had. Go aan kaliya ma qaadaan karo
  13. The Ethiopians seem to be very serious I have some other news Muse biixi will Tomorow night invite all Clan elders from Somaliland into the presidential palace and will brief them over the whole situation with Ethiopia . Suldaanka guud of Beelaha Somaliland suldaan daud , i am hearing Suldaan siciid of the maakhir clan was also invited., The Awdal Salaadin. And also salaadinta beelaha D1R from Ethiopia were invited. The only ugaas that declined was ugaaska beesha jesus , i think geele had a say in that he said i cant come for personal reasons.
  14. i thought the ethiopian ambassador left two days ago i saw something on twitter or was that just hersay and tabloid news.
  15. Reer Awdal are the founding Fathers of the republic , people shouldnt think that what happend in laascanood can never happen in Borama. Reer Borama always felt they are integral part of the republic. Though there might be some grievances here and there and powerstruggle formulas that need to be corrected from time to time but for the time being the Borama clan and Hargeisa clan have one blood line one should never forget that .
  16. Eritrea is just a smaller part of Ethiopia in terms of thinking they have backed the TPLF in its inception. And now they are flirting with Amhara.
  17. I think he will do the latter as long as u show culusow a brief case full of lacag his mood will totally change
  18. why didnt ulusow appoint a foreign minsiter
  19. Ethiopia: On Course to Recognizing Somaliland’s Statehood BYELSA TESSEMAANDBYMIRAF EYASSU JANUARY 10, 2024 On New Year’s Day Ethiopia and Somaliland announced a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). The specifics of the agreement are not fully disclosed, but the key points involve Somaliland obtaining a share in Ethiopian Airlines, Africa’s prized airline. In return, Ethiopia gains entry to the port of Berbera and secures land (with a 20km coastline) near the town of Lughaya for a naval base along the Gulf of Aden. There is a strong possibility that Ethiopia will ultimately acknowledge Somaliland as an independent sovereign state. Somaliland gained its independence from Britain on June 26, 1960, was then recognized as such by 34 countries, including the U.K. Five days later, amid excitement and nationalist fervor, it proceeded to voluntarily merge with former Italian colony of Somalia on July 1, 1960. It would turn out to be fateful decision. As the smaller of the two in terms of population, Somaliland quickly found itself receiving dictates from Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia. The following 31 year of union were a dark period of tumult, eventually culminating in full blown war, whereby Somalia desperately tried to cling to Somaliland, causing tremendous suffering and scorn. According to a recent article by Georgetown University Professor Ken Opalo “The unification and subsequent separation of Somaliland with Somalia has some similarity with that of Eritrea, which also peacefully entered union with Ethiopia in 1952. Somaliland also willingly entered union with the rest of Somalia in 1960, only to witness the violation of the terms of union shortly thereafter. Like Eritrea, Somaliland also leveraged a widespread civil war to claim its independence under circumstances that made it too challenging for the war-fatigued capital to resist. The key distinction lies in the fact that while Eritrea had a consenting government in Addis Ababa to facilitate its secession, the neo-founders of Somaliland in the late 1980s lacked a credible counterpart among the various warlords who battled the Siyad Barre regime and subsequently turned against each other after 1991.” The New York Times. June 26,th 1960 The eventual dissolution Somaliland’s union with Somalia could not be ratified by Mogadishu, which has been marred in a long saga of bad governance, corruption, and terrorism. However, neither was Somaliland’s brief union with Somalia ratified by their respective law makers. In any case given the root causes of the breakup that followed ratification matters less. Somalilanders have long emphasized their separate status from rump state Somalia. Their state is relatively calm, holding regular elections, issues a passport accepted in several countries, including the U.K, South Africa, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia, France, Malaysia. Its close tie with neighboring Ethiopia has been a process spanning decades. Notwithstanding Somaliland’s distinct history, revelation of the MoU ignited a diplomatic uproar by authorities in Somalia, which expressed intense displeasure and withdrew the ambassador from Addis Ababa. So far, a series of statements and declarations out of Mogadishu have not garnered an official response from Addis Ababa, although Somaliland called them “insincere” and “hysterical”. With a GDP of nearly US$3.5 billion and a population of 5.7 million, Hargeisa stands to benefit significantly from a long-term economic deal centered around ports and logistics. In addition to the prospect of obtaining official recognition from Ethiopia, Somaliland is pursuing the port agreement for economic necessities. Nearly half of the government’s budget relies on revenue from trade taxes and port duties. However, it is expected that there will be opposition within the country to the deal, particularly on the domestic political front. A Significant Move by Ethiopia Ethiopia’s decision to eventually recognize Somaliland carries notable significance as it marks the first instance of a UN member state acknowledging Somaliland’s autonomous status since its self-proclaimed independence in May 1991, following the Somalia Civil War. Despite establishing official contacts after declaring independence, including engagements with Ethiopia in strategic and infrastructural agreements, Somaliland’s international recognition has been constrained. Recognition by Ethiopia’s could enhance Somaliland’s legitimacy, foster economic cooperation, and establish diplomatic ties. Given its strategic location, if Somaliland garners recognition by a UN member state, the ripple effect might encourage other nations to follow suit, contributing to a broader acknowledgment of Somaliland’s sovereignty, albeit the extent of this impact hinges on the nature and scope of Ethiopia’s recognition. In addition to Ethiopia, Somaliland has consulates services in key countries, including the United States, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, Kenya. If Ethiopia proceeds to fully recognize its neighbor as an independent state, then these other nations are likely to follow suite, an outcome that will tip the scale as far as the AU’s decision goes. For instance, the U.S has shown interest in Somaliland for military purposes. While the State Department’s rhetoric has been strategically ambiguous regarding Somaliland, overcrowding of military bases in Djibouti has become an issue for the Pentagon, “raising concerns about “strategic competition and potential risk of confrontation with China in Djibouti” and is exploring the viability of Somaliland as an alternative relocation point. Access to the Zaila -Berbera corridor is critical to Ethiopia and an economic lifeline for Somaliland However, an underlying complexity lies in Somaliland’s lack of Mother State Permission from Somalia. This adds diplomatic controversy surrounding the principle of sovereignty, for the AU, which must contend with numerous claims for statehood across the continent. The AU does not want to be seen to be encouraging balkanization of Africa, but the legal case for Somaliland is strong, a point discussed below. President Mussa Bihi Abdi stated, “We functioned independently as Somaliland for three decades, despite the odds, but never got the recognition we deserved—We just needed one country to open that door, and its suiting for Ethiopia to be that nation”. He added, “The first to recognize Somaliland was always going to be the most difficult, after that there will certainly be others that follow”. On January 6th, Somalia’s president Hassan Sheik Mohamud signed a law nullifying the MoU between the Gov’t of Ethiopia & Somaliland as illegal and void on grounds of protecting sovereignty and territorial integrity. But how Mogadishu intends to enforce this claim is not clear. As mentioned, Somaliland has been its own entity for thirty years and authorities in Somalia have had no say in that time. This power equation is unlikely to change anytime soon. Ethiopian troops have been crucial to Somalia’s security. As part of The African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) They played a key role in defending against Al Shabab for years. It currently contributes about 5000 troops to the ATMIS. Before the formation of ATMIS, Ethiopia was the leading country behind The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Outside of this multilateral effort, Ethiopia also commands a significant force combating Al Shabab in Somalia. According to a 2020 Reuters report, “Ethiopia, which shares a long and porous border with Somalia, contributes around 4,000 of the 17,000 troops under the AU, and has around 15,000 additional soldiers in Somalia bilaterally: that is more than any other nation.” The task of ATMIS slated to end in 2023 was extended at the request of Mogadishu, which needed the protection against increasing attacks by Al Shabab. Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) have overseen the most difficult sectors of Somalia, where Al Shabab has the strongest presence. These areas include sector 3, Bakool and Bay centered on the town of Baidoa. The withdrawal of these forces now scheduled for December 2024 could leave a security vacuum, in which Al Shabab will certainly take advantage of. Now what? On January 8, 2024, to shore up support, President Hassan Sheik Mohamud of Somalia traveled to Eritrea, where Somalian soldiers recently trained. He is also slated to travel to Egypt this week. This follows an earlier visit to Somalia by an Egyptian delegation. Furthermore, Somalia is seeking support from Qatar as well as the Arab league, of which it is a member state. Simultaneously military commanders of Somaliland and Ethiopia convened in Addis Ababa this week. While most Somalilander’s look forward to the day where their country’s independence becomes officially recognized by the international community, there is some pushback to Ethiopia setting up a navy base in their territory, including by some of its officials. This month AP reported, “Somaliland’s defense minister resigns over deal to give Ethiopia access to the region’s coastline. The issue will certainly be hotly debated in the upcoming elections scheduled for November. As the 2018 rapprochement between Eritrea and Ethiopia continues to fade, a new reality seems to be emerging in the Horn of Africa (HOA), one where Asmara and Addis Ababa become estranged again, Somaliland gains its vaunted recognition, and Sudan fractures into spheres of influence. While Ethiopia continues to grapple with insecurity. Never in recent memory has there been this level of tumult and geopolitical realignment in the strategic HOA. It remains to be seen if Ethiopia will proceed to lobby AU member states on behalf of Somaliland at the upcoming 37th regular session. There is a good case to be made based on a 2005 fact finding mission led by former deputy chairperson of the AU, which concluded, “Union between Somalia and Somaliland was never ratified and malfunctioned from 1960 to 1990, making Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African Political History.” The report adds by saying, “Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of opening a pandora’s box, and as such the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case.” As far as Ethiopian authorities are concerned their bid to diversify, and gain control of a seashore is more critical than ever. This fact became crystal clear in the past few years, whereby logistical bottlenecks and sabotage on country’s maritime trade became more frequent. For example, turbines imported for the Grand Ethiopian Renascence Dam were routinely held up throughout the past three years. Sensitive imports such as military equipment was frequency held in Djibouti, which as mentioned is brimming with foreign military bases. For Somaliland, it is once in a generation opportunity to seal their nation’s fate among nations. It is also a means to economic revival. In that sense, the MoU is a masterstroke in diplomacy. The delay in achieving full state recognition and UN membership for Somaliland has multifaceted impacts, restricting its diplomatic outreach and hindering its legitimacy on international political and developmental platforms, including within the UN itself. Despite these challenges, Ethiopia’s recognition represents a significant step in Somaliland’s prolonged pursuit of official statehood and a prominent role on the global stage. It could be a harbinger for an international acknowledgment of Somaliland’s de jure independent status.