The former president of somaliland daahir rayaale kahin on the Burco Conference the Peoples of Somaliland conference.that the Borama delegation were the first that wanted the declaration of the Independence of Somaliland.

Barkhad is the Somaliland envoy in addis ababa

Somaliland embassy in Addis ababa has been upgraded to embassy i am hearing well atleast the decoration has been adjust. Not sure how significant that can be i think it becomes really significant when Ehtiopia upgrades its diplomatic office in hargeisa into a full fledged embasssy. Also in other news the Arab league countries are about to hold a mini summit on this issue. IGAD summit is still planned in Uganda even after sudan said we are not coming. And ofcourse rumors of Abiye visiting Berbera

youtube.com/watch?v=00Q_xUaRLg0

Salaad cali jeele we will take over Harar

And what did the US say do u really think the US would have known really though i have to say when Abiye was making threats last year , that he would get a sea out let either diplomatically or by force if necessary. how come the US never condemnt the talks he made earlier.

THOUGH i have to say that Hassan sheikh is the first ever president since the late dictator afweyne. To call Ethiopia an enemy of Somalia , that it self is some courage u know. though its meaningless because ethiopians are inside somalia. How ever it is very significant because its a change of words. its a change of attitude there has never been a president from the Bunker who opposed ethiopia with such language. So kuddos to Hassan

But here is the problem though Ethiopia sending troops To Somaliland , if the international community considers Somaliland part of Somalia right. And Ethiopia sends troops to Somaliland with the consent of Hargeisa. How can they even stop it. I mean there are thousands of ethiopian troops of amisom in somalia. With the consent of Somalia ever. This is jus very strange all , its dangerous how ever, if Hargeisa opens it doors for these troops, Then i am afraid mogadishu cant do anything about it , Because Somalia cant say ethiopia invaded parts of my country where the regional goverment says its oke. while ethiopia is also in other parts of Somalia its kinda contradicting madaxa ba igu xanuunay

this is shocking and disgusting waxani wa gaal, wabu gaaloobay ciise wuu imanayaa kulaha allow na astur what is this a concert in addis ababa church gathering

i doubt they are tortering them its just a slap dhirbaaxo kulul ma maqashay

They are not much different then kulmiye they are led by xirsi who was kulmiye for over 13 years . And then jumped ship . Wadani and kulmiye don’t differ in much of ideology. It’s just u know somaalida wa markaygi . All the people In wadani are ex kulmiye with the exception of ciiro and ina jirde . Xildhibaan wabeeye xamarji xirsi. All the 3 chairman’s of wadani were ex kulmiye members. So what can u expect . They should have led the country into change . But they are pretty much the same as biixi The only difference is ciiro bold. And muuse is not

This is dangerous

The above video is good i like how the assesment was done.About the Somalia and Somaliland talks. Though we are reaching the very end of the talks. Because all points have been discussed rehashed. on the political level cooperation level. How ever there are a few things left we can still agree on. Even if Somalia refuses Somaliland independence which is fine We can still dicuss some issues which will be benefit to Somaliland how ever we need gurantors they will honer those deals. Somalia and Somaliland can agree ,that Somalia agrees that Somaliland joins FIFA and other sports federation and participates the same way England Scotland which arent recognised nations like Somaliland. and if we are admitted Somaliland will allow Koonfurians to spread walanweynism and the cancerous unionism inside Somaliland. Its a fair deal isnt it . And Somalia allows Somaliland to sign investmemts deal with any other nation in the world. In exchange Somaliland will allow Somalia officials to visit Somaliland including their president and their official. I mean u win some u lose some. But its a good start , short of Full independence . How ever the kooonfurians shouldnt stall. because its not in their benefit. Any country that wants to hurt Somalia exploit Somalia. Will do it via Somaliland whether its Kenya or Ethiopia. or what ever other country. The guy in the video explained that point Since now Somalia and Somaliland have official ties everything but full recognition. Somalia should be allowed to open a diplomatic office in Hargeisa and Somaliland should open a diplomatic office in Mogadishu. Not embassy because that would mean recognition. but diplomatic offices. I think we can agree on that. Untill we figure out arimaha maasiiriga. Eh ila imika lugu dhicii wayey,

is it me or does he sound like isias afewerki if i didnt knew i would think isias afewerki is speaking hahaha

Good report on the Somaliland and Somalia talks

Fadumo siciid WADANI party attacks Hassan sheikh

The UAE is very powerful regional player in the Middle east. The fact that Somalis are dependent on them when it comes to import export and stuff everything goes via UAE. i doubt hassan sheikh can stand up to them. And they are deeply linked in Ethiopia these days they believe maslaxdoooda dhaqaale ba xabashida ku xidhan. Farmaajo atleast had a plan. Hassan is all over the place with out a clear strategy if u ask me

valid makes sense if ur quiet then u offend no one. What about the UAE as faisal rooble statesd Why do you think though that the Mamuul gobeleedyo of Somalia re quiet Puntland galmudug Jubbaland its kind of strange. or mala hassan bay diidanyihin

Where in between the Somali border with Ethiopia Before we can talk about war with Ethiopia first Somalia must agree how to remove the Ethiopian troops from Somalia once that is done. Then u can take other gradual steps. in confronting Ethiopia. By the way why are the Kikiyus so quiet these days

Ethiopia’s deal with Somaliland upends regional dynamics, risking strife across the Horn of Africa Published: January 13, 2024 7.11pm CET Author Alemayehu Weldemariam Ph.D. Fellow, Center for Constitutional Democracy, Indiana University Disclosure statement Alemayehu Weldemariam does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment. The Horn of Africa ushered in the new year with news of a deal that would ensure that diplomatic relations in the region got off to a bumpy start in 2024. Ethiopia, it was announced on Jan. 1, had signed a memorandum of understanding with the breakaway region of Somaliland, opening the door to an agreement to exchange a stake in flagship carrier Ethiopian Airlines for access to the Gulf of Aden. Such transactions of economic reciprocity are generally routine, as scholars of international relations and law like myself are aware. But this deal has another element. It intertwined sea access with Ethiopia’s formal recognition of Somaliland – and this has sparked quite a diplomatic stir. Ethiopia’s neighbor Somalia has demanded that the agreement be immediately retracted. In Somaliland itself, the deal has been greeted by protest and the defense minister’s resignation. Prior to the memorandum of understanding with Somaliland, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had signaled his intention to gain Red Sea access for his landlocked country – a bid observers warned could have a destabilizing effect in the region. Not about breaking news. Not about unfounded opinions. Get our newsletter Ethiopia is reeling from an intense and bloody two-year war within its own borders, coupled with ongoing strife among different ethnic groups. As a result of the violence, Ethiopia is currently experiencing massive internal displacement and famine. Geopolitical tensions created by the pact with Somaliland could serve to exacerbate Ethiopia’s problems – and that of the region. But despite the risk, both sides know they have much to gain. Somaliland’s quest for recognition Since declaring independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has operated as a fully functional de facto state, boasting its own defined territory, population and government. However, it still lacks the international recognition that would allow Somaliland full participation in the global community, such as membership in the United Nations. A formal nod would also unlock access to protections under international law and economic opportunities. The agreement with Ethiopia would be a step toward providing that critical missing link. Recognition of a new state under international law requires established nations to acknowledge the sovereignty and legitimacy of the territory. This can be achieved through either expressed or implicit means. Expressed recognition takes the form of an official unequivocal declaration. In contrast, implicit recognition can emerge through bilateral treaties, alliances or diplomatic exchanges – essentially signaling acceptance of a country without making an official declaration of recognition. Implicit recognition often provides a strategic advantage, safeguarding a country’s interest without triggering regional discord. Mastering the art of crafting treaties with implicit acknowledgments can be crucial to avoid overcommitting a country diplomatically. Abiy, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, was expected by the international community to navigate this diplomatic tightrope, balancing a degree of acknowledgment of Somaliland with restraint. Doing so might avoid rupturing relations with Somalia and imperiling regional security dynamics. An ambiguous deal The specific details of the memorandum of understanding remain unpublished. So far, any insights gleaned stem mainly from a joint press conference held by Ethiopia’s and Somaliland’s two leaders in Addis Ababa and subsequent press releases. Nuanced distinctions in each party’s priorities have emerged: Somaliland places emphasis on explicit recognition; Ethiopia directs its focus toward regional integration. And some larger discrepancies in messaging pop out when you look closer. Both sides point to economic and security benefits. But Ethiopia’s Jan. 3 statement suggests only an “in-depth assessment” of the request for state recognition. This seems at odds with Somaliland’s claim of guaranteed recognition in exchange for sea access. But because the actual text of the agreement isn’t publicly available, its implications remain shrouded in secrecy – further adding to the unease in the region over the deal. Rising regional tensions In the days since the memorandum of understanding was inked, tensions have deepened between Somalia and both Ethiopia and Somaliland. Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud issued a stern warning against the agreement and threatened to defend Somalia through all available means. He urged Somali civilians to stand united against potential incursions and cautioned Ethiopia against escalating the situation into armed conflict. Mohamud has also been seeking support from allies. Already in 2024, he has traveled to Eritrea for security talks aimed at strengthening bilateral ties and addressing regional and international concerns. He also received an invitation from Egypt in an apparent show of support. Ethiopia’s precarious situation In a further sign of growing tensions, Ethiopia’s army chief of staff has engaged in talks with his Somaliland counterpart to discuss military cooperation. Considering Ethiopia’s delicate situation with domestic secessionist forces, critics have been quick to note that Ethiopia may not be best placed to entertain the idea of recognizing Somaliland. Not only would it risk conflict with Somalia, doing so could also lead to the renewal of a breakaway push within Ethiopia itself. Workers offload goods from a docked ship at the seaport of Berbera in Somaliland. AP Photo/Brian Inganga Somaliland is situated to the south and east of Ethiopia’s Somali Regional State. The region is governed by the Somali branch of the Ethiopian Prosperity Party, whose legitimacy has long been contested by the Ogaden National Liberation Front, ONLF, a group demanding autonomy for Somalis in Ethiopia. Until a peace agreement in October 2018, the ONLF had been engaged in a decades-long secessionist war with the Ethiopian government. More recently, in 2020, a push for independence in the Tigray region of Ethiopia resulted in a two-year armed conflict that displaced millions of people and forced hundreds of thousands into famine. Meanwhile, the Amhara – an indigenous ethnic group in Ethiopia – have been resisting the federal government’s attempt to disarm their militia and regional special forces. And the state of Oromia also saw calls for independence before an Oromo prime minister, Abiy, was elected by parliament in 2018. A renewed push for autonomy from Ethiopia’s Somali community could serve to reignite any number of these simmering internal conflicts and Somali irredentism. Uneasy international response Global attention to growing tensions in the Horn of Africa has been mounting: The U.S. has expressed serious concern, and the African Union has urged Ethiopia and Somalia to de-escalate the tensions in the name of regional peace. Similar statements have come from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development — an African trade bloc — the European Union and the Arab League. Widespread protests Djibouti, which neighbors Somaliland to the northwest, has called for dialogue and a diplomatic solution. But such calls – from both international and regional players – have done little to calm tensions. In the days since the deal was announced, tens of thousands Somalis have protested in the streets of Mogadishu, calling the move an aggression against the nation’s sovereignty. And while residents of both Somaliland and Ethiopia have largely supported the memorandum – hopeful in turn that it would lead to international recognition and economic uplift – not everyone is behind the deal. In Somaliland, Defense Minister Abdiqani Mohamud Ateye resigned on Jan. 8, stating that the handing over of access to the coast to Ethiopia represented a threat to Somaliland’s sovereignty. It would seem that the memorandum of understanding has served to reopen old wounds across the region.

If you think there can come troops from Somalia into Somaliland how will they travel what routes logistics it will be a nightmare really, The only option would be Djibouti. But i doubt Ismaciil Cumar geele would allow that.