Aaaliyaah he's been President less than 2 years major airport constructions are under way road construction daily, several hospitals have been built.Berbera airport was totally transformed you should see the pictures hargeysa's second bridge was built. Burco now uses the Somaliland currency Somaliland budget went from 60 Million to 147 Million dollars.

Qofku marku dhinto oo uu islaam yahay waxba lagama sheego wabu inaga hooseyaa wuxu doona ba ha ahaado , maanti ilahay subxanawatacala eeh abuurtay bu la jooga isaga la xisaabtamaya. cayda aad caydid danbi uun ba kaga kordhaya.

^^ istakhfirullah qof dhintay lama habaaro let him be with his lord ilahay ba xisaabinaya.

Aaaliyaah mark may words they are just going there for funds Somaliland deputy parliament speaker on the issue listen carefully. http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=yCRMY0AzWF0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen>

War general siad bare ma waxay is leeyihin walaga baqanaya isagu xamar ka khudbadayn jiray baanu ogayn bakooradisa yar bu qaadan jiray sidi odaygi Mabuuto seeko seeko, War madaxweynihi hore Somalia hala dayo maanta wa inaga hooseya eh alayaraxma.

President Silanyo Launches $10 Million Airports Revamp Project Sunday, 27 May 2012 21:45 President Silanyo © lays the foundation stoned while top officials look onMy administration is committed to Multi-sectored Development- Silanyo By: Yusuf M Hasan HARGEISA (Somalilandsun) – The people and government of Kuwait have been thanked for supporting development initiatives in the country. The president of Somaliland H.E Ahmed Mahmoud Silanyo thanked the Kuwaitis during a ceremony that launched a multi-million Airports development project funded by Kuwait at the Egal international airport. While laying the foundation stone to a new runway at the Egal international airport the president termed the airports modernization project as part of the government's commitment to multi-sectored development geared towards alleviating citizen's livelihoods. President Silanyo said that the international Hargeisa based Egal international airport as well as Berbera international have seen major facelifts in the recent past owing to their importance as the first sight and thus first impression of visitors to the country. The head of state also took the opportunity to welcome the China Hona Group which is undertaking the multi-million construction at the two airports after winning the construction tender through a bid that saw several other contractors from various countries take part. According to the minister of Aviation Hon Mahmoud Hashi Abdi, the Egal airport will be closed as of today for all other aircraft apart from those of 20 tons and below namely Dash 8, Peach 190, Peach 200, Caravan and smaller while jets will be diverted to the Berbera airport until construction is completed. The minister who apologized for any inconveniences caused to users of Egal international airport said that a little patience will result in better and eased flight services once construction of the new runway is completed. The aviation minister, who is greatly attributed with continuous refurbishment of airports in the country, has in the course of two years seen to the installation of computerized baggage and body check equipment's, security cameras, modern flight control towers as well as related staff training that is entailed by the new installations and tools. Following these developments at the two international airports lengthily queues and delays occasioned by physical body and baggage searches have become a thing of the past. Apart from faster departures and arrivals, Travellers are no longer placed in the very embarrassing position occasioned by the physical body and baggage searches. The launching of the current project will not only see the length of the runway at Egal airport extended but proper fencing at both Egal and Berbera international airports. The sea port based airport which will from today service jets intended for Egal until construction is complete at the city airport will only see minor runway repairs for it aeroplanes of whatever capacity have ample landing and take-off distance owing to the fact that Berbera is among ten airports with longest runways in Africa. Follow the links below for other articles posted by Somalilandsun related to developments at Egal International Airport http://somalilandsun.com/index.php/economic/627-somaliland-egal-international-airport-gets-major-facelift http://somalilandsun.com/index.php/community/476-somaliland-egal-airport-ends-physical-body-a-baggage-search

Oday Siilaanyo wa xariif Turkiga la dhuuq Kuwait la dhuuq uae La dhuuq Boqoradi Ingriisku iyaduna kiishkeedi ha so tuurto Edo hillary clinton iyo USaid laftigeeda meesha kama madhna , Budhcad badeedka u xidh the EU dhowr jeelal kale ha idin dhisaan iyaguna Bilateral aid ha bilaabaan dalka Denmark end this year.Wada hadalo la fur Somalia dal shiisheeye isku kaya keena wada hadalo koobaan. Odaygan inay 2003 Madaxweyne ka dhigtaan bay ahayd reer Somaliland.

This zanawi guy is the biggest obstacle to peace in Somalia he will never allow Somali factions agree on something, and you will always here Somalis saying zanawi anagu nala jira kuwa kale bu necebyahay:D

Mario i dont know Turkey just wants to help but some really love Oday zanawi.

Nonsense on the part of Qarannews Somaliland will get its share of the development and scholarships and all of that this is the government of turkey that wants to help Somaliland,we take that there is nothing wrong with getting help from a Muslim country. As for Mahiga and all of that crap Somaliland is not part of Somalia not part of the TFG not part of the so called road map, so i don't see the connection there. The first session of the conference on 31 may Somaliland will attend. As for sanctions we cant really take that serious Aaliyaah u should not believe everything you read on the net.

Wasiirka Arimaha Dibada oo Dalka dib ugu soo laabtay Sheegayna in Maalinta Barri ah ay Bixi Doonan Waftiga Somaliland ee ka Qayb galaya Shirka istambul. Wasiirka oo Warbaahinta hadal kooban ku siiyay qolka VIP-da madaarka Berbera ayaa ka hadlay shirka istambul Berbera (GNS)- Wasiirka Arimaha Dibada iyo iskaashiga Caalamiga ah dr.Maxamed C/laahi Cumar oo in muddo ah safar Shaqo ugu Maqnaa Wadamada Maraykanka iyo ingiriiska ayaa Maanta ka soo degay garoonka Diyaaradaha Magaalada Berbera. Wasiirka oo Warbaahinta hadal kooban ku siiyay qolka VIP-da madaarka Berbera ayaa ka hadlay shirka istambul ee wada hadalada Somaliland iyo Somaliya, waxaanu sheegay inay dhawaan bilaabmi doonaan, isaga oo sidoo kalena tilmaamay inay rajo wanaagsan ka filayaan wada hadaladaasi inay ka soo baxaan, isaga oo xusay in maalinta barri ah ay waftiga Somalialnd ka socdaa bixi doonaan. Wasiirku waxa uu tilmaamay in urur goboleedka IGAD Somaliland u ogolaadeen xubin sharafeed, isaga oo taasi uga Mahad-celiyay dawlada Jamhuuriyadda Jabuuti oo uu tilmaamay inay kala shaqeysay sidii IGAD Somaliland u siin lahayd xubin-sharafeed, isaga oo sidoo kalena rajo ka muujiyey in dhawaan la hirgaliyo xubintaasi sidii ay u fadhiisan lahayd xarunta guud ee IGAD. Wasiirka arimaha dibada Somaliland Dr Maxamed Cabdilaahi Cumar, ayaa waxa uu Magaaladda Berbera ku sugayaa weftiga kale ee Somaliland uga qayb-galaya shirka Somalida loogu qabanayo Turkiga sida uu sheegayna maalinta bari ah ayay u duulayaan dhinaca Magaalada Istanbul.

Background Ethiopia’s Somali region has been the site of a low-level insurgency by the O'gaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) for more than a decade. The ONLF, an ethnic Somali armed movement largely supported by members of the O'gaden clan, has sought greater political autonomy for the region. Following the ONLF’s April 2007 attack on the oil installation in Obole, which resulted in the deaths of 70 civilians and the capture of several Chinese oil workers, the Ethiopian government carried out a major counterinsurgency campaign in the five zones of the region primarily affected by the conflict. Human Rights Watch’s June 2008 report of its investigation into abuses in the conflict found that the Ethiopian National Defense Force and the ONLF had committed war crimes between mid-2007 and early 2008, and that the Ethiopian armed forces could be responsible for crimes against humanity based on the patterns of executions, torture, rape, and forced displacement. These abuses have never been independently investigated. Ethiopia’s Foreign Affairs Ministry initiated an inquiry in late 2008 in response to the Human Rights Watch report, but that inquiry failed to meet the basic requirements of independence, timeliness, and confidentiality that credible investigations require. The government has repeatedly ignored calls for an independent inquiry into the abuses in the region. Since the escalation of fighting in 2007 the Ethiopian government has imposed tight controls on access to Somali region for independent journalists and human rights monitors. In July 2011 two Swedish journalists who entered the region to report on the conflict were arrested, convicted, and sentenced to 11 years in prison under Ethiopia’s vague and overbroad anti-terrorism law. Gashaamo district, where the March 2012 events took place, is in Dhagabhur zone, one of the five affected by the conflict. However, it was not an area directly affected by fighting in previous years, and is largely populated by members of the ethnic Somali ***** clan, who are not generally perceived to be a source of support for the ONLF. Ethiopia’s Somali region has been the site of a low-level insurgency by the O'gaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) for more than a decade. The ONLF, an ethnic Somali armed movement largely supported by members of the O'gaden clan, has sought greater political autonomy for the region. Following the ONLF’s April 2007 attack on the oil installation in Obole, which resulted in the deaths of 70 civilians and the capture of several Chinese oil workers, the Ethiopian government carried out a major counterinsurgency campaign in the five zones of the region primarily affected by the conflict. Human Rights Watch’s June 2008 report of its investigation into abuses in the conflict found that the Ethiopian National Defense Force and the ONLF had committed war crimes between mid-2007 and early 2008, and that the Ethiopian armed forces could be responsible for crimes against humanity based on the patterns of executions, torture, rape, and forced displacement. These abuses have never been independently investigated. Ethiopia’s Foreign Affairs Ministry initiated an inquiry in late 2008 in response to the Human Rights Watch report, but that inquiry failed to meet the basic requirements of independence, timeliness, and confidentiality that credible investigations require. The government has repeatedly ignored calls for an independent inquiry into the abuses in the region. Since the escalation of fighting in 2007 the Ethiopian government has imposed tight controls on access to Somali region for independent journalists and human rights monitors. In July 2011 two Swedish journalists who entered the region to report on the conflict were arrested, convicted, and sentenced to 11 years in prison under Ethiopia’s vague and overbroad anti-terrorism law. Gashaamo district, where the March 2012 events took place, is in Dhagabhur zone, one of the five affected by the conflict. However, it was not an area directly affected by fighting in previous years, and is largely populated by members of the ethnic Somali Isaak clan, who are not generally perceived to be a source of support for the ONLF.

Abductions, Torture, and Ill-Treatment During the house searches in Adaada, the Liyu police abducted a number of village men and tortured and mistreated several people, including at least three women. An Adaada resident, one of the first to be taken from his home on the morning of March 17, described to Human Rights Watch his treatment by the Liyu police: They entered and told my wife to shut up. Four men entered the house with four waiting outside. They came over to me and took me. They also took the gun from my house. They hit me with the butt of a gun and took me to a small river near my home. They tied a belt around my neck. I lost consciousness. They threw me in a berket [small water hole] that was 15 meters deep and then they threw branches over me. There was mud in the berket. I managed to climb up when I woke up. The Liyu police seriously beat at least three women during house searches in Adaada. A young woman said that Liyu police members who had entered her home beat her after she told them that her husband was absent: “They said I was lying, they kicked me and crushed my head with the back of the gun. I had some injuries in my kidney. I lost a tooth.” Three men who had been abducted in Raqda on March 17 told Human Rights Watch they were each detained for nine days. During the first 24 hours they were without water. For four days the Liyu police drove them around in an open truck between villages and towns in an apparent attempt to hide them from local residents, and possibly also from federal authorities. During the first four days of their detention they were beaten by the police with sticks and gun butts. On at least two occasions the paramilitaries guarding them threatened to execute them. However, disagreements among the Liyu police on how to proceed apparently saved the men’s lives. One former detainee told Human Rights Watch: We were driving around different villages and some of the police said they should release us because the federal government will give them problems, they will discipline us, as we have committed a crime. Others said, “Let us kill all 24.” There were different ideas among the police. After four days in the truck they were detained for at least another four days out in the sun near the village of Langeita, where they received only minimal food and water. After that the Liyu police took them to Gashaamo, where they were released on March 25 as a result of negotiations between the regional government and clan elders. Looting Residents of Adaada and Langeita described widespread looting of property, food, and money from shops and houses by the Liyu police. Six villagers who spoke to Human Rights Watch said that their own houses, belongings, and property had been looted on March 17. A 45-year-old woman from Langeita said that the Liyu police moved around the village in groups of five to seven and entered 10 stores. Two or three would enter a shop and steal shoes, clothes, drinks, and food. Two women said they could not return to their villages because they had lost all their property. Reports from local authorities in neighbouring Somaliland suggest that discussions have taken place between clan elders from the affected villages and the regional authorities to negotiate a solution to the situation. None of the local residents who spoke with Human Rights Watch had current plans to return to their homes.

Liyu Police Abuses, March 2012 Summary Executions and Killings Human Rights Watch interviewed witnesses and relatives of the victims who described witnessing at least 10 summary executions by the Liyu police on March 16 and 17. The actual number may be higher. On March 16 in Raqda, a Liyu police member shot dead Abdiqani Abdillahi Abdi after he intervened to stop the paramilitary from harassing and beating another villager. Several villagers heard the Liyu police member saying to Abdiqani, “What can you do for him?” and then heard the shot. The shooting ignited a confrontation between the Liyu police and the local community. The nine Liyu police who were deployed in Raqda then left via the road to the neighboring village of Adaada. A number of Raqda residents, including members of Abdiqani’s family, took their weapons, went after the Liyu police, and reportedly killed seven of them in a confrontation that followed. The next morning, on March 17 at around 11 a.m., the Liyu police selected five men from a group of 23 men they had detained in Raqda and were taking towards Galka village in a truck. The Liyu police forced the five men to sit by the roadside and then shot them. Another detainee described what happened: In between Galka and Raqda they stopped the truck. There were four other Liyu police vehicles accompanying the truck. This was around 11 a.m. They told five of us to get out of the lorry. They [randomly] ordered five out – none in particular. The man standing near the lorry ordered them to “Kill them, shoot them.” It was three police who shot them. They shot them in the forehead and shoulder: three bullets per person. Another detainee saw the five being shot in the head and said the Liyu police threatened the remaining detainees, saying, “We will kill you all like this.” The same day the Liyu police summarily executed four men in Adaada, where they had carried out house-to-house searches that morning. In all four cases multiple witnesses described the victims as unarmed and in custody when they were shot, either in the neck or head, shortly after having been dragged from their homes. Witnesses described the summary execution of a veterinarian. The Liyu police dragged him from his home and shot him in the head, but when they realized that he was not dead, they slit his throat. The veterinarian’s middle-aged sister told Human Rights Watch: They entered the home and asked where the man responsible for the home was. There were seven of them. They caught my brother and took him outside. They shot him in the head and then slit his throat. After killing him, they asked my niece where her father’s rifle was, but she could not find the keys and they hit her on the back of the shoulder with the butt of a gun. Witnesses also told Human Rights Watch that a teenage boy was dragged from his uncle’s home, taken nearby, momentarily interrogated, and then shot. One witness heard him reciting a prayer before being killed. His body was left on the ground near a trash dump. A third victim, an elderly man, was taken from outside his home, interrogated for a short time, and then shot while standing. Several witnesses heard him pleading with the police to spare his life. The fourth victim was also taken from his home and shot shortly after. At least nine other men were killed by the Liyu police in Adaada, but the circumstances of their deaths are unclear. There was armed resistance to the Liyu police attack, and some of the nine may have been armed. However, according to witnesses, the Liyu police shot several men, in the upper body and head, who were trying to escape. Two men fleeing were reportedly run over by Liyu police vehicles. Abductions, Torture, and Ill-Treatment During the house searches in Adaada, the Liyu police abducted a number of village men and tortured and mistreated several people, including at least three women. An Adaada resident, one of the first to be taken from his home on the morning of March 17, described to Human Rights Watch his treatment by the Liyu police:

Human rights watch Ethiopia's special police in the Somali region is committing crimes Ethiopia: ‘Special Police’ Execute 10 Investigate Paramilitary Abuses, Permit Access to Closed-Off Somali Region Source: Human Rights Watch (Nairobi) – An Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force summarily executed 10 men during a March 2012 operation in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region. Detailed information on the killings and other abuses by the force known as the “Liyu police” only came to light after a Human Rights Watch fact-finding mission to neighboring Somaliland in April. On March 16 a Liyu police member fatally shot a resident of Raqda village, in the Gashaamo district of Somali region, who was trying to protect a fellow villager. That day, men from Raqda retaliated by killing seven Liyu police members, prompting a reprisal operation by dozens of Liyu police in four villages on March 16 and 17. During this operation the Liyu police force summarily executed at least 10 men who were in their custody, killed at least 9 residents in ensuing gunfights, abducted at least 24 men, and looted dozens of shops and houses. “The killing of several Liyu police members doesn’t justify the force’s brutal retaliation against the local population,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The Liyu police abuses in Somali region show the urgent need for the Ethiopian government to rein in this lawless force.” The Ethiopian government should hold those responsible for the killings and other abuses to account and prevent future abuses by the force. Ethiopian authorities created the Liyu (“special” in Amharic) police in the Somali region in 2007 when an armed conflict between the insurgent O'gaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the government escalated. By 2008 the Liyu police became a prominent counterinsurgency force recruited and led by the regional security chief at that time, Abdi Mohammed Omar (known as “Abdi Illey”), who is now the president of Somali Regional State. The Liyu police have been implicated in numerous serious abuses against civilians throughout the Somali region in the context of counterinsurgency operations. The legal status of the force is unclear, but credible sources have informed Human Rights Watch that members have received training, uniforms, arms, and salaries from the Ethiopian government via the regional authorities. Human Rights Watch spoke to 30 victims, relatives of victims, and witnesses to the March incidents from four villages who had fled across the border to Somaliland and who gave detailed accounts of the events. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that on the evening of March 16 the Liyu police returned to Raqda following the clashes with the community earlier in the day that left seven police force members dead. The next morning, March 17, the Liyu police rounded up 23 men in Raqda and put them into a truck heading towards Galka, a neighboringvillage. Along the way the Liyu police stopped the truck, ordered five randomly selected men to descend, and shot them by the roadside. “It was three police who shot them,” a detainee told Human Rights Watch. “They shot them in the forehead and shoulder: three bullets per person.” Also on March 17, at about 6 a.m., Liyu police in two vehicles opened an assault on the nearby village of Adaada. Survivors of the attack and victims’ relatives described Liyu police members going house to house searching for firearms and dragging men from their homes. The Liyu police also started shooting in the air. Local residents with arms and the Liyu police began fighting and at least four villagers were killed. Many civilians fled the village. After several hours the Liyu police left but later returned when villagers came back to the village to bury those killed earlier that day. Fighting resumed in the afternoon and at least another five villagers were killed. The Liyu police took another four men from their homes and summarily executed them. A woman whose brother was a veterinarian told Human Rights Watch: “They caught my brother and took him outside. They shot him in the head and then slit his throat.” For five days Liyu police also deployed outside Langeita, another village in the district, and restricted people’s movement. The Liyu police carried out widespread looting of shops and houses in at least two of the villages, residents said. Human Rights Watch received an unconfirmed report that following the incidents local authorities arrested three Liyu police members. However it is unclear whether the members have been charged or whether further investigations have taken place. The Ethiopian government’s response to reports of abuses in the Somali region has been to severely restrict or control access for journalists, aid organizations, human rights groups, and other independent monitors. Ethiopia’s regional and federal government should urgently facilitate access for independent investigations of the events by independent media and human rights investigators, including the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial and summary executions. “For years the Ethiopian government has jailed and deported journalists for reporting on the Somali region,” Lefkow said. “Donor countries should call on Ethiopia to allow access to the media and rights groups so abuses can’t be hidden away.”

^^ What are you on about all the pictures i posted are either from seylac or berbera dubur and laasgeel.

Ancient Somaliland civilization

I swam in the luke-warm Indian ocean and kicked a football around with some Somali boys and their father who have come down to the coast for a brief beach holiday. Fully-clothed Somali women wade into the gently breaking surf, their colourful dresses becoming soaked as the men splash around in shorts. Somaliland is still quite a conservative society, and whilst I couldn't hope to penetrate below the surface during my short trip, a friend casually mentioned that Hargeisa was "much more fun" before the civil war. He suggested that when the great exodus took place in the face of bombardment from Siyad Barre's Air Force in the late 1980s, the people turned to their religion. Many left the country altogether, never to return. An entrepreneurial hotel owner has built the Berbera Mansoor with beach houses facing out to sea, but it looks pretty empty to me and not a patch on the Hargeisa version where the lobby is full of youthful NGO types on laptops and Somali men watching Premier League football or Al Jazeera. I saw no other casual visitors, and in truth, my motivation for a Somaliland mini-break wasn't with relaxation central to my plans. Genuine tourist activities are scarce, although the cave paintings at Las Geel should be a UNESCO World Heritage Site, but instead are down an unmade side road and suffer from the corrosive droppings of the swifts that nest in cracks in the cave walls. I wonder whether Somaliland's successes have been made possible by the fact that it has stayed, substantially, off the radar. Richard Dowden predicts that if it was ever formally granted independence then it would most likely precipitate a new war with the South. However, whilst many Southern Somalis still believe in the principle of a united, or a Greater Somalia, it seems unlikely that the South would be in a genuine position to resist. Internationally recognised independence seems something of a totemic desire for Somalilanders - everyone I spoke to in Hargeisa passionately believed in it. A trio of trainee anaesthetists told me that they were desperate to continue their studies outside of Somaliland so that they could come back as doctors and help build the country, but their qualifications were not recognised internationally. They all came from reasonably wealthy Somali families who could afford to send them abroad, but nowhere would take them. Such misfortune was immediately attributed to non-recognition, but I thought that it might have more to do with the quality of the institution - existing on a shoe-string budget, with few qualified staff - rather than recognition per se. Back in London I attend a briefing with the Somaliland Foreign Minister Dr Mohamed Omar - a bespectacled, determined man fiercely proud of "our extraordinary achievement" in building Somaliland up from the rubble of the civil war. Foreign governments are clearly starting to take Somaliland seriously as a political, if not a national, entity. Liaison offices for countries, including the UK and Turkey, are springing up in the capital and President Silanyo attended the London Conference on Somalia in his own right as head of 'state.' But there are worries - the security situation remains uncertain, and whilst Mogadishu may have gained from the expulsion of Al-Shabaab, there is a danger that the movement may splinter, and concentrate its operations on easier targets like Hargeisa, which unlike Mogadishu, is not defended by thousands of African Union troops. Somaliland's foreign policy is about "much more than just international recognition" says Dr Omar, and I tend to agree. Recognition is merely a necessary development in order to ensure people take the country seriously. Visiting the place might lull you into a false sense of security that everything is calm, but this is still a small player in a bad neighbourhood. Somalilanders cast their eyes South with nervousness, whilst desperately trying to persuade investors that everything is fine.

Michela Wrong once wrote that you can tell a lot about an African country by the way they issue, or refuse you a visa. This remains true, but as African leaders see the benefits of liberalisation (in a variety of different guises), heralding a stream of hot money flowing in to the continent, there are many other measures of 'doing business' that are equally revealing. Commerce in Africa now seems inextricably linked with the mobile phone, so seeing how easy it is to get yourself up and running with a SIM card can be a good measure of a place. In Addis Ababa I had to take a photocopy of my passport and 2 other headshots to a long queue in a small office, and several days later the ****** thing still didn't work. I didn't go back. In Hargeisa, capital of Somaliland, I arrived at my hotel, enquired about the SIM, whereupon the receptionist flicked a new one across the counter, expertly inserted it into my phone, and immediately topped me up with $5 worth of credit via text message. It all took 2 minutes. Whilst Ethiopia is no economic laggard - as evidenced by the increasingly terrible traffic in the capital and ugly edge-of-town industrial expansion - it is the freewheeling capitalism in the Horn of Africa's non-state state that really grabs the attention. Somali society has traditionally been strongly oriented towards trade and despite decades of chronic insecurity in the South, these networks remain. The Somali diaspora is well-known internationally, particularly since the civil war forced many of them out into prominent communities in Europe, North America and the Middle East. Somalia is now the second biggest importer of goods from Dubai, with wooden dhows risking pirates whilst plying trade routes across the Arabian Sea to dock at Berbera, Bosaso or Mogadishu down the Somali coast. Positioned on the upper haunch of the Somali dog-leg the Republic of Somaliland looks initially unpromising. It is mainly dry and rocky, there are few paved roads, and the population is small and generally dispersed. Only in the capital city do you really see the potential of the place. Downtown Hargeisa is booming, and the centre of the boom is Dahabshiil - the country, and region's major money transfer company. I met up with the CEO Abdirashid Duale who'd just flown in from Dubai. He took me to the centre of operations where I observed 2 remittance transfers being made, both over $300, one from London and the other Melbourne. Deeper in to the offices the more serious money is moved around. Stacks of dollar bills, generally preferred to the rather weak Somaliland shilling, are processed for local businessmen and international NGOs - both the United Nations Development Programme and World Food Programme have outfits in Hargeisa, and Dahabshiil is the preferred means of making financial transfers. The company's success, whilst extremely impressive, tells you something about the limitations of the Somaliland economy - it is substantially based around bringing in wealth created externally. Whilst the economy may be on the up, Somaliland still feels extremely isolated. An employee of a big international NGO who I met in the lobby of my hotel, The Mansoor, looked at me with astonishment when I said I'd come to Hargeisa for fun. "The biggest danger here," he said "is dying of boredom." This might have been typical ex-pat world weariness, but it underlined the fact that Somaliland has successfully insulated itself from the more newsworthy goings on in Southern Somalia. I'm told there are probably Al-Shabaab sleeper cells in Hargeisa, but the militant islamist group hasn't attempted an attack since 2008 when it bombed the presidential palace, the Ethiopian consulate and UNDP offices. Security at the Ethiopian consulate is still tight, with mobile phones confiscated at the front desk. This causes a blazing row between my guide, who considered himself above such precautions, and the rather jumpy soldier at the gate. I'm interested to know what actual problems are attached to international non-recognition as a state. The answer I get most regularly is associated with the processes of doing business - the lack of any international banks (hence the success of Dahabshiil), the difficulty of obtaining insurance - I'm pretty sure my own travel insurance would have been invalid if I'd needed it there. I didn't bother to ask. But there seemed very little likelihood of anything actually going missing in the country. The Somaliland population seemed almost pathologically honest - money is stored in great blocks on the street and transported in sacks. A more concrete example is provided by Africa Confidential, which recently reported that the Hong Kong oil company PetroTrans is likely to pull out of investing in the port of Berbera, having been unable to obtain insurance for the Liquified Natural Gas plant it was to build. The plant was to link up gas fields in Ethiopia's ****** region with export facilities on the coast, and will now see Somaliland lose out to its tiny, but strategically important neighbour Djibouti. When I drove it, the road east out of Addis Ababa towards the coast is busy with trucks, but the traffic thins out when you pass the turn off North towards Djibouti, and the Southern fork heads towards Dire Dawa, and beyond that the capital of the Somali region, Jijiga. The road is good however, but there isn't much using it, and we skim along it at a steady 100km per hour passing bright green fields of khat, which look like tea plantations, and provide a mild stimulant when chewed that makes the heat of the afternoon bearable for populations from Northern Kenya to Yemen. Good travelling conditions continue right up to the Ethiopian border, but then stop abruptly for the 90km onwards to Hargeisa which is a dirt track through the Western haud region. This is Somaliland's most fertile land, excellent for agriculture and pastoral grazing, but bad for unmade roads, which become thick with mud after heavy rain. Ethiopia's continued poor relations with Eritrea make port facilities in neighbouring countries of crucial importance. So it feels like Somaliland is missing out. In Hargeisa the main streets are buzzing, shops sell goods imported mainly from the Middle East and money changers sit behind massive blocks of Shillings (6,500 to the dollar.) But leave the capital and you begin to see the place's real challenges. How do you grow an economy in a small, isolated patch of semi-desert? The livestock trade, sheep and goats exported to Saudi Arabia (particularly during the hajj) is a big deal. This forms a nice historical continuity, as the Protectorate of British Somaliland was invented in order to safeguard the export of meat to the strategically more important military base across the water at Aden. Berbera is the main export hub, but whilst the port may be doing a roaring trade (described far better than I can by the BBC's Mary Harper in this audio piece), the town is unprepossessing and frighteningly hot.

So you want to defeat Somaliland with a man who died more than a decade ago:D

Carafaat 4.5 is good somaha hada:D

Madex-dhaqameedka Puntland oo taageray qaadacaadii Shirka Turka ee Madexweyne Faroole. Posted by Puntlandi on May 28th, 2012 Garowe(Puntlandi.com):- Madex-dhaqameedka Puntland ayaa taageray qaadacaadii Shirka Turka ee Madexwda dawlada Puntland xilli inbadan oo ka mid ah ay shalay ka baaqdeen socdaal ay ugu duuli lahaayeen Wadanka Turkiga. Garaad Maxamed Cilmi shirwac oo ka mid ah Isimada Puntland oo warbaahinta gudaha maanta la hadlay ayaa sheegay in Isimada Puntland ay ka laabteen go’aankii ay uga qyabgali lahaayeen Shirka Turkiga islamarkaan ay dawlada Puntland la qaateen go’aanka ay ku dhawaaqday. Garaadku wuxuu tilmaamay In aysan ka qaybgalayn shirkaasi, madmadaw ka jira ajandayaasha iyo waxyaabaha looga hadlayo awgiis, wuxuuna xaqiijiyay in aysan u suurtagalin isku dayo farabadan iyo dadaal ay ku bixiyeen in ay ku ogaadaan ajandayaasha shirka iyo xaqiijinta dadka lagu marti qaaday in ay yihiin kuwii rasmiga ahaa ee umada Soomaaliyeed matalayay. Garaad Maxamed Cilmi shirwac oo si qoto dheer uga hadlay shirkan Turkiga iyo mawqifka Isimada Puntland ayaa sheegay in Isimada Turkiga Tagay ee reer Puntland aysan xog buuxda ka hayn shirka loogu yeeray islamarkaan si kale oo aan xaqiiqda ahayn wax looga dhaadhiciyay. Garaadku wuxuu xaqiijiyay In ay jirtay qondo ahayd in qaar ka mid ah isimada Puntland la doonayay in ay malinimadii shalay Turkiga u duulaan si ay uga qaybgalaan shirkaasi lakin ay baaqdeen markii ay isla qaateen in shirkaasi in suusan ahayn mid umada Soomaaliyeed u qalma wanaageeda looga hadlayo. Garaadka oo qaadacaada shirkan iyo taageerida mawqifka dawlada Puntland ka hadlay waxaa uu yiri “Muqdisho wixii aan tagnay kuma aanan arag, naloomana soo gudbin sidii aanu rajaynaynay, ka isimo ahaana waanu ka midaysanahay shirkaasi, haatan Isimada shirka tagayna si kalaa wax loogu sheegay, laakin xogta dhabta ah ee aan idinsiinayo waxaa weeye waxa Puntland ay ka biya diiday waanu ka biya diidnahay”. Garaad Maxamed Cilmi shirwac wuxuu sheegay in uu ka mid ahaa Madexdhaqameedka lagu martiqaaday shirka Istanbuul wuxuuna carabaabay in aanMadex-dhaqameedkan loo soo bandhigin waxa uu shirku ku saabsan yahay wuxuuna yiri “iyadoo dareenkaasi uu nagu jirtay ayaa go’aanka Puntland soo baxay anaguna waanu taageernay maadaama Wax noo cuntama uu noqon waayay, waana ku raacsanahay taasi Madexda dawlada Puntland”. Arrintanina waxay imaanaysaa xilli shacabka Puntland oo midawsan ay si wada jir ah maanta u taageereen mawqifka dawlada Puntland ay ka istaagtay shirka Istanbul ee Turkiga, waxaana suurtagal ah in xilliyada inagu soo aadan ay banaanbaxyo arrintan la xiriira ka dhacaan magaalooyinka Puntland. www.Puntlandi.com