Alexander Stafford: ‘The UK cannot afford to ignore Somaliland’s plea for recognition’ Perhaps the most important lesson we should learn from the brutal war in Ukraine is the value of free, democratic friends in difficult places. The UK has taken a leading role in supporting our brave friends in Ukraine, having been one of the largest donors of military aid; but we have many other friends – or, perhaps, would-be friends – around the world whom we are consistently failing. Nowhere is it more important to support democracies and cultivate friends than the Horn of Africa. This is an area of great international concern: most recently with the resurgence of Houthi activity in the Red Sea, but also ongoing concerns about piracy and terrorism; a population that is feeling the devastating effects of climate change, and an area that has deposits of minerals and other natural resources without which the world will not reach net zero. We cannot afford to ignore Somaliland’s plea for recognition any longer. The Republic of Somaliland, a British colony until 1960 and a part of Somalia until 1991 — when Somalilanders made the brave choice to break away for the good of their country and their people, is ready to emerge onto the world stage. Unlike many of their neighbours in the region, Somaliland enjoys a healthy and thriving democracy modelled on our own. This year, we look forward to a peaceful and transparent Presidential election in November, following on the 2021 elections which excellently exemplified those characteristics. Somaliland is also a relative haven for education: with high literacy and education levels for both boys and girls, neither of which are a given in the region; as well as being home to a powerful supreme court – indeed, it was only the court’s intervention in the 2017 election which ensured a peaceful transfer of power, after an incredibly close result. FeaturedGifts and thank you messages from patients provide morale boost to doctors, MDU survey finds FeaturedBASC given permission to bring judicial review of Defra decision Perhaps thanks to these solid foundations and their fight for independence, Somaliland has not seen the instability and civil war which has rocked Somalia in the last fifteen years; and the danger of terrorist violence from the likes of Al-Shabab, while not zero, is far lower than elsewhere in the region. International recognition would, therefore, be a powerful symbol to neighbouring countries that freedom, education, and democracy bring with it many advantages. Of course, international recognition must follow due processes, but that does not mean it shouldn’t start now. The Foreign Office’s stated position is that regional recognition must happen before we can do the same. Indeed, the UK has been at the forefront of encouraging this regional recognition: supporting the talks between Governments in Hargesia and Mogadishu and pushing for increased intra-African dialogues. This regional recognition has now started, with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopia, one of Somaliland’s biggest trading partners. The Ethiopia-Somaliland agreement is undoubtedly the first step on the road towards recognition of the largest unrecognised country in the world and also emphasises the stability and security of Somaliland as a trading partner and international ally. The UK, now that we have seen the required local recognition of Somaliland should not hesitate in doing the same. It would prove beyond doubt that Britain supports democracies and that democracies succeed. There is already some good news for British-Somaliland relations. Indeed, in many ways, our actions are speaking louder than our words. Britain has been uniquely active in supporting Somaliland’s development of the key infrastructure needed to engage on a global scale. Berbera Port, which is predicted to facilitate 75% of Somaliland’s trade by 2035, has received millions of pounds of support from the UK to build that capacity and support jobs and prosperity across the region. This investment, alongside the now-completed, UK-funded Hargesia Bypass, is undoubtedly part of Ethiopia’s attraction to Somaliland and is exactly the work that the UK should be supporting. Alongside that, the UK is the only western country with a permanent diplomatic office in Hargesia and is the UN Penholder for Somalia and Somaliland, so we have unparalleled diplomatic potential. However, as the UK continues its legacy of supporting democracies around the world, Somaliland needs more than just words and money. The opportunities given to us by global, post-Brexit Britain include being able to look further afield for the friends we need for the modern world, just as we are in Ukraine, and nowhere is more deserving of our friendship than Somaliland. This year marks a third of a century since Somalilanders staked their claim to independence. Somalilanders have therefore been fighting for international recognition for longer than they were ever unified with Somalia. The region has seen many similar bursts for freedom, and Somalilanders have watched as their neighbours, like Eritrea, have succeeded to the freedom and recognition that we have failed to support them in.

what about her nacayb for Somalilanders

she called us fake Somalis ama dad somali sheegto , its funny she doesnt know the Somali word for agreement and she thinks we are not Somalis

mustafe martin became a true somaliland patriot

Matthew bryden on his best

WHICH WAY OUT FOR ETHIOPIA-SOMALIA IMPASSE? January 28, 2024 Analysts split on possibility of escalation A milestone sea access-for recognition deal inked between Ethiopia and breakaway Somaliland has pushed a wedge between Addis Ababa and Mogadishu. Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has been busy with shuttle diplomacy, mobilizing allies against what Mogadishu calls a violation of Somalia’s sovereignty. Meanwhile, the Prosperity Party reaffirmed its commitment to the deal during a central committee meeting on January 26, signaling an end to the tensions is still out of reach. Mogadishu has warned of escalation “to a different level” if the MoU is not retracted. Sources say back-channel diplomacy is underway at IGAD; and with other regional conflicts, foreign interests, and shifting geopolitical landscapes, it is difficult to see a way through the impasse. Whether tensions between Ethiopia and Somalia are going to culminate in dialogue or escalate into conflict remains unclear. In the meantime, several factors are adding fuel to the fire sparked by a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Ethiopia and breakaway Somaliland on the first day of 2024. “So far, Ethiopia hasn’t come into Somalia. If they do, then that will be a problem at a different level,” Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, president of Somalia, said during an interview with Al-Jazeera on January 22, 2024. The President said “it would be a different case” if Ethiopia continued ahead with the memo, hinting at the possibility of conflict. The statements come following calls from IGAD and the AU for Addis Ababa and Mogadishu to de-escalate and engage in constructive dialogue. The Somali President has opted for a diplomatic tour around the region, conferring with potential allies in Cairo, Asmara, and Qatar. The latter is reportedly training Somali Air Force pilots, while Eritrea is providing training to Somalia’s troops, and Egypt has reportedly expressed willingness to send its forces to Somalia. Although analysts and pundits view Hassan Sheikh’s diplomatic overtures as an attempt to mobilize military alliances with Arab League members and Eritrea, the President claims he did not discuss military action with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, in particular, who has publicly stated Egypt’s readiness to back Somalia. “We did not discuss [about] the Egyptian military coming to Somalia,” said Hassan Sheikh. “The actual problem has not reached [this level] yet. We are saying to Ethiopia: ‘Don’t do it, please.’” IGAD’s calls for dialogue have been muted by a statement from Mogadishu warning there is “no room” for talks unless Ethiopia retracts the MoU. Ethiopia’s absence from an IGAD extraordinary session last week has also muddled potential avenues for discussions. Meanwhile, Somaliland officials have asserted their commitment to the agreement. During an interview with local media, Muse Bihi, president of Somaliland, reaffirmed that Ethiopia has “agreed to recognize Somaliland statehood.” Still, details of the MoU remain scarce, and statements from either signatory made following the initial signing on New Year’s Day hint at ambiguities in the execution of the deal. Somaliland has made clear its position that Ethiopia must first recognize its sovereignty before it grants access to a 50-year lease on a stretch of its coast for a naval base and commercial port facility. On the other hand, Ethiopian officials have hinted at “an in-depth assessment before taking a position on Somaliland’s efforts to gain recognition.” The impasse is noted by analysts such as Mehari Taddele, an assistant professor at the School of Transnational Governance and Migration Policy Center at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy. “Core elements of the MoU – access to the sea and recognition – are yet to be ironed out,” reads an analysis from Mehari, titled ‘Unveiling the Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU: Hopes and Uncertainties.’ “What is the purpose of publicly pronouncing an MoU without finalized details?” asked Mehari. “For Ethiopia, the MoU diverts attention from internal conflicts, famine, and economic woes. For Somaliland, it potentially opens doors for international recognition, legitimizing President Muse Bihi Abdi’s government.” Mehari observes Somaliland’s legal argument for sovereignty is based on a brief period of independence in 1960, prior to unification with Somalia. Although Somaliland has been a de facto state since 1991, it has not managed to gain recognition from international organizations, other states, or Somalia. There is thus no clear path towards recognizing Somaliland, as recognition would require the backing of IGAD, AU, and the international community. Mehari’s analysis explores the potential role that rivalries on the other side of the Red Sea play in the tensions between Ethiopia and Somalia, as well its potential effects on regional geopolitics. The UAE and Saudi Arabia stand out as regional powers whose growing rivalry is increasingly spilling over into Africa, particularly East Africa. Ethiopia’s presence in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden align with the interests of the UAE, which has been a steady supplier of arms to Ethiopia in recent years, observes Mehari. However, the Jeddah Red Sea Council (Saudi Arabia, Eritrea, Egypt, and Sudan represented by the Sudanese Armed Forces) would be opposed to the move, he argues. The rivalries are also visible in Sudan, where Hemedti’s RSF enjoys backing from the Emirates, while al-Burhan’s SAF receives support from Saudi-aligned Egypt. El-sisi’s government backed out of trilateral negotiations on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) last month. The conflict in Gaza and the ensuing blockade by Yemeni Houthis is also sure to influence the situation, according to the analysis. The events that have unfolded over the last few weeks have magnified tensions and uncertainty in a region already crippled by violence and drought. However, some observers argue the tensions will not spill over into an all-out war. Constantinos Berhutesfa (PhD) is a former AU official who keeps a close eye on regional development. He says war between Somalia and Ethiopia is unlikely. “Deterrence is what Somalia is trying to do. Hassan Sheikh is mobilizing alliances for deterrence in case of any escalation. Even if Somalia has the weapons and alliance of the Arab League, it cannot opt for war with Ethiopia or Somaliland,” he says. The Somali government is heavily reliant on an AU/UN peacekeeping mission comprising troops from neighboring countries, including Ethiopia. Nearly 20,000 Ethiopian soldiers are engaged in the containment of Al-Shabaab, largely in southern Somalia and Mogadishu. The African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) is scheduled to end in 2024, following more than 15 years of presence in Somalia. The UN Security Council voted to lift an arms embargo on Somalia last month, and external creditors agreed to write off USD 4.5 billion of Somalia’s debt at around the same time. Still, Constantinos argues Somalia is not in a position to declare war. “Somalia’s nationalism is currently growing stronger, and armed groups like Al-Shabaab might move to destabilize Puntland and Somaliland. Al-Shabaab will also continue to exploit Ethiopia’s vulnerabilities, and attack the Ethiopian Somali region. Such disruptions will continue, but all-out war is unlikely between Ethiopia and Somalia. Of course, Egypt is siding with Somalia but Egypt could not even properly support Sudan’s government. It is the only country that has been supporting al-Burhan’s government, but he is not holding on. I do not expect Somalia will do anything even with Egypt’s backing,” he said. However, other analysts observe the situation can potentially push Mogadishu to an agreement or alliance with Al-Shabaab. “When they are ready, we are ready, but they are not ready,” said Hassan Sheikh about Al-Shabaab during the interview with Al-Jazeera. “They do not believe in a Somali state. How do I negotiate with someone who does not believe in a Somali state? This is a problem. They have a global agenda, not a local agenda. How can I negotiate with someone who has a global Islamic agenda but is operating in Somalia?” A senior official at IGAD who spoke to The Reporter on condition of anonymity also doubts the possibility of conflict. “I do not think Ethiopia and Somalia will go to war. It cannot happen under the existing context in Ethiopia. Of course Hassan Sheikh is using shuttle diplomacy and going here and there, mainly to secure weapons supply,” the official said. “Somalia is doing so for deterrence. Somalia would never think to attack Ethiopia in an all-out war. The only thing Somalia can do is enhance its deterrence potential. Partly, Somalia cannot attack Ethiopia and cope, and partly because of the fact that Ethiopia has nearly 20,000 troops in Somalia. Somalia cannot think of war with Ethiopia until that force withdraws. But if it withdraws, Al-shabaab will threaten the Somalia government,” he told The Reporter. “I do not expect war at all.” Others are not so sure. They argue Somalia might host and support groups hostile to Ethiopia, indirectly impacting Ethiopia and Somaliland. “Somalia has territorial claims in Ethiopia, Kenya (northern frontier district), Djibouti, and Somaliland. Including Somalia itself, it makes five, which is represented on the Somali flag – the five points on the star represent this,” said an analyst who spoke to The Reporter on condition of anonymity. “Even Al-Shabaab flags this territorial claim and the ‘Greater Somalia’ narrative. It is difficult to expect the MoU to be a simple case. There is also heavy third-party involvement in the Somalia-Somaliland case.” Though Hassan Sheikh stated Somalia is ready to offer any of Somalia’s four ports for Ethiopia but through formal channels, analysts say Somalia is not in such position. “Hassan Sheikh cannot order ports under Somaliland, Puntland and other areas. He controls only port of Mogadishu currently. So how he can deal with Ethiopia over ports he does not control? The only way for him to negotiate with Ethiopia, is if he first reaches agreement with Somaliland. But Somaliland is not willing to that,” said another analyst. Nonetheless, both Constantinos and the analysts believe the only way forward is an apolitical dialogue between Ethiopia and Somalia. The MoU has also put Ethiopia under immense diplomatic pressure, particularly from the west. Washington is alarmed by the potential for an Al-Shabaab revival as Mogadishu is distracted by the MoU. During the IGAD session in Uganda last week, Mike Hammer, US special envoy to the Horn, warned that Al-Shabaab is already attempting to mobilize and seize the gap. It is amidst these tensions, that Redwan Hussein, security advisor to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, recently tweeted “we shall redouble our efforts to ensure better understanding. Will listen to friends for a possible coordination of efforts lowering rhetoric. We will continue to strive to reach a conclusion with amicable considerations which benefit all.” According to The Reporter’s insider sources, IGAD leaders are engaged in back-channel diplomacy both on the MoU and Sudan situations. The backdoor diplomacy is an extension of IGAD’s heads of state and governments meeting last week in Entebbe, where both Ethiopia and Sudan were absent. “Ethiopia and Sudan were absent from Entebbe meeting because they did not want to be ruled by decisions the session could have passed. Instead, they preferred a back-channel diplomatic discussion, where they can negotiate on possibilities,” claims the source. Source: The Reporter

its still meaing less the ICJ israel is not signotary Israel is to powerfull even more powerfull then the United states ,, Bibi said to river to the sea we will not allow a country in the west bank and joe joe we will find a way to create a palestenian state israel is oke with , that doesnt have an army basically just ocupation Yahuudo wa balaayo walahi

I doubt abiye can trick Muse , Muse was an aiforce pilot when abiye was born. As of the first day we heard of the deal once the treaty is signed the SL recognition is mentioned in that treaty they get the sea and SL get recogntion ,so they will go hand by hand once the treaty is signed Ethiopia automatically recognised Somaliland and then the Ethiopian navy can be established on the sea. Ethiopia wont get any backclash from any one for recognising SL , only Somalia will throw tandrums. Every nation has the right to recognise what ever country they want Russia recognised south osethia and akhbazia nobody said a thing there are 53 countries that recognise western sahara nobody cares only Morocco cares and they left the AU. Somalia might just send the Ethiopian ambassador back to Addis Ababa. and thats it and maybe cut Ethiopian airline coming to Somalia thats it . no qat from Ethiopia goes to Somalia and if it does its very small scale koonfurians mostly chew mira qat

most somali galbeed people have given up on. Liberation cid hadal haysa ba ma arko onlf iyo xoriyad . Meles was a genius from 1996 up to 2010 onlf was a threat to the Ethiopia state they carried out allot of operations they executed a well planned terrorist attack on Chinese mining back in 2007 but meles knows Somalia so well he played the clan card he said u og will become the kings of the region I will give u more federal ministerial positions . He created the liyu army . And he made them drunk on dhaanto radio bu u shiday dirgax dirgax heeliyalo and they the big fooot community are not the brightest they took the Bate and then there was abdi iley oo meesha Boqor ka aha and he convinced all his clan members that Ethiopia is theirs . Abtigis also now believes in Ethiopiawinet ama itoobiyanimo

So what can the United Nations do send blue Helments Or isolate Ethiopia impose sanctions on Ethiopia. I doubt Ethiopia will back down . Abiye believes he is the seventh king in line of king Haile sellasie . And he wants to make Ethiopia great again. And a sea out let is a must I think he wouldn’t stop at nothing to get a sea out let . The only thing that can stop him is i guess if Somalia and Somaliland were to settle their conflict and come to an agreement which will last. But I don’t think that can happen since hassan of the bunker doesn’t care about stopping Ethiopië from getting a sea out let hé is more concerned on the semantics of the deal and why the Ethiopians didn’t ask his permission he said on Al-Jazeera bada anaga idin siinayna anaga diyar ah les set up technical teams he said this on live television. He cares more about stopping Somaliland quest for statehood then he cares for stopping. Ethiopia from getting a sea out let

I wouldn’t support ina biixi just because of clan affiliation nor we the same qabil I have pointed out all his short comings From the miss use of the state aparatus. From the fact that he refused to get advisers on. Things that matter. How he mishandled the laascanood conflict. Which was a disaster that he didn’t fire ina kahin and. Tani. That he lied to the public during the elections he said he wouldn’t add a day to his term . Sanad iyo dheeraad bu maraya. That he failed to regain somaliland airspace from the koonfurians another loss.. and as for this deal. This deal we still didn’t see what it actually brings for somaliland Anigu kama hor degdegeyo this deal . In the existence of somaliland since 1991 I have supported all sl President from Tuur to ina cigaal ina ryaaale siilaanyo and ina biixi. Though ina biixi is on the verge of becoming the worse president with the most short comings now If he doesn’t change his was in the last 9 months of his term . Either this deal will break him or make him

I doubt muse at this age would sell Somaliland just because he wants to or because he is a traitor I think he haa checked the deal . Though I agree with you. That the deal should be presented to the public that is important but with time it will get there the deal will not pass if it isn’t approved. By guurti and Parliament so either way ina biixi cant so it on his own to pass this deal. That is for sure I can assure u that I know from very close sources the land in question is not the land of the borama clan at all

Imagine if ina cigaal succeeded he had a great plan for Somalis but the koonfurians always make the wrong decision. Ina cigaal wanted to make the capital hargeisa not. Permanently but intay xamar Degryse. The Somali Republic would have had its first president ever from Somaliland. But Ilaahay banan qorin.

How Hassan sheikh changed his tone the past few days

The land that is being rented out to Ethiopia isnt their tribal territory so reer awdal dont have to worry about a thing

You are absolutely correct

He is right though how ever these territories in question were never kenyan or ethiopian it was menelik who annexed it first its not like somalis in galbeed said he lets sign a treaty with minilik to form an alliance with the amharas.1880 So we tried to annex a piece of land , that was annexed from us to begin with it and it was also justified since the somalis in those countries there were treated as 3rd class citizens. self determination is the key

𝐬 𝐒𝐨𝐦𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐥𝐚𝐧𝐝-𝐄𝐭𝐡𝐢𝐨𝐩𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐃𝐞𝐚𝐥 𝐀 𝐖𝐢𝐧-𝐖𝐢𝐧 𝐒𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧? The agreement between Somaliland and Ethiopia possesses a unique nature that sets it apart from other traditional deals. The deal encompasses a huge win-win situation. Ethiopia, driven by its security objective, gains access to the Red Sea marking a shift from being a landlocked country. In return, Ethiopia recognizes Somaliland – an important step towards Somaliland’s quest for long-awaited global acknowledgement. A development capable of pushing Somaliland up the notch from its unrecognized status to that of partial recognition status of Kosovo. Kosovo’s circumstance is so exceptional due to the EU’s recognition. Kosovo is acknowledged by over 20 member states of the European Union. Thus, if Ethiopia, a nation of 120 million people, the most influential in East Africa and the largest in the region in terms of economy and military strength, acknowledges Somaliland, other nations will likely follow suit. Similarly, Ethiopia stands to benefit from this deal in many ways. Notably gaining access to sea transforms Ethiopia from a passive observer into a key player in regional affairs. Ethiopia’s strategic presence in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea enables it to engage in discussions on security with global players such as the United States, China, UK, EU and Russia. Through involvement in security matters, Ethiopia enhances its standing and solidifies its position as a regional force. Moreover, the deal carries significant economic gains for Ethiopia. Access to maritime channels enables engagement in both offshore and onshore commercial endeavors, signifying a fundamental change in Ethiopia’s economic dynamics. By engaging in marine affairs, Ethiopia can establish a foundation for negotiating commercial agreements, thereby enhancing its impact on regional economic issues. As a result, Ethiopia grants diplomatic recognition to Somaliland, which has important strategic prospecting. The acknowledgment of Ethiopia acts as a crucial initial stage for the possible inclusion of Somaliland in the African Union, an achievement that has been difficult to attain for many years. Being the second most populous country in Africa, the first strongest economy in Eastern Africa and host of the AU, Ethiopia’s endorsement greatly enhances the legitimacy of Somaliland on the continental stage, making it difficult for other African states to refuse recognition. Somaliland possesses a robust legal and humanitarian case in regard to its quest for recognition. The non-recognition of Somaliland is solely a political matter. Once Ethiopia resolves this political issue, the recognition of Somaliland will become inevitable. The strategic importance of Ethiopia to Somaliland goes beyond diplomatic advantages. Ethiopia’s recognition as a neighboring nation and the main driving force behind a significant portion of Somaliland’s economy creates opportunities for cooperation and regional engagement. The ability to enter the African Union headquarters in Ethiopia presents Somaliland with new possibilities to participate in diplomatic initiatives that were previously unattainable. The endorsement from Ethiopia serves as a spur for other governments who are willing to acknowledge Somaliland, reducing their hesitation to be the first to grant recognition. Somaliland ambassador to Taiwan

News: Ethiopia’s ruling party vows to elevate MoU with Somaliland to ‘a practical agreement’ January 26, 2024 From left: Adem Farah, first vice president, Abiy Ahmed, President, and Temesgen Tiruneh, newly appointed second vice president of the Prosperity Party (PP). Photo: PP/Social Media The ruling Prosperity Party (PP) also pledged to pursue incomplete steps to find peaceful options with armed groups, while warning to “strengthen” its “law enforcement” measures against forces who want “carry out” their interests through armed means Addis Abeba – In a resolution it issued at the end of four days meetings by members of both the Executive and the Central Committee, the ruling Prosperity Party (PP) said that the party has decided to bring the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that Ethiopia signed with Somaliland “to a practical agreement” while simultaneously giving attention to the principles of give and take to secure additional options to port access with other neighboring countries. The ruling party further said the MoU with Somalinad was testament to “Ethiopia’s position for regional economic and cultural ties.” The signing of the MoU on 01 January 2024, granting Ethiopia access to the sea in return for international recognition for Somaliland, has escalated tensions in neighboring Somalia, which argued that the MoU violates its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The move also generated several diplomatic statements from various countries pledging their support for Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. However, Ethiopia’s push back is so far limited to the statements of condemnation from Egypt and the Arab League countries, while it continued maintaining its position to see through the MoU. Other key points Among the directions outlined in the resolution of the ruling party is ways tackling obstacles to Ethiopia’s economic development. The party said local conflicts caused by a “network of narrow group interests” were one of the obstacles evaluated at the meeting. Pursuing “peaceful options” that are ongoing with armed groups should be strengthened in order to achieve peace at the national level and “speed up the journey of prosperity and ensure public benefits.” Advertisement However, the party warned groups “who present their demands” through armed means, “a decision has been made to strengthen the appropriate law enforcement measures.” The party said that during the four days meeting, its Executive and Central Committee members have discussed in detail and evaluated a range of other pressing matters, including agricultural productivity, challenges associated with procurement and distribution of fertilizers, export trade, mineral sector and sugar industries among others. A document which explores Ethiopia’s current political, economic and social aspects as well as current national and international dynamics was also presented and discussed. The party’s “five main pillars of the economy”: agriculture, mining, tourism, manufacturing and ICT and activities performed in these areas were presented and discussed and a direction was put in place outlining “the leadership and the members should work hard” together with the Ethiopian people.

You cant dictate what we will do with our land , u have absolutely no say about Somaliland and what we can and will do . You are from Somalia not Somaliland

have we been something else Yaab

We are the original Somali , Somaliland is the only Somali country that is 100 percent ethnic Somali. Somalia is 30 percent bantu others Djibouti is about 40 percent afar. .kilinka iyo nfd hadalkooda daa . Somali speakers is true because the bantus in somalia are also somali speakers, but we are not the same ethncity so to say that the somali speaking people is correct if u ask me. The two go hand in hand being the original somali where the poetry song folkore dance come from. and ofcourse the fact that koonfurians are also somali speakers but from different ethnicities

No referendum should only be held in the area in question dadka raba go itaanka, if the Eritrean referendum independence was held in Ethiopia , the Eritrea would not won its independence. And the same with South sudan if it was up to sudan they would not be independent.. iam for the unity of Somalia, as i am for the unity of Somaliland as i am fro the unity of Djibouti. But it is better two have two separate governments because qaabka siyaasada iyo xukuumada kuma heshiin karayno